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BOOK*    970.3.ST48   c.  I 
STEVENSON    <    ZUNI    INDIANS 


3    T153    000M5ML,3    T 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT 


OF  THE 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


TO  THE 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION 


1901-1902 


J.   W.    POWELL 

DIRECTOR 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT     PRINTING     OFFICE 
1904 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

LYRASIS  members  and  Sloan  Foundation 


http://archive.org/details/zuiindiansOOstev 


LETTER  OF  TRANSMITTAL 


Smithsonian  Institution, 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Washington,  B.  C,  February  23,  1904. 
Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  Twenty -third  Annual 
Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  which  com- 
prises the  administrative  report  transmitted   by  the   Acting 
Director  on  July  1,  1902,   and  a  memoir  on  the  Indians  of 
Zuni  pueblo,  New  Mexico,  which  embodies  the  result  of  many 
years'  work  under  the  direction  of  the  Bureau. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  H.  Holmes,  Chief. 
Mr  S.  P.  Langlet, 

Secretary  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution. 


CONTENTS 


Report  of  the  Director 

Introduction ix 

Scope  of  the  work : ix 

Field  research  and  exploration xiv 

Office  research xvm 

Work  in  somatology . xvur 

Work  in  psychology xx 

Work  in  esthetology xxn 

Work  in  technology xxvi 

Work  in  sociology xxxn 

Work  in  philology xxxiv 

Work  in  sophiology _ xxxviii 

Descriptive  ethnology xi 

Collections xli 

Property xli 

Publications xlii 

Financial  statement xliv 

Accompanying  paper  _ xliv 

Accompanying  Paper 

The  ZuSi  Indians:  Their  Mythology,  Esoteric  Societies,  and  Ceremonies  by 

Matilda  Coxe  Stevenson  (Plates  i-cxxix,  figures  1-34)  ..._ 1 

v 


REPORT  OF  THE  DIRECTOR 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT 

OF  THE 

BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


J.  W.  Powell,  Director 


INTRODUCTION 

Ethnologic  researches  have  been  conducted  by  the  Bureau 
of  American  Ethnology  during  the  fiscal  year  ending  June 
30,  1902,  under  authority  of  the  act  of  Congress  making  pro- 
vision "for  continuing  researches  relating  to  the  American 
Indians  under  the  direction  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution," 
approved  March  4,  1901.  The  work  was  carried  forward  in 
accordance  with  the  formal  plan  of  operations  submitted  on 
May  20,  1901,  and  approved  by  the  Secretary  on  May  23, 
1901. 

Field  operations  were  conducted  in  Alaska,  Arizona,  British 
Columbia,  California,  Colorado,  Chihuahua  (Mexico),  Green- 
land, Indian  Territory,  Iowa,  Maine,  Missouri,  New  Mexico, 
New  York,  Oklahoma,  Oregon,  Porto  Rico,  Texas,  and 
Wyoming.  The  office  work  covered  material  gathered  from 
most  of  the  States  and  Territories,  as  well  as  from  various 
other  parts  of  the  American  hemisphere. 

SCOPE  OF  THE  WORK 

The  researches  of  the  year  were  conducted  in  accordance 
with  an  ethnic  system  set  forth  in  earlier  reports.  This  sys- 
tem may  be  defined  as  the  Science  of  Ethnology  in  its  mod- 
ern aspects.  Although  based  on  investigations  in  all  parts  of 
the  world  during  the  last  century,  the  system  is  essentially 


X  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

the  product  of  the  researches  in  American  ethnology  during 
the  last  'two  decades  of  that  century.  Now  that  the  system 
has  assumed  definite  form,  it  affords  a  foundation  not  only  for 
future  researches,  but  for  applying  the  principles  of  ethnology 
to  practical  questions.  Accordingly,  the  work  of  the  year  was 
gradually  turned  toward  lines  bearing  directly  on  questions  of 
public  interest. 

Among  the  lines  of  work  in  what  may  be  called  applied 
ethnology,  to  which  special  attention  has  been  given  during 
the  year,  two  may  be  particularbT  mentioned: 

1.  Physical  ethnology.  On  the  institution  of  the  Bureau  in 
1879  the  Director  found  the  science  incomplete  in  that  it  dealt 
largely  with  merely  casual  characteristics  of  tribes  and  races, 
and  neglected  the  essential  characteristics  expressed  in  the 
activities  of  peoples.  Hence  special  attention  was  given  to  the 
habitual  doings  of  the  several  tribes  studied,  and  at  the  outset 
each  was  regarded  as  an  activital  type  or  genus;  these  were 
then  compared,  and  in  the  light  of  the  comparison  the  activi- 
ties themselves  were  analyzed  and  afterward  grouped  syste- 
matically. It  was  in  this  way  that  the  science  of  demonomy, 
with  its  subdivisions,  each  relating  to  a  group  of  activities,  was 
developed.  Now  this  great  science,  dealing  as  it  does  with 
the  doings  of  tribes  and  races,  each  regarded  as  a  typical 
group,  is  practically  confined  to  the  psychical  side  of  man- 
kind; it  barely  touches  the  physical  attributes;  yet  it  affords 
a  basis  for  classifying  these  attributes  and  measuring  the 
influence  of  the  prime  force  of  demotic  activity  in  shaping 
their  development.  In  other  words,  the  earlier  ethnology 
dealt  only  with  features  and  traits  inherited  from  prehistoric 
ancestry;  what  may  be  called  the  new  ethnology  deals 
with  those  traits  and  human  powers  by  which  mankind  is 
distinguished  from  all  other  organisms.  The  researches  indi- 
cate that  such  traits  and  powers,  such  features  and  faculties, 
are  connected  with  the  normal  development  of  tribes  and 
races,  and  are,  indeed,  the  essential  factors  in  the  growth 
of  nations.  Accordingly  it  would  seem  that  the  time  is 
at  hand  for  applying  the  principles  of  the  new  ethnology 
to  American  aborigines   as   ethnic  constituents  of  a  growing 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XI 

citizenship.  The  application  requires  a  statistical  study  of 
physical  characteristics,  including  viability,  industrial  aptitude, 
etc.,  of  typical  Indian  tribes,  together  with  a  similar  study  of 
mixed  bloods,  or  mestizos,  both  conducted  with  a  view  of  com- 
parison with  Caucasian  and  other  ethnic  norms.  The  impor- 
tance of  this  line  of  inquiry  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  there 
are  no  physical  statistics  on  record  of  any  tribe  of  our  passing 
race  available  for  comparing  stature,  strength,  endurance,  via- 
bility, fecundity,  and  other  physical  attributes,  with  those  of 
Caucasians,  either  with  the  view  of  gratifying  our  instinctive 
desire  for  knowledge  or  with  the  object  of  deriving  useful 
information  from  the  experience  of  other  peoples.  The  impor- 
tance of  inquiries  concerning'  mestizos  is  sufficiently  indicated 
by  the  history  of  a  neighboring  Republic,  whose  president  is 
at  once  a  product  of  the  blended  blood  of  the  white  and  red 
races  and  one  of  the  foremost  among  the  world's  national  leaders. 
Singularly,  there  are  no  trustworthy  records  of  mestizos  in  this 
country,  though  their  number  must  reach  some  30  to  60  per 
cent  of  that  of  the  pure-blood  Indian  population.  Nor  is  it  to 
be  forgotten  that  many  of  the  practical  problems  connected 
with  immigration,  Chinese  exclusion,  the  occupation  of  Porto 
Rico,  Hawaii,  and  the  Philippines,  and  the  education  of  the 
colored  race  can  be  finally  solved  only  in  the  light  of  ethnologic 
principles,  whether  these  be  developed  through  slow  experience 
or  derived  from  scientific  researches  already  advanced  to  the 
applicable  stage  These  and  other  weighty  considerations  have 
led  to  the  inauguration  of  researches  in  physical  ethnology. 
During  the  fiscal  year  a  series  of  physical  records  made  by 
Dr  Franz  Boas  among  the  Siouan  Indians,  with  photographs 
representing  the  physical  types,  was  submitted. 

2.  Aboriginal  economics.  It  is  well  known  that  aboriginal 
America  gave  the  world  corn,  the  potato,  certain  beans  and 
squashes,  tobacco,  two  varieties  of  cotton,  and  the  domestic 
turkey;  it  is  not  so  well  known  that  the  native  tribes  utilized 
various  other  natural  resources  which  might  well  be  introduced 
into  the  dietary  and  commerce  of  Caucasian  peoples ;  and  still 
less  is  it  realized  that  various  prepared  foods  habitually  used 
by    the    Indians    are    of    unsurpassed    excellence — for   while 


XII  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

succotash  and  hominy  have  come  into  general  use,  the  far 
superior  pinole,  tamale,  and  pemmican  are  only  locally  used 
by  whites,  and  many  other  desirable  dishes  are  entirely 
neglected.  When  the  Bureau  was  instituted  it  was  a  common 
impression  that  the  aborigines  were  mere  huntsmen  and  fisher- 
men whose  habits  were  in  the  highest  degree  vicious  and 
improvident;  but  as  the  human  activities  were  defined  and  the 
aboriginal  industries  were  adopted  it  became  more  and  more 
evident  that  many  of  the  tribes  were  essentially  agricultural, 
and  that  all  subsisted  in  much  larger  degree  than  is  commonly 
supposed  on  the  produce  of  the  soil.  As  researches  progressed 
the  importance  of  various  aboriginal  food  sources  neglected 
by  the  Anglo-Saxon  was  realized,  and  at  the  same  time  it 
became  clear  that  our  people  might  learn  much  from  the  red 
man  concerning  the  simpler  agricultural  methods  and  the  ways 
of  bringing  plants  and  animals  under  cultivation  or  domestica- 
tion. The  success  of  the  native  in  utilizing  natural  resources 
is  well  illustrated  in  the  arid  region  comprising  that  portion  of 
the  country  still  unsettled.  The  traveler  over  an  important 
railway  from  a  few  miles  west  of  El  Paso  to  a  few  miles  east 
of  San  Bernardino  traverses  a  zone  supporting  a  Caucasian 
population  of  some  20,000,  with  perhaps  half  as  many  Indians; 
the  same  zone  abounds  in  ruins  of  aboriginal  dwellings,  tem- 
ples, acequias,  and  reservoirs,  attesting  a  population  fully  ten 
times  greater  during  the  agricultural  period  antedating  the 
long-continued  and  disastrous  Apache  wars.  It  is  highly 
significant  that  our  least  populated  arid  districts  in  the  South- 
west are  those  yielding  most  abundant  evidences  of  numerous 
population  during  prehistoric  times.  A  specific  example  may 
be  found  in  Arivaca  valley,  Arizona,  with  a  present  population 
of  less  than  100,  where  one  of  seven  prehistoric  villages  within 
the  valley  comprises  ruins  of  more  than  120  dwellings,  with 
temple,  corral,  stadium,  and  plazas,  evidently  representing  a 
population  of  fully  600  for  the  village  and  3,000  to  5,000 
for  the  valley.  Although  the  depopulation  began  in  the 
prehistoric  age,  through  wars  still  in  progress  at  the  time 
of  discovery,  the  historic  period  has  witnessed  a  part  of  the 
change;    for   it  can  not   be  doubted    that  Cabeca  de  Vaca, 


ADMINISTRATIVE    BE  PORT  XIII 

Corouado,  Alarcon,  and  their  followers  saw  within  the  zone 
between  western  Texas  and  eastern  California  a  population 
twice  or  thrice  the  aggregate  now  subsisting  within  it,  and 
this  despite  modern  multiplication  of  industries  connected  with 
mining,  grazing,  and  transportation.  The  success  of  the  abo- 
riginal husbandman  in  this  region  was  partly  due  to  a  system 
of  irrigation  so  satisfactory  that  modern  farmers  often  profit 
by  the  prehistoric  ditches;  yet  his  chief  advantages  grew 
out  of  a  more  economical  adjustment  between  labor  and  prod- 
uce, including  crops  now  neglected.  Among  the  neglected 
crop  plants  are  various  cacti  (locally  known  as  saguaro,  pita- 
hay  a,  nopal,  saguesa,  etc.),  whose  fruits  sufficed  to  support  the 
entire  native  population  for  some  two  months  of  each  year, 
though  they  are  rarely  utilized  bv  white  settlers.  These  cacti 
are  products  of  the  desert  par  excellence,  adjusted  to  their 
habitat  during  geologic  ages,  and,  in  some  way  not  yet  made 
out,  deriving  their  vital  energy  chiefly  from  light;  and  they 
give  promise  that,  unless  exterminated  by  vandalism,  they  will 
some  day  yield  to  intelligent  cultivation  and  add  an  invaluable 
resource  to  our  arid  districts.  The  researches  concerning 
aboriginal  food  sources  have  been  coupled  with  other  studies 
in  native  economics,  including  those  pertaining  to  textiles  used 
for  clothing,  birch  bark  used  for  canoes  and  habitations,  the 
making  of  baskets,  etc.  In  most  cases  the  immediate  aim  was 
to  record  the  primitive  customs  and  crafts  as  a  contribution  to 
knowledge  ot  a  passing  race,  but  the  investigations  have  reached 
the  stage  of  yielding  useful  lessons  to  the  superior  race.  As 
announced  in  recent  reports,  productive  studies  of  the  begin- 
ning of  agriculture  and  zooculture  have  been  conducted. 
During-  the  fiscal  year  a  memoir  on  Wild  Rice,  by  Dr 
Jenks,  was  published,  with  a  view  of  directing  attention  to 
a  natural  resource  giving  promise  of  value  to  modern  agri- 
culture; Dr  Russell  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  year  in  a 
critical  study  of  a  typical  tribe  of  the  arid  region  (the  Pima 
Indians),  and  has  prepared  a  memoir  on  their  industries  for 
early  publication ;  a  systematic  investigation  of  the  birch-bark 
industries  of  the  aborigines  was  taken  up  by  Dr  Jenks;  and 
Dr  Fewkes  devoted  a  part  of  the  year  to  a  special  study  of 


XIV  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 

the  aboriginal  economy  of  Porto  Rico,  with  particular  refer- 
ence to  the  artifacts  and  customs  still  extant,  and  giving-  promise 
of  future  value  to  that  newly  acquired  territory. 

Except  for  the  diversion  of  a  portion  of  the  energies  of  a 
few  collaborators  to  the  applications  of  ethnology,  the  work 
has  been  continued  along  former  lines;  and,  as  heretofore, 
most  of  the  collaborators  have  been  employed  partly  in  the 
field  and  partly  in  the  office. 

The  organization  of  the  work,  which  is  slightly  modified  by 
the  applications  herein  set  forth,  may  be  defined  as  follows: 
(1)  Physical  characteristics  (including  the  demography  of  the 
native  tribes),  or  somatology;  (2)  mental  characteristics,  or 
psychology;  (3)  arts  (including  games,  sports,  etc.),  or  esthe- 
tology;  (4)  industries  (including  economics),  or  technology; 
(5)  laws,  or  sociology;  (6)  languages,  or  philology;  and  (7) 
myths  (together  with  attendant  ceremonies  and  other  observ- 
ances), or  sophiology.  Customarv  attention  has  been  given 
also  to  general  and  classific  work,  to  the  illustration,  editing, 
and  publication  of  reports,  to  distribution  of  the  published 
material,  and  to  the  ancillary  office  work. 

FIELD  RESEARCH  AND  EXPLORATION 

The  Director  spent  more  than  three  months  in  Maine,  engaged 
(so  far  as  impaired  health  permitted)  in  researches  among  the 
northeastern  Algonquian  Indians  and  in  revising  his  classifi- 
catory  writings  designed  for  the  guidance  of  operations  in  the 
Bureau.  The  linguistic  and  other  material  obtained  from  the 
Indians  was  utilized  directly  in  the  more  general  work,  includ- 
ing the  linguistic  classification  described  in  other  paragraphs. 

Under  the  immediate  guidance  of  Dr  Franz  Boas,  philolo- 
gist, Mr  H.  H.  St.  Clair,  2d,  spent  the  first  three  months  of  the 
year  in  linguistic  researches  in  Wyoming  and  Oregon.  In  the 
former  State  he  made  a  full  record  of  the  local  Shoshoni  dialect, 
and  in  the  latter  he  made  a  partial  collection  of  the  lexic  and 
grammatic  material  of  the  Wasco  and  Paiute  languages. 
Under  similar  guidance,  Mr  William  Jones  made  a  critical 
study  of  the  Fox  language  in  Iowa  and  Indian  Territory;   and 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XV 

Dr  Roland  B.  Dixon  recorded  the  languages  of  the  Maidu  and 
other  tribes  of  northeastern  California  under  the  auspices  of 
the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  but  with  an  arrange- 
ment, noted  elsewhere,  by  which  the  material  is  available  in 
the  Bureau  work. 

On  September  25  Professor  W.  H.  Holmes,  of  the  National 
Museum,  and  Mr  De  Lancey  Gill,  of  the  Bureau,  repaired, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Bureau,  to  northeastern  Indian  Ter- 
ritory for  the  purpose  of  examining  a  spring  reported  by  a 
correspondent  to  contain  abundant  bone  and  flint  implements 
associated  with  bones  of  both  modern  and  extinct  animals. 
They  were  successful  in  obtaining:  (1)  the  finest  collection  of 
mammoth  teeth  thus  far  made  in  America;  (2)  one  of  the 
finest  collections  of  mastodon  teeth  ever  made;  and  (3)  the 
most  remarkable  collection  of  chipped  arrow  points,  lance 
heads,  and  knives  thus  far  made  in  a  single  locality  in  this 
country.  They  verified  the  reported  association,  and  were 
able  to  identify  the  spot  as  an  aboriginal  shrine,  to  which  the 
attention  of  the  aborigines  was  probably  directed  by  the 
gigantic  teeth  and  bones  of  extinct  animals,  and  at  which  sac- 
rifices were  made  through  several  generations.  During  the 
same  trip  they  visited  Kimmswick,  Mo.,  where  also  human 
relics  are  reported  to  occur  in  association  with  bones  of  extinct 
animals.  Toward  the  close  of  the  year  Professor  Holmes 
again  visited  this  locality,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  Mr 
Gerard  Fowke,  made  a  considerable  collection  for  preservation 
in  the  Museum. 

In  November  Dr  Robert  Stein  returned  from  a  two  years' 
absence  in  Ellesmereland  and  northern  Greenland,  where, 
under  facilities  afforded  by  the  Bureau,  he  obtained  ethnologic 
data  of  interest  relating  to  the  Ita  Eskimo,  or  Arctic  High- 
landers. Besides  a  small  collection  of  objects  intended  for 
preservation  in  the  Museum,  he  brought  in  the  words  and 
music  of  several  songs  which  serve  to  establish  the  existence 
of  an  archaic  language  among  these  people  and  at  the  same 
time  to  demonstrate  for  the  first  time,  despite  a  prevailing 
opinion  to  the  contrary,  the  existence  of  a  fiducial  cult  among 
them. 

23   ETH— 04 II 


XVI  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 

Under  a  special  arrangement,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher  visited 
Oklahoma  early  in  the  fiscal  year  for  the  purpose  of  verifying 
and  extending  her  records  of  certain  Pawnee  rituals  for  publi- 
cation by  the  Bureau.  Later  she  employed  certain  aged 
Pawnee  Indians  to  recite  the  ancient  rituals  in  such  manner 
as  to  permit  the  making  of  phonographic  and  other  records. 
Her  efforts  have  resulted  in  unique  contributions  to  knowledge 
of  the  esoteric  customs  connected  with  human  sacrifice  and 
other  rites  in  pre-Columbian  times  that  still  survive  in  emble- 
matic form.  A  part  of  the  material  has  been  incorporated  in  a 
monograph  on  the  Hako,  forming  part  of  the  Twenty-second 
Annual  Report.  Also,  under  a  special  arrangement,  Dr  Willis 
E.  Everette  sent  in  useful  records  concerning  the  Athapascan 
tribes  of  Alaska. 

During  the  earlier  part  of  the  year  Mr  0.  P.  Phillips  was 
employed  temporarily  in  making  motion  pictures,  represent- 
ing the  industries,  amusements,  and  ceremonies  of  the  Pueblo 
Indians  and  other  tribes  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  The 
object  of  the  work  was  to  obtain  absolutely  trustworthy 
records  of  aboriginal  activities  for  the  use  of  future  students, 
as  well  as  for  the  verification  of  current  notes  on  fiducial 
dances  and  other  ceremonies.  Despite  accidents  that,  hap- 
pened to  the  apparatus  the  work  was  fairly  successful,  yield- 
ing about  a  dozen  kinetoscope  ribbons,  in  connection  with 
which  about  a  hundred  excellent  photographs  were  made  hj 
Mr  Phillips.  The  apparatus  was  kindly  furnished  in  the  inter- 
ests of  science  by  the  Armat  Moving  Picture  Company,  of 
Washington. 

Although  occupied  chiefly  in  administrative  work,  the  Eth- 
nologist in  Charge  made  a  reconnaissance  in  eastern  central 
Colorado  early  in  the  fiscal  year,  visiting  certain  archeologic 
localities,  notably  in  the  vicinity  of  Pueblo,  Colo.,  and  tracing 
the  conditions  affecting  tribal  movements  during  prehistoric 
times  about  the  border  land  between  the  peoples  of  the  plains 
and  those  of  (he  mountains  and  plateaus. 

On  August  16  Dr  J.  Walter  Fewkes  proceeded  to  southern 
Colorado  and  northern  New  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  extend- 
ing archeologic  explorations  in  districts  hitherto  inadequately 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XVII 

studied.  His  operations  were  extended  southeastward  through 
New  Mexico  into  western  Texas  and  northern  Chihuahua 
(Mexico);  in  the  latter  State  he  made  the  most  critical  study 
thus  far  attempted  of  the  extensive  prehistoric  ruins  known  as 
Casas  Grandes.  Throughout  he  made  extended  notes  on  the 
surviving  tribes,  as  well  as  on  the  various  types  of  ruins  and 
other  relics,  of  which  a  carefully  selected  collection  was 
brought  in  on  his  return  to  the  office  on  November  20. 

On  April  28  Dr  Fewkes  sailed  for  Porto  Rico  with  the  object 
of  making  such  a  reconnaissance  of  this  and  neighboring  islands 
as  might  serve  to  throw  light  on  the  aboriginal  industries 
still  surviving  and  giving  promise  of  utility  and  at  the  same 
time  form  a  basis  for  a  more  extended  investigation  during  the 
current  year.  Although  extended  scarcely  beyond  Porto  Rico, 
his  work  was  successful,  yielding  material  for  a  special  report. 
He  returned  to  Washington  and  began  the  preparation  of  this 
report  just  before  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year. 

Mr  James  Mooney  proceeded,  on  September  17,  to  the  field 
in  Oklahoma  and  Indian  Territory,  where  he  resumed  a  special 
investigation  of  the  heraldic  systems  employed  among  the 
Kiowa,  Kiowa  Apache,  and  Cheyenne  tribes.  His  work  con- 
tinued throughout  the  fiscal  year,  yielding  the  greater  part  of 
the  material  required  for  an  exhaustive  monograph  on  one  of 
the  most  interesting  customs  of  the  American  aborigines.  In 
connection  with  the  study  of  the  devices  a  considerable 
collection  of  specimens  was  brought  together  for  preservation 
in  the  National  Museum. 

Throughout  the  entire  fiscal  year  Dr  Frank  Russell  was  in 
the  field,  chiefly  in  Arizona,  though  his  operations  extended 
into  New  Mexico  and  Colorado,  and  about  the  close  of  the 
year  into  the  Fox  habitat  in  Iowa.  During  the  earlier  months 
he  made  an  extended  archeologic  reconnaissance  of  the  upper 
Gila  valley,  pushing  his  journey  southward  to  the  international 
boundary,  westward  to  the  area  already  covered  by  other  col- 
laborators, and  northward  to  the  border  of  the  plateau  country; 
thence  the  surveys  were  extended  over  the  plateaus  into  Colo- 
rado and  New  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  comparing  the  low- 
land  antiquities    with    those    of  the    highlands.     During   the 


XVLTC  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

winter  and  spring  he  stayed  in  the  Pima  country,  near  Sacaton, 
and  began  a  systematic  study  of  the  industrial  and  other  cus- 
toms of  the  Pima  tribe.  The  work  yielded  material  for  a 
special  report  on  the  technology  of  the  tribe  and  for  a  more 
general  monograph  on  the  historic  and  prehistoric  inhabitants 
of  the  Gila  valley. 

On  October  30  Dr  Albert  S.  Gatschet  repaired  to  Indian 
Territory  for  the  purpose  of  completing  his  Peoria  vocabulary 
and  grammar  and  making  cognate  researches  among  the  few 
survivors  of  the  Peoria  tribe.  He  was  able  to  perfect  his 
records  of  the  language  of  the  tribe  during  the  ensuing  month 
and  bring  his  work  to  a  successful  close  about  the  middle  of 
December. 

The  beginning  of  the  year  found  Dr  John  R.  Swan  ton 
engaged  in  researches  concerning  the  language  and  social 
organization  of  the  Haida  Indians  in  British  Columbia.  This 
work  continued  until  September,  yielding  voluminous  material 
for  publication  in  future  reports.  On  September  30  he 
returned  to  Washington  and  began  preparing  the  material  for 
printing. 

OFFICE  RESEARCH 

Work  in  Somatology 

During  the  later  months  of  the  year  definite  steps  were 
taken  toward  a  systematic  investigation  and  record  of  the  phys- 
ical characteristics  of  the  aborigines.  A  nucleus  was  already 
available  in  the  form  of  an  extended  anthropometric  record 
made  by  Dr  Franz  Boas  among  the  Siouan  Indians  several 
years  ago  and  acquired  by  the  Bureau  in  1899;  and  it  was 
decided  to  prepare  the  matter  for  early  publication,  pai'tty  as 
a  record  of  the  physical  characteristics  of  a  typical  group, 
partly  as  a  model  for  future  work.  In  order  to  enhance  the 
value  of  the  publication  it  was  arranged  to  have  Dr  Boas  pre- 
pare an  introduction  treating  of  somatology  in  general  terms 
and  to  have  Mr  De  Lancey  Gill,  the  illustrator  of  the  Bureau, 
prepare  suitable  illustrative  material  from  the  photographic 
negatives  preserved  in  the  office.  The  memoir  is  well 
advanced,  but  was  not  quite  completed  at  the  close  of  the  year. 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XIX 

For  some  years  past  photography  has  been  employed  in  the 
Bureau  in  such  a  manner  as  to  yield  useful  anthropometric 
data.  Thus,  in  dealing  with  the  wilder  tribes,  who  would 
resist  ordinary  physical  measurements  on  fiducial  or  other 
grounds,  the  collaborators  have  made  it  a  point  to  obtain  group 
photographs  with  the  figures  so  placed  as  to  permit  measure- 
ment of  stature  and  other  physical  elements  by  comparison 
with  a  normal  figure  introduced  for  the  purpose;  similarly, 
visiting  Indians  photographed  in  the  Bureau  laboratory  have 
usually  been  so  placed  with  respect  to  backgrounds  and  other 
objects  as  to  permit  physical  measurements  of  sufficient  accu- 
racy for  practical  purposes.  During  the  fiscal  year  special 
attention  was  given  to  photographing  individuals  in  exact 
portrait,  profile  and  full  face,  with  the  view  of  permitting 
measurement  of  the  facial  angle,  form  of  cranium,  and  other 
anthropometric  elements.  This  was  done  not  only  in  the 
office,  but  to  some  extent  in  the  field,  especially  by  Dr  Frank 
Russell,  who  made  a  large  number  of  profile  and  full-face 
photographs  of  Pima  Indians.  Although  the  system  is  not  yet 
perfected,  it  gives  promise  of  excellent  results  as  the  researches 
in  somatology  progress. 

Various  collaborators  of  the  Bureau  have  collected  crania 
and  other  somatic  material  in  connection  with  their  field  opera- 
tions. For  some  years  the  material  was  preserved  in  the 
United  States  Army  Medical  Museum,  but  it  has  now  been 
transferred  to  the  United  States  National  Museum,  where  the 
current  collections  of  the  collaborators  are  now  regularly  sent. 
In  the  absence  of  specialists  in  somatology  in  the  Bureau  por- 
tions of  the  somatic  material  have  been  placed  during  the  last 
year  or  two  for  special  investigation  in  the  hands  of  experts 
not  connected  with  either  Bureau  or  Museum;  and  it  is  a 
pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  service  rendered  to  the  Bureau 
in  this  way  by  Dr  George  A.  Dorsey,  of  Field  Columbian 
Museum,  and  Dr  Ales  Hrdlicka,  of  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History.  A  provisional  arrangement  has  been  made 
for  having  such  work  done  within  the  Bureau  hereafter. 


xx  bureau  of  american  ethnology 

Work  in  Psychology 

For  some  years  past  the  Director  has  given  special  attention 
to  the  mental  characteristics  of  the  aborigines  and  during 
recent  months  he  has  formulated  a  working  system  of  psychol- 
ogy adapted  to  the  needs  of  ethnologic  students.  In  part  the 
results  are  embodied  in  a  series  of  synthetic  outlines  of  ethno- 
logic science  designed  for  incorporation  in  successive  reports 
and  printed  in  a  somewhat  abbreviated  preliminary  form  in 
the  American  Anthropologist  for  the  purpose  of  eliciting  sug- 
gestions from  contemporary  ethnologists  in  this  and  other 
countries.  An  abstract  of  the  principles  underlying  this 
series,  designed  for  incorporation  in  the  present  report,  was 
printed  in  December,  1901,  under  the  title  Classification  of  the 
Sciences. 

In  addition  to  his  duties  as  Ethnologist  in  Charge,  Mr  W  J 
McGree  continued  the  application  of  the  principles  of  psychol- 
ogy to  the  current  researches.  Two  methods  of  psychologic 
inquiry  have  been  successfully  pursued  in  the  past.  While 
these  are  in  some  degree  antithetic,  they  also  measurably  rep- 
resent stages  in  the  development  of  knowledge.  The  first 
method  may  be  defined  as  that  of  introspection,  the  second  as 
that  of  experiment.  During  the  last  decade  the  latter 
attained  great  vogue,  and  departments  of  experimental  psy- 
chology have  been  built  up  in  several  universities  and  colleges. 
The  two  methods,  more  especially  the  latter,  afford  a  founda- 
tion for  a  third  method,  which  alone  is  available  for  the  study 
of  large  groups,  such  as  races,  nations,  or  entire  peoples. 
It  may  be  defined  as  the  method  of  direct  observation  of 
normal  interactions.  In  pursuing  this  method  it  is  as- 
sumed, on  the  basis  of  experimental  psychology,  that  phys- 
ical acts  are  correlated  with  mental  actions — in  other  words, 
that  human  thought  and  human  action  are  interdependent. 
The  recognition  of  this  simple  principle  removes  the  need  for 
a  large  part  of  the  detail  work  involved  in  experimental  psy- 
chology, for  it  permits  the  interpretation  of  mental  char- 
acteristics of  individuals  and  groups  from  their  habitual,  or 
normal,  actions  rather  than  from  a  repetition   of  special   ac- 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXI 

tions  of  a  prearranged  series.  For  this  reason  it  has  not  hith- 
erto been  deemed  necessary  to  introduce  psychometric  work 
in  connection  with  the  ethnologic  researches,  the  observations 
on  Indian  habits  and  artifacts  seeming  to  afford  a  satisfactory 
index  to  and  measure  of  the  aboriginal  mind.  In  its  general 
aspect  the  principle  ma,j  be  said  to  have  been  established 
early  in  the  history  of  the  Bureau  through  observations  on 
activital  coincidences  which  have  since  been  formulated  in  the 
comprehensive  law  of  the  responsivity  of  mind;  so  generalized, 
the  principle  may  be  regarded  as  the  keynote  of  ethnic  science, 
the  Rosetta  stone  whereby  the  characters  of  all  races  may  be 
interpreted.  The  recognition  of  the  principle  serves  also  to 
explain  and  establish  the  sequence  of  stages  in  human  devel- 
opment inferred  from  observations  of  many  peoples;  that  is, 
from  savagery,  through  barbarism  and  civilization,  up  to  en- 
lightenment, since  it  shows  that  each  transition  was  the  prod- 
uct of  cumulative  experiences,  long  assimilated  and  applied 
through  commonplace  habits  rather  than  through  abstract 
reflection;  for  in  all  the  lower  stages  of  human  progress  the 
mind  borrows  from  the  hand.  Customarily,  the  stages  of  cul- 
ture are  denned  on  the  basis  of  social  organization,  but  they 
may  be  defined  nearly  as  conveniently  in  terms  of  psychic 
development.  So  defined,  primordial  savagery  is  not  merely 
the  stage  in  which  the  law  rests  on  maternal  kinship,  but 
that  of  instinctive  imitation,  in  which  experience  is  per- 
ceptive rather  than  apperceptive,  while  knowledge  increases 
through  accident  rather  than  design.  Similarly,  barbarism 
is  not  only  the  stage  of  paternal  kinship  and  patriarchy, 
but  that  of  awakening  apperception  accompanied  by  distrust 
and  dread  of  nature,  in  which  knowledge  is  stimulated  by 
notions  of  divination,  with  accompanying  physical  tests  slowly 
assimilated  in  conscious  experience.  In  like  manner  civiliza- 
tion is  not  simply  the  stage  of  law  based  on  territorial  right, 
but  that  of  habitual  discovery,  in  which  new-found  facts  are 
consciously  perceived  and  utilized.  So,  also,  enlightenment 
means  more  than  mere  recognition  of  individual  rights  as  the 
basis  of  law ;  for  it  is  the  stage  of  invention  and  of  the  union  of 
individuals  for  conquest  over  nature  through  the  exercise  of 


XXII  BUREAU    OE   AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

definite  prevision  based  on  accumulated  experience.  Defined 
in  a  word,  respectively,  the  four  psychic  stages  are  those  of 
(1)  imitation,  (2)  divination,  (3)  discovery,  and  (4)  invention. 
Now,  among  the  applications  of  the  principle  of  the  interde- 
pendence of  thought  and  action, ^ione  are  more  important  than 
those  pertaining  to  the  developmental  stages;  for  the  leading 
problems  of  the  world  to-day  are  connected  with  the  lifting  of 
lower  races  and  more  primitive  cultures  to  the  planes  of  civil- 
ization and  enlightenment.  The  special  applications  are  innu- 
merable, but  they  cluster  about  the  general  principles:  (1)  that 
in  primitive  culture  thought  is  engendered  by  action,  (2)  that  in 
higher  culture  thought  leads  action,  and  (3)  that  hence  the  most 
effective  waysof  raising  lower  peoples  are  those  of  manual  rather 
than  mental  training.  All  systematic  observations  indicate  that 
in  the  earlier  stages  the  mental  clings  to  the  manual  so  closely 
that  the  primitive  artisan  feels  the  implement  as  a  part  of  him- 
self and  commonly  believes  that  a  part  of  his  personality  goes 
out  into  both  tool  and  product;  thus  his  craft  is  a  constant 
stimulus  to  mental  activity  and  prepares  him  for  further  steps 
in  the  long  way  leading  from  the  plane  of  fettering  instinct  to 
that  of  free  invention.  When  the  savage  or  barbarian  is  so 
far  educated  that  his  hand  intuitively  moves  knife  or  saw  or 
plane  by  pushing  outward  instead  of  pulling  inward,  his  mind 
is  in  the  third  quarter  of  the  normal  course  of  development; 
but  to  this  position  he  can  be  raised  only  by  the  oft-repeated 
example  and  simple  precept  of  rational  training  applied  to 
lower  races.  The  researches  along-  these  lines  are  not  com- 
plete; some  of  the  results  were  incorporated  in  a  brief  paper 
on  Primitive  Numbers  published  in  the  Nineteenth  Annual 
Report;  and  a  preliminary  account  of  certain  results  was  pub- 
lished duriug  the  year  under  the  title  Grerme  d'une  Industrie 
de  la  Pierre  en  Araerique,  in  L' Anthropologic,  Paris. 

Work  in  Esthetology 

Mr  Mooney  remained  in  the  field  throughout  the  greater 
part  of  the  year,  and  his  researches  were  such  as  to  yield  mate- 
rial for  a  prospective  report  on  Indian  heraldry.  His  investi- 
gations during  several  years  past  have  shown  that  various 


ADMINISTRATIVE   KEPOET  XXIII 

Indian  tribes  possess  heraldic  systems  analogous  in  many  ways 
to  those  of  medieval  Europe.  Such  a  system  is  especially 
developed  among  the  Kiowa,  and  his  work-  during  the  year 
was  carried  forward  in  this  and  neighboring  tribes.  The 
ways  in  which  the  system  is  developed  render  the  study 
extremely  difficult.  The  principal  heraldic  devices  are  of  two 
classes,  one  pertaining  to  tipis,  the  other  to  shields.  The  tipis, 
with  their  devices,  belong  to  families,  in  which  the}^  are  heredi- 
tary. The  shields,  with  their  emblematic  or  armorial  bearings 
belong  to  warrior  brotherhoods,  which  arise  in  connection  with 
the  bearings  themselves.  Usually  the  devices  are  dreamed  by 
a  shaman  or  revealed  to  him  in  a  vision,  as  he  conceives  it, 
the  dreain  indicating  also  the  number  of  shields  that  it  is  per- 
missible to  make  with  the  particular  bearing  of  the  revelation. 
In  due  time  the  shields  are  made  in  accordance  with  the 
shaman's  dream,  not  to  exceed  the  number  indicated  in  the 
Ausion,  and  may  be  adopted  by  unattached  warriors  until  all 
are  in  use.  Each  shield  usually  bears  two  devices,  one  on 
an  outer  cover  of  skin  which  may  be  regarded  as  a  sym- 
bol of  the  bearing  within,  and  another  secret  device  upon 
a  second  cover  beneath  or  upon  the  body  of  the  shield 
proper.  The  latter  design  is  never  exposed  save  in  battle, 
when  it  is  displayed  as  a  magical  device  for  offense  as 
well  as  defense  against  enemies,  and  in  sacred  ceremony. 
The  shield  is  regarded  by  its  owner  as  the  symbol  of  his 
special  tutelary.  It  is  prized  and  kept  sacred  during  his 
lifetime,  and,  unless  sacrificed  in  his  declining  days  on  the 
death  of  a  kinsman,  is  buried  with  his  body,  being  usually 
placed  under  his  head  in  the  grave  or  sometimes  left  sus- 
pended from  a  tripod  or  the  branch  of  a  tree  near  by.  By 
reason  of  the  habitual  sacrifice  of  shields  and  the  decline  of 
aboriginal  customs  few  now  remain,  though  fortunately  many 
are  preserved  in  memory  and  tradition.  The  devices  can  be 
adequately  studied  only  with  the  aid  of  their  respective  own- 
ers, when  these  can  be  induced  to  reveal  the  meaning  and 
medicine  of  the  devices  or,  still  better,  to  reconstruct  them  in 
such  manner  as  to  permit  the  investigator  to  trace  the  inter- 
related meanings  of  the  various  features  as  they  are  slowly 


XXIV  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

wrought  in  accordance  with  archaic  ritual.  The  family  tipis 
are  also  practically  extinct,  though  nearly  every  family  has 
surviving  representatives  acquainted  with  the  family  crests 
and  with  the  ritualistic  modes  of  constructing  both  tipis  and 
heraldic  devices.  Mr  Mooney's  method  has  been  to  employ 
survivors  of  both  brotherhoods  and  families  to  reconstruct 
their  shields  and  tipis  in  miniature,  with  the  armorial  bear- 
ings, these  models  to  be  preserved  in  the  National  Museum 
after  the  study  is  finished.  The  task  has  been  a  tedious  one, 
yet  the  progress  has  been  satisfactory.  The  heraldic  system 
of  the  native  tribes  opens  the  way  to  knowledge  of  various 
obscure  customs  of  primitive  peoples  and  to  vital  stages  in 
cultural  progress.  They  are  closely  related  to  the  pictograph 
systems  found  among  the  tribes  of  the  Plains,  and  through  these 
they  are  akin  to  the  glyphic  systems  employed  in  the  aborig- 
inal books  and  sculptures  of  Mexico  and  Central  America. 
Moreover,  since  they  represent  the  transition  from  prescrip- 
torial  to  scriptorial  culture,  they  are  found  to  throw  much  light 
on  the  genesis  of  European  systems  of  heraldry.  The  heraldry 
of  those  tribes  in  which  it  is  best  developed  forms  a  nucleus 
for  the  esthetic  activities  generally;  in  the  heraldic  devices 
artistic  forms  and  coloring  find  then-  highest  expression;  in 
connection  with  them  the  powers  of  imagination  attain  their 
highest  perfection;  and  through  them  symbolism,  ritual,  faith, 
and  war  ceremonial  were  crystallized  and  kept  alive. 

Ethnologists  have  long  realized  that  the  widest  gateway  to 
aboriginal  life  is  that  afforded  by  games  of  chance;  for  primi- 
tive men,  especially  in  that  barbaric  culture  in  which  divina- 
tion is  the  keynote  of  psychic  character,  are  habitual  gamesters, 
and  not  only  devote  much  time  to  gaming,  but  play  openly 
with  infatuation,  so  as  to  afford  constant  opportunities  to  the 
student.  The  lowly  games  that  are  played  by  the  native 
Australians  and  Polynesians  have  received  much  attention; 
those  of  Korea,  Japan,  and  China,  in  which  the  barbaric 
element  of  divination  is  supplemented  by  skill,  have  been 
described  by  eminent  authors;  the  games  of  the  American 
aborigines  have  been  studied  not  only  by  collaborators  of  the 
Bureau  but  by  other  able  ethnologists,  notably  Tylor;   and 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXV 

the  various  studies  afford  a  foundation  for  systematic  research. 
The  work  was  taken  up  incidentally  by  the  late  Frank  Ham- 
ilton dishing,  with  the  collaboration  of  Dr  Stewart  Culin,  of 
Philadelphia,  author  of  notable  treatises  on  Korean  and  other 
games.  Their  joint  study  was  incomplete  at  the  time  of  Mr 
Cushing's  death;  subsequently  it  was  carried  forward  inde- 
pendently by  Dr  Culin.  During  the  year  an  arrangement 
was  effected  with  Dr  Culin  under  which  he  has  nearly  com- 
pleted a  monograph  on  Indian  games  for  publication  by  the 
Bureau.  In  the  prosecution  of  the  work  he  has  made  several 
field  trips,  has  examined  material  in  all  the  leading  museums 
of  the  country,  and  has  prepared  numerous  photographic  and 
other  illustrations.  The  results  of  the  study  are  of  much 
interest  in  that  they  illustrate  a  curious  commingling  of  the 
fiducial  and  the  fortuitous  in  the  notions  of  primitive  game- 
sters. Actually,  the  games  are  played  as  depending  on  chance 
rather  than  skill,  though  considerable  skill  is  eventually  devel- 
oped; yet  the  ptayi^g  is  essentially  devotional  toward  the 
mysterious  potencies  held  to  control  the  physical  world  and 
to  govern  human  affairs.  Accordingly,  the  games  played  for 
pastime  run  curiously  into  the  most  sacred  ceremonies,  and 
the  devices  employed  afford  a  fruitful  revelation  of  primitive 
thought.  By  reason  of  the  wealth  of  material  the  mono- 
graph has  become  voluminous.  It  was  not  quite  ready  for 
delivery  at  the  end  of  the  year,  but  is  promised  for  the  first 
quarter  of  the  current  year. 

During  the'  year  Professor  W.  H.  Holmes,  now  of  the 
United  States  National  Museum,  completed  the  monograph 
on  Aboriginal  Pottery  of  Eastern  United  States,  of  which 
he  prepared  the  first  draft  while  an  officer  of  the  Bureau. 
Although  primarily  technologic,  it  forms  an  important  addi- 
tion to  knowledge  of  aboriginal  esthetics.  As  repeatedly 
noted  in  the  ethnologic  work  of  the  Bureau,  esthetic  motives 
invariably  arise  in  symbolism  and  develop  through  a  conven- 
tionalism shaped  by  ancillary  or  adventitious  conditions, 
including  texture  of  materials,  character  of  tools,  etc.,  as  well 
as  through  growing  conceptiveness  and  power  of  imagination. 
Now,  no  line  of  esthetic  development  is  more  complete  than 


XXVI  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

that  represented  in  the  decoration  of  fictile  ware,  and  the 
author  of  this  monograph,  combining  as  he  does  thorough 
technical  knowledge  of  the  potter's  craft  with  high  artistic 
skill  and  singular  esthetic  appreciation,  has  been  able  to  trace 
in  masterly  fashion  and  to  illustrate  effectively  the  growth  of 
fictile  decoration.  As  a  faithful  description  of  aboriginal  pot- 
tery the  treatise  will  undoubtedly  become  standard;  and  it 
is  the  most  comprehensive  contribution  thus  far  made  to  the 
history  of  those  stages  of  culture  in  which  the  fashioning  and 
decoration  of  pottery  have  ranked  high  among  the  voca- 
tions of  mankind.  The  monograph  forms  the  body  of  the 
Twentieth  Annual  Report. 

During  the  year  the  series  of  graphic  representations  of 
personages  in  the  Hopi  pantheon  collected  by  Dr  Fewkes, 
mentioned  in  previous  reports,  was  sent  to  press  as  a  part  of 
the  Twenty-first  Annual,  under  the  title  Hopi  Katcinas.  Dr 
Fewkes  also  completed  the  illustrated  memoir  on  his  unique 
collections  of  pottery  and  other  material  from  Arizona  and 
New  Mexico,  noted  in  the  last  report.  It  is  in  press,  under 
the  title  Two  Summers'  Work  in  Pueblo  Ruins,  as  a  part  of 
the  Twenty- second  Annual. 

Work  in  Technology 

Primarily,  Professor  Holmes's  monograph  on  aboriginal  pot- 
tery of  the  eastern  United  States  is  a  description  of  the  fictile 
ware  classified  by  districts,  so  far  as  practicable  by  tribes,  and 
also  by  technologic  types.  The  art  of  the  potter  is  old,  far 
older  than  written  histoiy,  so  that  its  beginnings  can  never  be 
traced  directly.  The  antique  and  prehistoric  wares  themselves 
yield  a  partial  record  of  the  development  of  the  art ;  the  arche- 
ologists  of  the  Old  World  have  been  able  to  supplement  and 
extend  the  written  history  of  pottery  through  study  of  such 
material,  and  their  researches  have  lent  interest  to  the  ancient 
vessels  and  sherds  with  which  the  museums  of  the  world  are 
enriched.  Yet  the  fictile  ware  of  Egypt,  Babylonia,  Etruria, 
India,  and  other  Old  World  provinces  falls  far  short  of  telling 
the  whole  story  of  the  art,  since  it  fails  to  reveal  the  actual 
motives  and  sentiments  of  the  early  artisans;  the  relics  are 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXVII 

husks  of  the  history  of  pottery  without  the  vital  kernel.  The 
archeologic  studies  in  America  supplement  the  European 
researches  in  a  highly  useful  way.  In  the  first  place,  the 
period  of  pottery  among'  the  American  aborigines  was  com- 
paratively short,  so  that  the  prehistoric  and  the  historic  are 
closely  related;  and,  in  the  second  place,  the  several  living 
tribes  within  reach  of  current  observation  represent  various 
stages  in  the  development  of  the  art,  so  that  opportunities  exist 
in  America  for  studying-  the  motives  and  sentiments  of  the 
artisans  engaged  in  all  of  the  earlier  developmental  stages  of 
the  art.  In  general,  the  craft  of  the  potter  may  be  said  to  arise 
in  the  social  stage  of  savagery,  or  the  psychic  stage  of  imita- 
tion, with  tedious  growth  through  accidental  improvement;  in 
general,  too,  the  art  may  be  said  to  expand  and  differentiate  in 
the  succeeding  barbaric  stage,  with  attendant  divinatory  con- 
cepts as  motives,  and  it  is  this  stage,  with  its  protean  forms, 
textures,  decorative  devices,  and  modes  of  manufacture,  which 
has  been  found  peculiarly  inscrutable  by  students  of  the  prod- 
ucts alone.  Now,  it  is  precisely  this  stage  which  is  represented 
by  most  of  the  American  aboriginal  ware,  both  prehistoric  and 
historic,  and  by  the  work  of  surviving  tribes.  Accordingly, 
Professor  Holmes's  description  of  the  American  ware,  with  his 
critical  analysis  of  types  and  interpretation  of  motives,  would 
seem  to  afford  not  merely  a  supplement  to,  but  a  sound  foun- 
dation for,  the  history  of  the  potter's  art.  The  monograph, 
which  forms  the  body  of  the  Twentieth  Annual  Report,  em- 
braces faithful  representations  of  some  250  typical  specimens. 
Of  the  two  special  investigations  concerning  aboriginal  indus- 
tries undertaken  during  the  year  that  of  Dr  Fewkes  in  Porto 
Rico  seems  likely  to  be-of  the  more  general  interest.  While 
his  trip  to  the  Antilles  was  designed  as  a  reconnaissance  of 
Porto  Rico,  Haiti,  and  adjacent  islands,  he  was  prevented, 
partly  by  the  volcanic  disturbances  of  early  May,  from  extend- 
ing observations  beyond  the  first-named  island;  yet  this  failure 
resulted  beneficially  rather  than  otherwise,  since  it  enabled 
him  to  make  a  more  definite  ethnologic  and  archeologic  sur- 
vey of  Porto  Rico  than  was  at  first  contemplated.  Among  the 
surviving  types  of  aboriginal  handicraft  to  which  he  gave 


XXVIII  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOG"? 

special  attention  were  those  connected  with  habitations.  In 
all  parts  of  the  American  hemisphere  the  prevailing  house 
type  is  in  some  measure  a  blend  of  the  indigenous  and  the 
imported;  while  in  most  districts  the  imported  motives  are  so 
predominant  that  the  indigenous  elements  are  hardly  traceable, 
there  are  other  districts,  especially  in  tropical,  subtropical,  and 
arid  regions,  in  which  the  aboriginal  types  are  of  such  excel- 
lence that  many  elements  have  been  retained  with  advantage 
by  Caucasian  settlers.  This  is  especially  true  in  the  Antilles, 
where  natural  conditions  of  climate,  water,  and  available  ma- 
terial have  led  to  light  and  inexpensive  types  of  construction 
by  which  European  settlers  have  been  glad  to  profit.  The 
types  are  somewhat  analogous  to  those  which  have  been  better 
developed  in  the  Orient,  especially  by  the  Japanese,  which  are 
frequently  commended  to  the  attention  of  Occidental  builders. 
When  it  is  remembered  that  the  prevailing  Anglo-Saxon  types 
are  suited  to  the  rigorous  climate  of  northwestern  Europe  and 
adaptations  of  materials  developed  in  the  northern  temperate 
zone,  it  becomes  evident  that  they  are  not  well  adapted  to  our 
southern  temperate  zone,  still  less  to  our  tropical  and  subtrop- 
ical possessions.  Then,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  indig- 
enous types,  e.  g.,  of  Porto  Rico,  are  specifically  fitted  to  the 
local  climate  and  adaptations  of  local  materials,  it  would  seem 
clear  that  architectural  motives  derived  from  them  ought  to  be 
even  more  useful  than  any  borrowed  from  Japan.  These  con- 
siderations have  influenced  the  researches  in  Porto  Rico,  and 
they  are  in  part  the  motive  of  the  special  report  on  Porto  Rico 
prepared  by  Dr  Fewkes.  Other  motives  have  reference  to  the 
native  food  sources  which  have  been  found  useful  by  genera- 
tions of  European  settlers  and  aboriginal  modes  of  food  prepara- 
tion which  are  of  such  excellence  as  to  still  survive.  It  appears 
from  the  observations  that  several  native  foods  are  worthy  of 
attention  and  cultivation  by  settlers  from  the  United  States 
and  that  some  of  the  indigenous  modes  of  preparing  food  may 
well  receive  careful  study  with  a  view  to  maintaining  the  excel- 
lence of  the  preparations  when  more  advanced  modes  of  hand- 
ling, milling,  preserving,  and  transporting  are  introduced.  The 
details  of  Dr  Fewkes's  investigations  are   incorporated  in  a 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXIX 

memoir  designated  for  early  publication  in  the  form  of  a  bul- 
letin. The  industrial  data  are  supplemented  by  bibliographic 
and  other  material,  which  will  render  the  report  a  manual  of 
Porto  Rican  ethnology  and  archeology. 

The  special  investigation  undertaken  by  Dr.  Russell  among 
the  Pima  Indians  covered  aboriginal  industries  developed 
in  and  adapted  to  the  arid  region.  Here,  as  in  Porto  Rico, 
local  t)7pes  of  habitation  have  resulted  from  the  climatic  and 
other  local  conditions.  The  primal  house  t}~pe  is  a  small 
circular  structure  of  cactus  or  reeds,  roofed  with  earth,  the 
whole  supported  by  an  inner  framework  of  poles.  This  type 
is  varied  according  to  available  materials,  the  grass  house  and 
the  house  of  cactus  (okatilla  stems  or  saguaro  ribs)  being  closely 
related  derivative  forms.  It  is  varied  also  by  arrangement  of 
material,  as  when  the  cactus  staves  are  wattled  with  reeds  or 
withes,  and  the  house  tends  to  become  square  in  plan  with 
vertical  walls  eventually  plastered  by  the  washing  of  mud 
from  the  roof  and  by  the  throwing  up  of  embankments  as 
wind-breaks  below.  Under  the  imitative  instinct  of  savagery 
the  wattled  walls  are  coated  with  a  mortar  of  mud,  which  is 
hardened  by  embedding  in  it  pebbles  and  larger  stones; 
and  this  may  be  deemed  the  secondary  type  of  aboriginal 
architecture  in  the  southwestern  United  States  and  northern 
Mexico.  From  it  develops,  under  favorable  conditions,  a  third 
type,  that  of  rubble  masonry  set  in  a  mortar  of  mud  or  even 
laid  dry;  but  where  building  stone  is  lacking,  the  pebble-set 
wattle  structure  grows  into  a  distinctive  architecture  of  which 
the  basis  is  the  puddled  wall,  or  pise,  called  by  Spanish  settlers 
cajon,  the  fourth  house  type  of  the  arid  region.  Aboriginally, 
the  earth  used  in  the  structure  was  doubtless  tamped  between 
wattled  walls,  at  first  permanent  and  afterward  temporary; 
certainly,  during  later  times  the  earth  was  built  up  in  succes- 
sive tiers  between  movable  screens  of  wattling  so  placed  and 
braced  as  to  form  a  temporary  trough  for  each  layer.  The 
cajon  structure  was  durable  and  was  susceptible  of  develop- 
ment into  communal  houses  of  many  rooms  and  several  stories. 
As  in  the  primal  type,  the  roof  consisted  of  earth  laid  on 
brush  supported  by  a  sheathing  of  canes  or  cactus  staves  and 


fc 


XXX  BUREAU    OF   AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

rafters  of  cedar  poles;  on  one-story  houses  it  was  a  place  of 
temporary  resort  for  the  occupants,  and  with  the  gradual  evo- 
lution of  parapets  and  the  growth  of  these  into  higher  stories 
the  roofs  became  upper  floors.  Subsequently  (probably  after 
the  Caucasian  invasion)  earthern  bricks  laid  in  mud  mortar 
were  adopted,  and  this  type  of  construction,  known  as  adobe, 
was  generally  adopted.;  and  in  the  better  buildings,  both  of 
cajon  and  adobe,  the  walls  were  coated  with  a  thin  plaster  or 
slip  fixed  by  a  soda  or  other  earthy  salt.  Now,  the  aboriginal 
cajon  house  type  is  admirably  adapted  to  the  present  needs 
of  the  arid  region  and  is  well  worthy  of  consideration  by 
Caucasian  settlers.  Properly  constructed  cajon  walls  are 
much  superior  to  adobe  in  homogeneity  and  strength,  though 
somewhat  more  expensive  of  labor.  Their  durability  is 
sufficiently  attested  by  Casa  Grande  in  the  Grila  valley, 
which  was  a  ruin  of  immemorial  antiquity  when  discov- 
ered by  Padre  Kino  in  1694,  and-  is  still  standing  despite 
vandalism  as  well  as  natural  weathering.  Moreover,  the  cajon 
is  readily  susceptible  of  improvement  by  the  addition  of  lime 
or  cement  to  the  material  in  any  desired  quantity,  and  by  sub- 
stituting a  plaster  of  lime  or  cement  for  the  simple  slip.  So 
improved,  the  native  construction  would  seem  better  adapted 
to  the  conditions  and  requirements  of  habitations  in  the  arid 
region  than  any  imported  models.  The  cost  would  be  only 
that  of  the  lime  and  the  handling  of  materials,  while  wood, 
burned  brick,  and  even  stone  are  highly  expensive.  The  thick 
walls  would  effectively  equalize  interior  temperatures  despite 
the  enormous  diurnal  range,  which  is  the  most  serious  obstacle 
to  residence  in  arid  districts;  and  the  general  massiveness 
would  lend  itself  to  distinctive  and  desirable  architectural 
effects.  Dr  Russell's  researches  extended  also  to  the  lighter 
and  more  composite  types  of  construction  surviving  among 
the  Pima  and  neighboring  Indians,  as  well  as  to  the  attendant 
industries  and  food  sources.  Among  the  latter  the  fruit  of  the 
cactus  figures  prominently,  not  only  in  modern  customs  but  in 
tradition  and  ceremonies,  attesting  the  still  more  important 
place  which  the  fruit  and  its  products  occupied  in  the  lives  of 
past  generations.     Dr  Russell's  material  has  been  so  divided 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXXI 

as  to  yield  a  special  memoir  on  technology,  designed  for  early- 
publication  in  bulletin  form,  and  a  general  monograph  on  the 
social  organization,  mythology,  and  esthetology  of  the  Pima 
tribe  and  on  the  antiquities  of  their  habitat. 

During  the  )rear  Dr  Albert  E.  Jenks  revised  the  proofs  of  his 
memoir  on  Wild  Rice  Gatherers  of  the  Upper  Lakes,  which 
forms  part  of  the'  Nineteenth  Annual  Report.  This  treatise  is 
deemed  especially  valuable  in  that  it  calls  attention  to  a  wide- 
spread food  source  largel)''  used  by  the  aborigines  and  giving 
promise  of  great  utility  to  our  citizens  whenever  the  requisite 
attention  is  given  to  cultivation,  milling,  and  preparation.  In 
food  value  the  wild  rice  ranks  high  among  cereals,  and  its 
natural  habitat  is  such  that  by  its  means  otherwise  useless 
swamp  lands  may  be  utilized  and  reclaimed,  while  it  can  not 
be  doubted  that  with  judicious  cultivation  it  might  be  adapted 
to  a  widening  range  of  soil  conditions.  Later  in  the  year  Dr 
Jenks  resumed  his  researches  concerning  the  birch-bark  indus- 
tries of  our  northern  aborigines.  As  noted  in  the  last  report, 
one  aspect  of  the  industries  clustering  about  the  birch  tree  is 
of  prime  significance  to  ethnologists  in  that  the  birch-bark 
canoe  was  the  most  effective  agency  of  distribution  of  tribes 
and  culture  during  early  times;  moreover,  it  is  well  worth 
noting  that  the  interest  is  a  living  one,  since  the  bark  canoe 
remains  a  most  effective  device  for  transportation  for  white 
as  well  as  red  men.  Indeed,  its  use  by  white  tourists,  fishermen, 
and  hunters,  is  apparently  increasing  in  the  northern  United 
States  and  Canada.  Various  other  birch-bark  artifacts  are  in 
use  among  whites  as  well  as  natives.  The  half  conventional, 
half  symbolic  makok,  or  maple-sugar  box,  proves  a  convenient 
household  utensil;  birch-bark  baskets  of  different  forms  are 
found  useful  as  well  as  artistic;  and  on  the  whole  it  would 
appear  not  only  that  the  birch-bark  industry  is  increasing  in 
consequence  of  demands  by  whites,  but  that,  it  serves  as  a 
helpful  stepping-stone  from  the  primitive  customs  of  the 
Indian  toward  the  free  and  self-supporting  citizenship  which 
is  the  Indian's  ultimate  goal.  Exigencies  connected  with  the 
editorial  work  of  the  office  compelled  Dr  Jenks  to  divert  a  part 
of  his  time  from  the  research.     Therefore  the  work  was  not 

23  ETH— 04 III 


XXXII  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

quite  completed  at  the  end  of  the  fiscal  }Tear,  when  Dr  Jenks 
was,  at  the  request  of  the  Director  of  the  Philippine  Bureau  of 
Nonchristian  Tribes,  furloughed  for  a  year,  with  a  view  to  the 
more  effective  introduction  of  the  methods  of  the  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology  in  the  Philippine  researches. 

For  several  years  Mr  J.  D.  McGuire  has  been  engaged  in 
investigating  certain  branches  of  aboriginal  technology,  and 
some  of  his  results  have  been  published  in  th%  reports  of  the 
United  States  National  Museum.  During  the  last  fiscal  year 
he  began,  at  the  instance  of  the  Director,  a  critical  study  of  the 
earliest  records  of  aboriginal  technology  made  by  the  con- 
quistadores,  missionaries,  and  other  pioneers.  During  the  year 
just  closed  he  continued  the  work,  and  has  made  a  series  of 
extracts  from  the  records  which  have  proved  of  great  use  to 
the  Director  and  the  collaborators  engaged  in  field  researches. 
The  extracts  are  arranged  on  cards,  and  these  have  been 
acquired  for  the  use  of  the  Bureau. 

Work  in  Sociology 

Throughout  most  of  the  year  the  time  of  the  Ethnologist  in 
Charge  has  bee'n  so  fully  occupied  with  administrative  work, 
largely  relating  to  publication  of  the  reports,  as  to  somewhat 
delay  his  sociologic  inquiries;  yet  fair  progress  has  been  made. 
One  of  the  special  inquiries  of  the  year  relates  to  what  may  be 
called,  by  extension  of  common  terms,  aboriginal  land  tenure, 
this  investigation  being  rendered  timely  by  current  progress 
in  the  allotment  of  lands  in  severalty  to  former  tribesmen,  as 
well  as  by  recent  occupancy  of  territory  formerly  inhabited 
by  native  tribes  in  Alaska,  Hawaii,  and  the  Philippines.  The 
researches  indicate  that  primitive  peoples  have  no  conception 
of  land  tenure  in  the  sense  in  which  the  term  is  employed  by 
civilized  and  enlightened  peoples.  In  the  first  place,  there  is 
no  recognition  of  individual  rights  to  lands  or  natural  wealth, 
for  such  values  are  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  clan,  the  gens, 
or  the  tribe;  that  is,  possession  is  communal  rather  than  indi- 
vidual. In  the  second  place,  the  property  sense  is  especially 
inchoate  as  applied  to  lands,  which  are  viewed  as  natural 
ranges  for  men  and  animals,  for  local  tribes  and  local  fauna;  and 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXXIII 

there  is  no  recognition  of  ownershqi  or  of  title  inimical  to 
the  natural  coordinate  rights  of  such  men  and  beasts.  True, 
there  is  among  most  tribes  a  vague  sense  of  prescriptive  right 
to  long  occupied  territory,  to  the  home  of  the  ancients  who 
play  so  prominent  a  role  in  primitive  philosophy,  so  that  a  tribe 
commonly  feels  it  to  be  a  right  and  a  filial  duty  to  protect  the 
home  range  against  permanent  invasion  by  aliens;  yet  the 
vague  right  so  recognized  scarcely  applies  to  the  land  per  se, 
but  only  to  the  rights  of  the  chase,  fisheries,  fruits,  and  any 
cultivated  products,  personal  habitations,  quarries,  or  clay  pits; 
that  is,  to  what  may  be  called  the  usufruct  of  the  soil.  In 
fact,  the  attitude  of  the  savage  or  barbarian  toward  property 
in  land  is  much  like  that  of  American  citizens  during  the  last 
century  toward  property  in  water,  to  wit,  in  the  rains,  rivers, 
lakes,  seas,  artesian  water,  ordinary  ground  water,  etc.  During 
recent  decades  the  idea  of  property  in  water  has  grown  up 
in  the  less  humid  districts  and  is  rapidly  extending,  yet  the 
development  of  this  conception  is  slow,  even  in  the  minds  of 
the  most  intelligent  people.  Perhaps  a  closer  example  may 
be  found  in  air  as  viewed  by  enlightened  peoples,  for  the 
air  is  regarded  as  essentially  common  to  all  living  and  breath- 
ing things,  and  its  use  as  an  inherent  right  far  transcending 
conventional  titles  to  personal  or  communal  property.  There 
are  indeed  certain  germs  of  communal  property  right  in 
air,  manifested  in  the  occasional  actions  of  neighborhoods 
looking  to  the  abatement  of  certain  nuisances,  yet  the 
claims  put  forth  in  such  actions  relate  rather  to  the  free 
and  common  use,  the  usufruct,  of  the  air  than  to  its  possession 
as  property,  so  that  our  attitude  toward  air  is  closely  analo- 
gous to  that  of  primitive  folk  toward  land.  The  results  of  the 
inquiries  find  ready  application  in  connection  with  various 
public  questions.  One  of  the  conclusions  is  that  primitive 
folk  can  not  be  at  once  transferred  from  the  plane  of  collective 
interest  in  the  usufruct  of  the  soil  to  that  of  individual  land 
tenure,  any  more  than  the  farmer  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard 
could  be  brought  in  a  day  to  full  understanding  of  irrigation 
water  rights,  with  all  the  complications  of  dams,  sluices,  main 
ditches,  gates,  etc.;  indeed,  the  education  of  the  citizen  farmers 


XXXIV  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

who  have  gone  West  and  grown  up  with  irrigation  was  much 
more  rapid  than  could  be  expected  of  the  slower-minded  tribes- 
men. Accordingly,  it  would  clearly  be  a  mistake  to  transfer 
tribesmen  directly  from  the  range  to  the  severalty  holding; 
there  should  be,  as  indeed  experience  has  shown  in  dealing 
with  the  Indians,  an  intermediate  period  of  proprietary  train- 
ing on  collective  reservations.  The  researches  indicate  that 
this  period  should  cover  at  least  a  generation ;  in  most  cases 
two  generations  would  be  required  for  the  development  of  the 
sentiment  of  thrift  and  the Teeling  of  independence  required  for 
successful  citizenship.  Some  of  the  results  of  the  year's  work 
have  been  made  public  in  scientific  papers  and  addresses,  and 
progress  has  been  made  in  arranging  the  material  for  formal 
issue  in  reports. 

In  connection  with  his  linguistic  researches  in  British 
Columbia  Dr  John  R.  Swanton  collected  definite  information 
concerning  kinship  terms  and  other  factors  in  the  social  organi- 
zation of  ,|he  Haida  Indians,  and  toward  the  close  of  the  year 
he  made  progress  in  arranging  the  data  for  publication. 

Work  in  Philology 

During  the  earlier  part  of  the  fiscal  year  the  Director  con- 
tinued the  arrangement  of  Mexican  and  Central  American 
linguistic  ;inaterial  with  a  view  to  the  classification  of  the 
aborigines  of  the  southern  portion  of  North  America  on  a 
linguistic  basis.  As  during  the  preceding  year,  Dr  Cyrus 
Thomas  collaborated  in  the  work.  The  completion  of  the  task 
was  delayed  by  the  illness  of  the  Director  during  the  later 
months  of  the  year. 

At  the  opening  of  the  year  Professor  Franz  Boas,  of 
Columbia  University,  received  an  honorary  appointment  as 
philologist  and  was  intrusted  with  the  supervision  of  a_  con- 
siderable part  of  the  linguistic  researches  in  which  the  Bureau 
is  engaged.  One  of  the  objects  of  the  appointment  was  that 
of  obtaining  a  uniform  series  of  outlines  of  Indian  languages 
to  be  published  in  synoptic  form  for  use  in  comparative  studies 
by  the  philologists  of  the  world.  The  work  requires  extensive 
preparation    because    of    the    wide    range    and    considerable 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXXV 

volume  of  the  material  both,  in  hand  and  required.  At  the 
time  of  its  discovery  there  were  in  North  America  something 
between  one  and  two  thousand  tribal  dialects  or  langTiaaes 
belonging  to  about  a  hundred  linguistic  stocks  or  families,  so 
that  the  scope  of  the  work  is  so  broad  that  it  may  not  be 
accomplished  except  by  'the  cooperation  of  many  specialists 
devoted  to  particular  groups  of  languages.  Under  such  con- 
ditions it  seems  inexpedient  for  the  Bureau  alone  to  attempt 
to  cover  the  ground,  and  the  plan  of  the  work  intrusted  to 
Dr  Boas  is  to  enlist  the  cooperation  of  other  institutions  and 
linguistic  specialists.  During  the  fiscal  year  the  work  was 
organized  in  cooperation  with  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History,  Columbia  Universit}r,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity, and  the  University  of  California.  The  collaborators 
include  Dr  John  R.  Swanton,  of  the  Bureau;  Mr  H.  H.  St. 
Clair,  2d,  of  the  American  Museum ;  Mr  William  Jones,  rep- 
resenting Columbia  University;  Dr  Roland  B.  Dixon,  of  Har- 
vard, and  Dr  A.  L.  Kroeber,  acting  under  the  auspices  of  the 
University  of  California.  Dr  Swauton's  work  comprised  the 
transcription  of  a  voluminous  series  of  Haida  texts;  he  also 
completed  a  synopsis  of  the  Haida  language  for  incorporation 
in  the  general  series.  Mr  St.  Clair  devoted  a  part  of  the  year 
to  work  on  a  dictionary  and  grammar  of  the  Chinook  language, 
and  in  addition  made  a  critical  study  of  Shoshoni  linguistic 
material  in  the  archives  of  the  Bureau  and  of  the  American 
Museum.  Mr  Jones  made  good  progress  in  analyzing  the 
grammar  of  the  Sauk  and  Fox  dialects,  nearly  completing  a 
list  of  suffixes  and  prefixes;  also  in  arranging  for  publication 
a  series  of  Fox  texts  collected  during  the  preceding  fiscal 
year.  Dr  Dixon  prepared  a  grammar  and  vocabulary  of  the 
Maidu  language;  while  Dr  Kroeber  collected  and  arranged 
both  lexic  and  grammatic  material  representing  several  other 
California  tribes.  Inspired  by  the  hearty  approval  of  scientific 
men  at  home  and  abroad,  Dr  Boas  and  his  collaborators  have 
taken  up  the  work  with  zeal.  Dr  Boas  observes:  "  Linguistic 
work  in  many  parts  of  North  America  is  exceedingly  urgent 
on  account  of  the  rapid  disappearance  of  the  native  languages, 
and  the  means  at  our  disposal  for  this  work  are  insufficient." 


XXX  VI  BI'KEAC    OF    AMEBIC  AX    ETHXOLOGY 

Yet  it  is  a  gratification  to  report  that  tbe  interest  of  the  col- 
laborators, who  have  worked  gratuitously  or  for  onlv  nominal 
compensation,  has  resulted  in  a  large  volume  of  invaluable 
material  amassed  at  trifling  cost  to  the  Bureau.  It  is  a 
pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  generous  contributions  of  Dr 
Boas  and  the  other  collaborators  named. 

During  the  year  Dr  Boas  completed  the  proof  revision  of 
his  memoir  entitled  Kathlamet  Texts,  and  it  has  been  pub- 
lished as  a  bulletin.  He  also  completed  the  manuscript  for  a 
similar  memoir  entitled  Tsimshian  Texts,  and  it  was  transmitted 
for  publication  on  January  29,  1902. 

Dr  Albeit  6.  Gatschei  carried  forward  to  substantial  com- 
pletion his  vocabularv  and  grammar  of  the  Peoria  language, 
and  also  continued  the  arrangement  of  material  for  the  com- 
parative Algonquian  vocabulary.  In  addition,  he  devoted 
some  time  to  special  researches  required  for  answering  some 
of  the  numerous  requests  for  information  concerning  Indian 
terms  and  phrases  constantly  received  from  correspondents. 

Mr  J.  X.  B.  Hewitt  devoted  the  greater  part  of  the  year  to 
his  monograph  on  Iroquois  Creation  Myths,  mentioned  in 
previous  reports:  three  of  the  five  sections  were  sent  to  press 
during  the  year  as  a  part  of  the  Twentv-first  Annual  Report. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  year  he  took  up  the  general  discussion 
of  principles  noted  in  another  paragraph;  and,  as  a  part  of  the 
current  work,  he  continued  the  extraction  and  arrangement  of 
Iroquoian  linguistic  material  in  a  form  suitable  for  reference 
and  eventuallv  for  publication.  Throughout  the  year  a  con- 
siderable part  of  Mi\  Hewitt's  time  was  occupied  in  the 
researches  required  for  answering  technical  inquiries  from  cor- 
respondents— a  duty  which  seems  unavoidable,  although  its 
performance  retards  progress  in  svstematic  researches. 

Miss  Jessie  E.  Thomas  continued  the  transcription  of  the 
manuscript  Diccionario  de  Motul,  while  Senor  Andomaro 
Molina,  of  Merida.  Yucatan,  made  good  progress  in  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Maya  and  Spanish  terms  into  English,  with  a  view 
to  the  issue  of  this  extensive  vocabularv  in  a  form  appropriate 
to  the  publications  of  the  Bureau.  In  view  of  the  prospective 
value  of  this  work  to  future  students  it  would  seem  important 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXXVII 

that  the  final  translation  should  be  based  on  thorough  and 
critical  knowledge  of  the  Maya,  Spanish,  and  English  lan- 
guages; and,  having  regard  to  the  desirability  of  this  and  to 
the  fact  that  Senor  Molina  is  a  volunteer  collaborator  resident 
in  another  country,  it  is  deemed  proper  to  insert  the  following 
voluntary  expression  from  the  United  States  consul  at  Pro- 
greso,  Yucatan,  Mr  Edward  H.  Thompson,  himself  a  critical 
student  of  the  antiquities,  history,  and  languages  of  Yucatan: 
"To  my  mind,  in  the  work  of  the  Licentiate  Andomaro  Molina, 
the  Bureau  has  done  the  best  work  of  the  year  and  has  done  it 
in  the  best  possible  way.  It  has  arranged  to  give  to  light  and 
study  a  much-needed  work,  and  it  has  put  it  in  the  very  hands 
best  fitted  to  do  it  I  am,  perhaps,  competent  to  speak  upon 
this  subject,  and  I  am  willing  to  place  on  record  my  belief 
that  no  living  man  could  have  this  work  intrusted  to  him  so  well 
as  Mr  Molina.  The  work  that  he  is  doing  can  not  be  done  by 
a  foreigner.  I  am,  perhaps,  as  well  informed  upon  the  native 
Maya,  their  habits,  customs,  etc ,  as  any  living  foreigner,  and, 
it  may  be,  better  than  any  other.  I  know  enough  to  know 
that  I  could  not  do  the  work  as  it  should  be  done.  This  task 
should  only  be  undertaken  by  one  who  has  been  brought  up 
on  milk  from  a  native  breast,  whose  first  words  were  in  Maya, 
and  whose  thoughts  come  easier  to  him  when  clothed  in  the 
Maya  form  than  in  classic  Castilian  or  downright  Anglo-Saxon. 
Such  a  man  is  Molina.  To  the  instincts  and  the  education  of 
a  scholar  he  adds  the  subtile  understanding  of  the  native  and 
as  perfect  command  of  the  ancient  language,  the  Maya,  as  any 
man  can  have  at  this  day." 

The  final  proofs  of  the  Natick  Dictionary,  compiled  by  the 
late  James  Hammond  Trumbull,  were  revised  during  the  year, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  sheets  have  been  printed. 

In  addition  to  his  work  on  the  Mexican  and  Central  Ameri- 
can linguistic  records,  Dr  Cyrus  Thomas,  in  immediate  col- 
laboration with  the  Director,  continued  his  investigation  of 
aboriginal  records  preserved  in  the  forms  of  codices,  sculptures, 
etc.  His  work  was  productive,  yielding  among  other  results 
a  memoir  entitled  Mayan  Calendar  Systems,  which  was  sent 
to  press  as  a  part  of  the  Twenty-second  Annual  Report. 


XXXVIII  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

Progress  was  made  also  in  preparing  for  the  press  the  trans- 
lations made  by  Mr  Charles  P.  Bowditch  of  certain  scattered 
yet  noteworthy  contributions  to  knowledge  concerning  the 
calendric  and  other  records  of  Mexico  and  Central  Amer- 
ica, and  it  is  a  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  generosity  of 
the  translator  in  contributing  the  material  and  in  furthering  the 
work  of  its  preparation  in  every  practical  way.  Toward  the 
end  of  the  fiscal  year  Mr  Elbert  J.  Benton  was  temporarily 
engaged  to  edit  the  material  and  arrange  the  illustrations  for 
publication;  this  work  was  well  advanced  at  the  close  of  the 
year. 

Work  in  Sophiology 

About  the  end  of  May  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher  completed  her 
monograph  on  the  Pawnee  Indians  under  the  title  Hako:  A 
Pawnee  Ceremony.  In  many  respects  a  tj^pical  tribe  of  the 
Plains,  the  Pawnee  Indians  were  in  some  points  the  most 
remarkably  developed  of  the  prairie  tribes.  Like  other  vigor- 
ous aboriginal  groups,  they  were  composite;  an  important 
constituent,  later  known  as  the  Skidi  band,  came  from  the 
wooded  hills  and  broad  bottom  lands  of  the  Arkansas  country, 
where  they  or  their  ancestry  had  developed  a  woodland  cul- 
ture and  doubtless  performed  a  share  in  the  erection  of  the 
imposing  mounds  of  the  lower  Mississippi  region.  Other  tribal 
constituents  represented  prairie  provinces;  and  there  are  strong 
suggestions  in  the  rich  tribal  mythology  that  at  least  a  cultural 
constituent  was  absorbed  from  the  highly  religious  sedentary 
peoples  of  the  Southwestern  pueblos.  The  composite  tribe 
lived  long,  as  is  attested  by  their  traditions  as  well  as  their 
customs,  in  the  prairie  region,  which  they  shared  with  the 
buffalo;  and  in  even  greater  degree  than  the  Siouan  tribes 
dwelling  farther  northward,  they  adjusted  themselves  to  this 
natural  spoil,  so  that  the  buffalo  became  tha  source  of  their 
food,  their  raiment,  and  the  material  for  their  habitations,  the 
guide  of  their  migrations,  the  object  of  then  handicraft  and 
hunting  tactics,  and  finally,  one  of  the  foremost  among  their 
deified  tutelaries.  According^  the  fiducial  ceremonies  of  the 
tribe  combine  intensity  of  local  veneration  for  a  few  leading 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XXXIX 

tutelaries  with  a  wealth  of  imagery  and  ritual  derived  from 
other  districts  and  peoples,  vivified  by  their  union  and  inter- 
action. During  earlier  days  the  rituals  were  so  far  esoteric  as 
to  generally  escape  the  notice  of  ethnologists  as  well  as  of 
casual  visitors;  but  during  recent  years  a  few  students,  notably 
Miss  Fletcher,  have  been  permitted  to  witness  the  sacred  cere- 
monies, and  even  to  examine  and  obtain  interpretations  of  the 
magic  bundles  which  serve  as  the  tangible  basis  of  the  rituals. 
All  of  these  rituals  are  impressive;  some,  like  the  Hako,  are  of 
remarkable  richness,  not  only  in  gesture  and  measured  move- 
ment, but  in  the  poetic  imagery  expressed  in  word,  music, 
pantomime.  Miss  Fletcher's  record  appears  to  be  perfect,  and 
she  has  analyzed  with  acumen  the  rhythm  and  melody  of  the 
chants,  the  symbolic  harmony  of  the  accompanying  panto- 
mime, and  the  meaning  expressed  in  the  intricate  figures  of  the 
dance  and  movements  of'the  march  that  form  essential  features 
of  the  ceremony.  From  Miss  Fletcher's  rendition  and  inter- 
pretation it  would  seem  that  these  elaborate  rituals  open  a  vista 
looking  directly  on  the  beginnings  of  song,  dance,  drama,  poesy. 
The)r  certainly  are  a  revelation  to  students  of  the  highest  phases 
of  human  culture  as  well  as  to  the  investigator  of  primitive  cus- 
toms. The  memoir  is  in  press  as  a  part  of  the  Twenty-second 
Annual  Report. 

In  connection  with  his  comparative  study  of  Indian  creation 
myths  Mr  Hewitt  has  been  led  to  analyze  certain  funda- 
mental features  of  primitive  philosophy,  especially  those  form- 
ing' the  basis  of  totemism,  shamanism,  etc.  It  is  well  known 
that  in  the  different  Indian  languages  there  are  terms  difficult 
of  translation  into  modem  tongues  which  are  of  deep  mean- 
ing to  their  users,  for  example,  manido,  or  manitou,  among  the 
Algonquian  tribes;  wakan,  or  wakanda,  among  the  Siouan 
tribes — terms  covering  a  larger  proportion  and  wider  variety 
of  the  thought  of  primitive  men  than  any  single  terms  cover 
in  higher  culture.  Among  the  Iroquoian  Indians  the  corre- 
sponding term  is  orenda,  which  may  be  translated  mysterious 
power  for  good  and  evil,  powers  of  magic,  or,  more  briefly, 
magic  potency.  Mr  Hewitt's  analysis  was  announced  in  a 
preliminary  paper,  and  has  already  proved  serviceable  to  eth- 


XL  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

nologists  in  this  and  other  countries;  and  it  seems  probable 
that  the  Iroquois  term  will  come  into  general,  use  in  the 
English  language  for  purposes  of  sophiologic  discussion.  The 
complete  study  is  designed  for  publication  in  the  second  part 
of  Iroquois  Creation  Myths,  which  was  nearly  ready  for  the 
press  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

For  a  number  of  years  Mrs  Matilda  Coxe  Stevenson  has 
been  investigating  the  myths  and  ceremonies  of  the  Zufii 
Indians  of  New  Mexico.  During  the  fiscal  year  she  has  fin- 
ished the  revision  of  several  incomplete  chapters  and  arranged 
the  matter  for  the  entire  monograph  in  form  for  publication. 
This  work  will  prove  a  most  interesting  contribution  to  the 
knowledge  of  a  typical  Pueblo  tribe,  which,  although  in  some- 
what familiar  contact  with  the  whites  for  a  long  period  of  years, 
is  so  conservative  in  character  as  to  have  been  but  slightly  in- 
fluenced in  manners  and  customs,  beliefs  and  institutions.  The 
conditions  under  which  Mrs  Stevenson's  studies  were  carried  on, 
especially  with  respect  to  the  inner  life  of  the  people,  were  excep- 
tionally favorable,  and  the  value  of  the  study  is  greatly  enhanced 
by  the  fact  that  primitive  Zufii,  owing  to  the  encroachments  of 
civilization,  promises  soon  to  become  a  thing  of  the  past. 

Although  their  researches  were  devoted  primarily  to  other 
Indian  activities,  several  of  the  collaborators  have  made  note- 
worthy collections  of  sociologic  material  during  the.  year,  the 
work  of  Dr  Fewkes  on  Porto  Rican  zemis  and  zemeisin,  that 
of  Mr  Mooney  on  the  fiducial  factors  in  Kiowa  heraldry,  that 
of  Dr  Russell  on  the  calendric  systems  and  accompanying 
beliefs  of  the  Pima  Indians,  that  of  Dr  Jenks  on  the  mythology 
of  birch  bark,  and  that  of  Dr  Swanton  on  the  mythologic 
features  of  social  organization  among  the  Haida  Indians  being 
especially  worthy  of  mention. 

Descriptive  Ethnology 

In  connection  with  his  field  work,  Mr  Mooney  was  able  to 
make  some  progress  in  the  preparation  of  the  Cyclopedia  of 
Native  Tribes;  and,  when  other  duties  permitted,  Dr  Thomas 
continued  the  collection  of  material  for  this  work,  both  from 
current  publications  and  from  rare  books  that  are  constantly 
being  added  to  the  library. 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XLI 

About  the  middle  of  the  year  the  Hilder  translation  of  the 
manuscript  history  of  Texas,  by  Padre  Morn,  was  taken  up  for 
annotation  with  a  view  to  publication.  The  historical  annota- 
tion was  kindly  undertaken  by  Dr  George  P.  Garrison,  of  the 
University  of  Texas,  and  the  manuscript  was  in  his  hands  at 
the  close  of  the  year. 

COLLECTIONS 

All  of  the  collaborators  engaged  in  field  operations  made 
more  or  less  extensive  collections  for  study  and  for  ultimate 
transfer  to  the  United  States  National  Museum.  By  far  the 
most  extensive  of  these  collections  was  that  made  by  Mr 
Mooney  as  a  means  for  research  in  heraldry.  This  collection 
still  remains  in  the  field.  Dr  Russell  collected  a  full  series  of 
objects  representing  the  arts  and  industries  of  the  Pima  Indians, 
including  a  series  of  baskets  representing  the  more  archaic  as 
well  as  the  modern  forms;  among  the  unique  objects  com- 
prised in  the  collection  are  two  calendric  records  intermediate 
in  character  between  the  winter  counts  of  the  North  and  the 
maguey-book  records  of  the  South.  Dr  Fewkes  made  con- 
siderable collections  in  New  Mexico  and  Chihuahua  early  in 
the  year,  and  subsequently  obtained  an  interesting  series  of 
aboriginal  objects  in  Porto  Rico.  As  usual,  various  collections 
were  obtained  also  by  purchase  under  the  more  immediate 
direction  of  the  Secretary. 

PROPERTY 

The  property  of  the  Bureau  comprises  (1)  office  furniture 
and  apparatus,  (2)  ethnologic  manuscripts  and  other  original 
records,  (3)  photographs  and  drawings  of  Indian  subjects, 
(4)  collections  held  temporarily  by  collaborators  for  use  in 
research,  (5)  a  working  library,  and  (6)  undistributed  residues 
of  the  editions  of  the  Bureau  publications.  There  was  little 
change  in  the  amount  or  value  of  office  property  during-  the 
year.  Purchases  of  office  furniture  were  inconsiderable;  sev- 
eral manuscripts  were  acquired  by  purchase,  mostly  for  imme- 
diate publication,  as  noted  in  previous  paragraphs,  while  the 
records  of  original  work   progressed    steadily.      About   855 


XLII  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 

negatives  (glass  and  film),  2,050  prints,  and  a  number  of 
drawings  were  added  to  the  collection  of  illustrative  material, 
and  a  proportionate  quantity  of  illustrative  material  was  used 
in  the  reports.  Most  of  the  collections  of  the  year  have  gone 
directly  to  the  United  States  National  Museum;  some,  like 
those  of  Mr  Mooney,  are  still  in  use.  The  library  has  main- 
tained a  steady  growth,  chiefly  through  exchanges,  partly  by 
the  purchase  of  current  ethnologic  books  and  earl)7  records 
pertaining  to  the  aborigines.  The  additions  of  the  year  com- 
prise about  895  books  and  150  pamphlets,  raising  the  con- 
tents of  the  library  to  11,339  books  and  2,500  pamphlets. 
The  number  of  back  reports  was  reduced  through  the  con- 
stantly increasing  public  demands  for  ethnologic  literature. 
Nearly  all  of  these  documents  are  now  out  of  print.  During 
the  first  half  of  the  fiscal  year  Mr  J.  Julius  Lund  continued  in 
charge  of  the  property  as  custodian.  After  Mr  Lund's  resig- 
nation Mr  Frank  M.  Barnett  was  appointed  to  this  position. 
Miss  Jessie  E.  Thomas  remains  in  immediate  charge  of  the 
library ;  Miss  Ella  Leary  of  the  distribution  of  documents. 

PUBLICATIONS 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  Mr  Herbert  S.  Wood  had 
charge  of  the  editorial  work;  subsequently  he  was  furlough ed 
for  several  months,  when  Dr  Albert  E.  Jenks  assumed  edito- 
rial duties  in  connection  with  his  researches;  in  June  Mr 
Wood  resumed  his  editorial  capacity,  and  toward  the  end  of 
May  Mr  Elbert  J.  Benton  was  temporarily  added  to  the  corps 
as  editorial  assistant.  The  second  part  of  the  Eighteenth 
Report  was  delivered  from  the  bindery  on  January  7,  and 
was  immediately  distributed;  Bulletin  26  was  delivered  on 
March  11,  and,  after  brief  holding  in  the  hope  that  the  Nine- 
teenth Report  might  be  distributed  at  the  same  time,  was  sent 
out  to  the  exchanges  about  the  end  of  the  year;  separate 
copies  of  the  papers  composing  the  Nineteenth  Report  were 
delivered  in  March,  but  the  binding  of  the  volumes  was 
delayed  by  reason  of  unusual  conditions  in  the  Printing 
Office,  and  the  edition  had  not  been  delivered  at  the  end  of 
the  year.     On  January  29  the  Twentieth  Annual  Report,  was 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XLIII 

transmitted.  It  is  designed  for  publication  in  one  volume  and 
comprises,  in  addition  to  the  formal  report,  the  Holmes  mono- 
graph on  aboriginal  pottery.  The  Twenty -first  Annual 
Report  was  transmitted  for  printing  on  March  12.  It  also  is 
designed  to  form  one  volume,  comprising,  in  addition  to  the 
formal  report,  the  memoirs  on  Hopi  Katcinas,  by  Dr  Fewkes; 
and  Iroquois  Creation  Myths,  by  Mr  Hewitt,  On  June  30, 
the  Twentjr-second  Annual  Report  was  transmitted  for  publi- 
cation in  two  volumes.  It  comprises,  in  addition  to  the  admin- 
istrative report,  Two  Summers'  Work  in  Pueblo  Ruins,  by 
Dr  Fewkes;  Mayan  Calendar  Systems,  by  Dr  Thomas;  and 
Hako:  A  Pawnee  Ceremony,  by  Miss  Fletcher.  On  January 
29  Dr  Boas's  memoir  entitled  Tsimshian  Texts  was  transmitted 
for  publication  in  bulletin  form.  At  the  close  of  the  year 
material  was  in  hand  for  the  Twenty-third  Report  and  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  Twenty -fourth. 

Mr  De  Lancey  Gill  remained  in  charge  of  the  illustrative 
work,  preparing  copy  for  and  revising  proofs  of  the  illustrations 
for  the  Twentieth  and  later  reports.  He  also  made  photo-por- 
traits of  some  200  Indians,  chiefly  members  of  delegations 
visiting  Washington,  and  developed  a  considerable  number  of 
negatives  made  by  the  several  collaborators  in  the  field;  in 
addition  he  made  a  useful  series  of  field  photographs  in  con- 
nection with  the  work  of  Professor  Holmes  in  Indian  Terri- 
tory, as  noted  elsewhere. 

FINANCIAL  STATEMENT 

Appropriation  by  Congress  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1902,  "for 
continuing  ethnological  researches  among  the  American  Indians  under 
the  direction  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  including  salaries  or  com- 
pensation of  all  necessary  employees  and  the  purchase  of  necessary 
books  and  periodicals,  fifty  thousand  dollars,  of  which  sum  not  exceed- 
ing one  thousand  five  hundred  dollars  may  be  used  for  rent  of  build- 
ing" (sundry  civil  act,  March  3,  1901) $50,000.00 

Salaries  or  compensation  of  employees $33, 030. 0? 

Special  services $1,  788.  50 

Traveling  expenses 2, 687.  42 

Ethnologic  specimens 2, 920.  25 

Illustrations 690.50 

Manuscripts 1, 401.  99 

Books  and  periodicals  for  library 1, 401.  78 

Rental -     1,375.00 

Furniture 25.  75 

Lighting 125.86 


XLIV  BUREAU    OF    AMERICAN"    ETHNOLOGY 

Stationer}'  and  supplies $1,  317. 27 

Freight 80.43 

Postage  and  telegraph  and  telephone 67.  50 

Miscellaneous 111 .  55 

$13, 993.  80 


Total  disbursements $47,  023.  82 


Balance  July  1,  1902,  to  meet  outstanding  liabilities '. .       2, 976. 18 

ACCOMPANYING  PAPER 

Few  of  the  great  groups  of  American  aborigines  have 
proved  of  equal  interest  with  the  tribes  of  the  arid  region. 
The  Pueblo  towns  were  first  visited  by  white  men  in  1540, 
when  the  Coronado  expedition  penetrated  the  vast  plateaus  of 
the  Colorado  and  the  Rio  Grande,  but  the  world  knew  little  of 
the  people  until  New  Mexico  passed  into  the  possession  of  the 
United  States.  During  the  middle  of  the  last  century  mem- 
bers of  military  exploring  expeditions  under  Sitgreaves,  Ives, 
Emoiy,  Simpson,  Whipple,  and  others  prepared  short,  accounts 
of  their  observations  among  the  Pueblos,  and  later  the  Powell 
Survey  in  1874,  the  Hayden  Survey  in  1874,  and  the  Wheeler 
Expedition  in  1879  brought  several  of  the  villages  to  public 
notice.  More  recently  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  as 
well  as  a  number  of  other  institutions,  have  conducted  scien- 
tific investigations  of  importance  among  the  Pueblo  tribes. 

The  pueblo  of  Zufii  has  attracted  more  attention  than  the 
other  towns.  In  1879  Mr  Frank  Hamilton  Cushing  was 
selected  by  Major  Powell  to  take  up  his  residence  in  this 
pueblo  with  the  view  of  mastering  the  language  and  of  mak- 
ing a  thorough  study  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people. 
Although  the  results  of  his  researches  have  never  appeared  in 
full,  a  number  of  valuable  papers  have  been  published.  "My 
Adventures  in  Zufii"  appeared  in  The  Century  Magazine  for 
February  to  May,  1883.  A  series  of  articles  on  "  Zufii  Bread- 
tuffs"  was  published  in  The  Millstone  during  1884-1886.  A 
memoir  on  "Zufii  Fetiches"  appeared  in  the  Second  Annual 
Report  of  the  Bureau;  "Pueblo  Pottery  as  Illustrative  of 
Zufii  Culture  Growth,"  in  the  Fourth  Annual  Report,  and 
"Zufii  Creation  Myths"  in  the  Thirteenth  Annual  Report.  A 
work  on  "Zufii  Folk  Tales"  appeared  after  Mr  Cushing's 
death,  and  the  great   store  of  information   obtained   by   him 


ADMINISTRATIVE    REPORT  XLV 

during  his  residence  at  Zuili  was  utilized  in  a  number  of 
minor  papers. 

The  Eighth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  contains  a  "Study 
of  Pueblo  Architecture :  Tusayan  and  Cibola,"  by  Victor 
Mindeleff.  Duriug  the  decade  beginning  with  1879  Mr  James 
Stevenson  made  extensive  collections  in  Zuni  and  the  other 
pueblos,  illustrated  catalogues  of  which  were  published  in  the 
Second  and  Third  Annual  Reports.  Mrs  M.  C.  Stevenson 
accompanied  her  husband  to  the  Pueblo  country  in  1879,  and 
soon  became  interested  in  the  study  of  this  most  fascinating 
people.  Her  visits  have  been  repeated  at  frequent  intervals 
down  to  the  present  year,  and  her  observations  are  now 
brought  together  in  the  accompanying  paper,  "The  Zuni 
Indians:  Their  Mytholog}r,  Esoteric  Societies,  and  Ceremonies." 
Mrs  Stevenson  has  published  a  number  of  papers  dealing  with 
the  particular  phases  of  Zuni  life.  "Zuili  and  the  Zunians  "  was 
printed  privately;  "  Religious  Life  of  the  Zuni  Child  "  appeared 
in  the  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau;  "From  'the  Zuni 
Scalp  Ceremonial'"  in  The  Congress  of  Women,  vol.  2,  Chi- 
cago, 1894;  "Zuni  Ancestral  Gods  and  Masks"  in  The 
American  Anthropologist  for  1893;  "Zuni  Mythology"  in  the 
memoirs  of  the  International  Congress  of  Anthropology,  Chi- 
cago, 1894,  and  "Zuni  Grames"  in  The  American  Anthropol- 
ogist for  1893. 

In  the  accompanying  paper  Mrs  Stevenson  does  not 
attempt  a  monographic  study  of  the  Zunis,  the  subject  being 
too  extensive  for  presentation  in  a  single  volume.  Brief 
sketches  describing  the  everyday  life,  arts,  and  customs  of 
the  .people  are  given,  but  chief  attention  is  devoted  to  the 
mytholog}",  the  esoteric  fraternities,  and  the  ceremonies  of  the 
people.  These  subjects  are  here  presented  in  the  detail  which 
their  importance  demands.  Mrs  Stevenson's  prolonged  visits 
to  Zuni  and  her  intimate  accpiaintance  with  its  people,  espe- 
ciallv  with  their  inner  life,  give  ample  assurance  that  the  true 
nature  of  the  beliefs  and  practices  of  this  tribe  is  here  revealed. 


ACCOMPANYING  PAPER 


23  ETH— 04 1 


-V 


THE    ZTJNI    INDIANS 


THEIK  MYTHOLOGY,  ESOTERIC  FRATERNITIES,  AND  CEREMONIES 


MATILDA  COXE  STEVENSON 


.'- 


CONTENTS 


<k 


Page 

Introduction 13 

Mythology 20 

General  conceptions  of  the  universe 20 

Classification  of  the  higher  powers 22 

Beginnings  of  the  universe 23 

Creation  of  the  A'shiwi  and  their  coming  to  the  outer  world 24 

Songs  of  the  Divine  Ones  over  the  St'towe 26 

^\                     Kow'wituma  appoints  Yii'nowwuluha  deputy  to  the  Sun  Father 27 

Coming  of  the  Hopis,  Pimas,  and  Navahos 28 

Zuiii  explanation  of  the  presence  of  Mexicans 29 

Coming  of  the  witches  and  the  introduction  of  corn 29 

A'shiwi  continue  their  journeying 31 

Witches  give  seeds  to  the  Corn  maidens 31 

Origin  of  the  ancestral  gods 32 

Origin  of  the  diminutive  Gods  of  War 34 

Destruction  of  the  Kia'nak'we,  and  songs  of  thanksgiving 36 

Origin  of  the  clans 40 

A'shiwi  resume  their  journeying 43 

Adoption  of  the  two  surviving  Kla'nak  we  by  the  A'shiwi 43 

A'shiwi  find  the  Middle  place 44 

Origin  of  the  Ko'tikili 46 

Discovery  of  the  Corn  maidens 48 

Creation  of  the  Beast  Gods 49 

Origin  of  the  Bow  priesthood 49 

Rediscovery  of  the  Corn  maidens  and  their  re-creation  of  corn 51 

Origin  of  animal  fetishes 57 

Origin  of  the  Zuni  salt  lake 58 

Flight  of  the  A'shiwi  to  To'wa  y;il'l;inne  and  their  return  to  the  valley  ..  61 

Anthropic  worship  and  ritual 62 

Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions 62 

History  myth  of  the  coming  of  the  A'shiwi  as  narrated  by  'Klilklo 73 

Rabbit  hunt  with  the  gods 89 

Coming  of  Ko'Ioowisi  (plumed  serpent)  and  involuntary  initiation  into 

the  Ko'tikili 94 

Voluntary  initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili 102 

Calendar  and  calendric  ceremonials 108 

Calendar 108 

Winter  solstice  ceremonies 108 

Winter  dances  of  the  Kor'kokshi ,.  141 

Summer  solstice  ceremonies 148 

A'shiwanni  ( rain  priesthood ) 163 

Installation  of  an  associate  Shi'wanni  of  the  North 168 

Preparation  and  planting  of  te'likinawe ,  171 

Winter  retreat  of  the  Shiwanni  of  the  Nadir 173 

Summer  retreat  of  a  Shiwanni 179 

5 


b  CONTENTS 

Page 

'Hla'hewe  ceremonial  for  rain  and  the  growth  of  corn 180 

O'winabai'ye,  thanksgiving  festival  for  crops 205 

Ceremonies  of  the  second  day 211 

Ceremonies  of  the  second  night 214 

Quadrennial  dance  of  the  Kia'nakwe 217 

Annual  festival  of  the  Sha'liiko 227 

Minor  ceremonies 231 

Night  ceremonies  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  in  1879 241 

Night  ceremonies  of  the  Sha'liiko  gods  in  1891 250 

Night  ceremonies  of  the  Ko'yemshi  in  1896 254 

Morning  ceremonies  of  the  Sha'liiko  in  1891 256 

Ceremonies  following  the  Sha'liiko  festival  of  1 891 261 

Retirement  of  the  Ko'yemshi  and  accompanying  ceremonies 273 

Bi'"si'si  with  the  Mo'lawe,  fruit  and  seed  bearers 277 

History,  arts,  and  customs 283 

Chronologic  summary  of  historic  events 283 

Native  accounts  of  the  revolt  of  16S0 286 

<  lovernment 289 

Property 290 

List  of  clans 291 

Social  customs 292 

The  household 292 

Natal  customs 294 

Puberty  customs 303 

Marriage  customs 304 

Mortuary  customs 305 

Games 317 

Arts  and  industries 349 

House  building 349 

Agriculture  and  horticulture 350 

Salt  gathering 354 

Food  and  drink 361 

Dress  and  adornment 369 

Weaving 372 

Basketry 373 

Pottery 373 

Silversmi  thing 377 

Beadmaking 378 

Wagonmaking 378 

Auctioneering 378 

Recent  changes  in  arts  and  industries 379 

Physical  characters 383 

Medical  practice 384 

Witchcraft 392 

Esoteric  fraternities 407 

Origin  and  functions  of  the  fraternities 407 

Shi/wannakwe 42S 

Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy  fraternity) 429 

'Siin'iakfakwe  (Hunters  fraternity) 438 

Rabbit  hunt 441 

■JHle'wekwe  (Wood  fraternity),  or  Sword-swallowera -*44 

The  Mu'waiye 458 

Februarv  ceremonial  of  the  'Hle'wekwe 4S2 


CONTENTS  7 

Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Pnge 
'Hle'wekwe  (Wood  fraternity),  or  Sword-swallowers — Continued. 

Order  of  the  Klii'la'silo  (Spruce  tree) 483 

Ma"ke  'Hlan'nakwe  (Great  Fire  fraternity) 485 

Order  of  Kok'ko  'Hlan'na 487 

Initiation  into  the  order  of  O'naya'nakta .- 490 

Fire  order  of  the  Ma"ke  'Hlan'nakwe,  Sword  division 504 

Origin  of  the  Sho'tikTanna  (Arrow  division) 511 

Po"sikishi,  division  of  the  Spruce  Tree 515 

0  'huhukwe  t,  Eagle-down  fraternity ) 521 

Ceremonial  of  initiation  into  O'naya'nakTa 522 

Ceremonial  over  a  sick  man 527 

•Chi'klalikwe  (Rattlesnake  fraternity) 528 

Hii'lo'kwe  (Ant  fraternity) 528 

Shu'maakwe 530 

Ceremonial  of  initiation  into  the  Shu'maakwe 532 

Ma"ke  'San'nakwe  (Little  Fire  fraternity) 549 

Ceremonial  of  initiation  into  O'naya'nakTa 550 

Sun  dance  of  the  Pe'shii'silo'kwe  (Cimex  fraternity) 564 

Order  of  Pa'yatamu  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity 568 

'Ko'shi'kwe  (Cactus  fraternity) 569 

A'pi"l;ishiwanni  (Bow  priesthood) 576 

Installation  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 577 

Ceremonial  of  initiation  into  the  Bow  priesthood 578 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Page 

Plate    I.  General  view  of  Zuni  (frontispiece) 13 

II.  Mummy  cave  in  Canyon  del  Muerto 18 

III.  Mask  of  'Kianil'ona  (owner  of  springs),  front  and  rear 

views 21 

IV.  Ko'thluwala'wa,  junction  of  Little  Colorado  and   Zuni 

rivers 21 

V.  a,  Mask  of  Ko'yemshi ;  b,  c,  Mask  of  Ko'mokat'si,  front 

and  rear  views 33 

VI.  a,  A  hard  climb;  b,  Pictographs  on  canyon  wall  at  Hiin'- 

MipTnkla 41 

VII.  Pictographs  on  wall  of  inner  chamber  at  H:in"liplnkla-..  42 

VIII.  View  of  Ojo  Caliente  in  1879 43 

IX.  Rainbow  Spring  at  Ojo  Caliente 43 

X.  Viewof  olderportionof  Zuni  showing  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine 

at  A 47 

XI.  To'wa  yiil'lannfi  (Corn  mountain) 61 

XII.  Views  of  Mother  rock,  west  side  of  To'wa  yal'lanne" 61 

XIII.  Ko'loowisi  (Plumed  Serpent) 94 

XIV.  Ko'loowisi  with  head  thrust  through  tablet 95 

XV.  Group  of  Ne'wek we  ( He'iwa  ki'wi'sing  in  rear) 102 

XVI.  Mask  of  Sa'ya'hlia,  a  warrior  god,  front  and  side  views 102 

XVII.  Bauble  of  Ne'wek  we  (Galaxy  fraternity) 106 

XVII I.  Sun  priest 1 08 

XIX.  Aged  man  of  Deer  clan 112 

XX.  New  Year  fire  in  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine' 115 

XXI.  Idol  of  A'hayuta,  elder  God  of  War 116 

XXII.  Shrine  of  younger  God  of  War  on  To'wa  yal'liinng 117 

XXIII.  To'mapa,  a  shrine  in  west  wall  of  To'wa  yiil'liinnS 118 

XXIV.  Family  starting  for  the  field  to  deposit  prayer  plumes  at 

winter  solstice 119 

XXV.  Prayer  plumes  of  member  of  Great  Fire  fraternity  at 

winter  solstice - 119 

XXVI.  Mask  of  Shits'ukla,  game  eater:   front,  side,   and  rear 

views 130 

XXVII.  Mask  of  Kwe'lele,  fire  maker  to  Shits'ukla:  front  and 

side  views 130 

XXVIII.  Mask  of  Pau'tiwa,  front  and  side  views 130 

XXIX.  Ko'yemshi  gods  on  house  top 152 

XXX.  Shrine  to  anthropic  gods  on  Kor'kokshi  mountain 156 

XXXI.  Kor'kokshi  gods  dancing  in  plaza  attended  by  Ko'yemshi 

gods  and  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy  fraternity) 162 

XXXII.  End  view  of  et'tone  fetish  of  Rain  priests. 163 

XXXIII.  Top  view  of  et'tone  fetish  of  Rain  priests 163 

XXXIV    Cloud  symbol  and  fetishes  of  Shi'wanni  (Rain  priest)  of 

the  Nadir  before  offerings  are  placed 174 


8 


ILLUSTRATIONS  9 

Pnge 
Plate  XXXV.  Cloud  symbol  and  fetishes  of  Shi'wanniof  the  Nadir  after 

offerings  are  placed 177 

XXXVI.  Room  of  gt'tonS  fetish,  of  Shi'wanni  of  Black  Corn  clan.       179 
XXXVII.  Ham'pone  (pavilion)  of  the  'Hla'hewe,  personators  of 

the  Corn  maidens 190 

XXXVIII.  'Hlelh'pone  (headdress),  with  tablet  ornamented  with 

cloud,  sun,  crescent,  and  star  symbols 194 

XXXIX.  'Hla'hewe  dancing  in  plaza 196 

XL.   He'patina,  shrine  symbolizing  center  of  the  world,  with 

front  slab  removed 201 

XLI.  Cave  shrine  of  Pa'yatamu:  a,  Shrine;  b,  Idols  removed 

from  shrine : 204 

XLI  I.  Kia'nakwe  gods  crossing  bridge  at  Zuni 218 

XLIII.  Mask  of  a  Shi'wanni  Rain  priest  of  Kia'nakwe,  front, 

side,  and  rear  views 219 

XLIV.  ",  Mask  of  Ko'thlama,  front  view;  b,  Head  of  personator  of 

Ko'thlama,  rear  view '. 219 

XLV.  Masks  of  A'pP'lashiwanni  (warriors)  a,  of  the  North,   b, 

of  the  West,  and  c,  of  the  South:  front  and  side  views. .      219 
XL VI.  Masks  of  A'pi'^ashiwanni  (warriors)  a,  of  Zenith,  b,  of 
the  Nadir,  c,  of  monsona  (director)  of  warriors  of  the 

Kia'nakwe,  front  and  side  views 220 

XLVII.  Kia'nakwe  gods  dancing  in  plaza 223 

XLVIII.  Shrine  at  Pi'klaia'kla'na  (Water-cress  spring) 233 

XLIX.  Htil'on  kwa'ton  (ant  entering  place)  shrine 233 

L.  He'patina  shrine  symbolic  of  the  center  of  the  world; 

position  of  shrine  indicated  at  A 234 

LI.  Mask  of  Shu'laawi'si,  deputy  to  the  Sun  Father,   front 

and  side  views 241 

LII.  Masks  of  He'hea  (blunderer)  of  the  South:  front,  side, 

and  rear  views 242 

LIII.  Mask  of  He'hea  (blunderer)  of  the  Nadir:   front,  side, 

and  rear  views 242 

LIV.  Mask  of  Sa'yatiisha,  rain  priest  of  the  North:  front  and 

side  views 242 

LV.  a,  Mask  of  Ya'muhakto;  b,  c,  Mask  of  Hu'tutu:  front  and 

side  views 243 

LVI.  Mask  of  Siil'imobiya,  warrior  of  Zenith:  front  and  side 

views 243 

LVII.  Mask  of  Siil'imobiya,   warrior   of  Nadir:  front  and  side 

views 243 

LVIII.  Altar  of  U'huhukwe  ( Eagle-down  fraternity) 245 

LIX.  Altar  of  'Siin'iaklak  we  ( Hunters  fraternity) 250 

LX.  Deerskin  hood  of  the  Sha'lako,  giant  coui'ier  gods  of  the 

rain-makers 250 

LXI.  Sha'lako,  giant  courier  god  of  the  rain-makers,  preceded 

by  his  alternate 257 

LXII.  Shu'laawi'si,  deputy  to  the  Sun  Father,  preceded  by  his 

ceremonial  father 258 

LXII  I.  Sa'yatasha  and  Hu'tutu,  rain  priests,  and  two  Ya'muhakto 

(warriors)   258. 

LXIV.  Sha'lako,  giant  courier  gods  of  the  rain-makers 260 

LXV.  Nai'uchi  perlorming  a  feat  in  legerdemain 272 

LXVI.  Ko'yemshi  gods  in  plaza 274 


10  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Page 

Plate  LXVII.  Canvas  packs  of  personators  of  the  Ko'yemshi  gods 274 

LXVIII.  Women  bearing  offerings  to  the  personators  of  the  Ko'- 
yemshi gods 274 

LXIX.   Wa'tem'la  |  all  herds  i  gods  in  plaza 275 

LXX.  Mask  of  u'wannami  (rain-makers  .front  and  rear  views..  275 
LXXI.  ".  Mask  of  Xa'tashku:  >..  <•  Mask  of  Xa'wisho.  front  and 

side  views 275 

LXXII.  Incident  in  retirement  of  Ko'yemshi:  Mu'luktSkTa gods 

in  line  for  dance  as  Wa'tem'la  gods  r<tire 275 

LXXIII.  Mask  of  Mu'luktakla.  front,  side,  and  rear  views 275 

LXXIV.  Mask  of  He'mishiikwe  with  tablet,  front  and  rear  views.  275 
LXXV.  .i.  Mask  of  god  accompanying  He'mishiikwe:  '/.>•.  Masks 
of  goddesses  accompanying  He'mishiikwe.  front  and 

rear  views 275 

LXXVI.  Personator  of  Bi-"si'si,  original  director  of   Xe'wekwe 

(Galaxy  fraternity),  crossing  plaza 279 

LXX VI I.   Zuiii  living  room 293 

LXXVIII.  Learning  to  weave  belts 294 

LXXIX.  Zuiiis  imitating  the  dance  of  the  Ye'bi'chai  gods  of  the 

Xavahos 294 

LXXX.  Pog  dance 294 

LXX  XL  Pleasure  dance 294 

LXXXII.  Maidens  at  the  well 294 

LX X X II I.   Youthful  runners 32S 

LXXXIV.  Game  of  ta'sholiwe 348 

LXXXV.  View  of  the  highest  section  of  Zuiii 349 

LX X X  VI.  Placing  the  rafters 349 

LXXX  VII.   Women  plastering  a  house  and  tiring  pottery 350 

LXXXVIII.  The  Zuiii  salt  lake 356 

LXXXIX.  Lake  in  the  depths  of  volcanic  cone,  home  of  the  Gods  of 

War 357 

X.C.   Bread  making  for  the  feast 365 

XCI.   Aired  woman  carrying  fagots 365 

XCII.  Flaying  a  beef : 368 

XCIII.  Zufii  matron 371 

XCI V.  We'wha  weaving  belt 373 

XCV.  Shop  of  silversmith 377 

XCVI.  a,  Bead  making:  h.  Bead  maker's  family 378 

XCVII.   Znni  wagon  in  1S79 378 

XCVIII.  Auctioneering 379 

XCIX.  Group  of  Znni  albinos.. 383 

C.  Child  with  broken  leg  in  splints 392 

CI.  Mi'li  (ear  of  corn  covered  with  plumes),  insignia  of  the 

•  ■r.ler  of  O'naya'naki  I  life-givers  |. 41S 

CII.  Dry  painting  in  front  of  altar  of  Shi  'wannak we 428 

CIII.  a,  Mask  of  Kok'ko  'Hlan'na  [Great  God)  of  Xe'wekwe, 
front  and  rear  views:  6,  Mask  of  Mi'totasha.  front  and 

side  views 429 

CIV.   Altar  of  the  Xe'wekwe  i  Galaxy  fraternity  t 432 

CV.  Zunis  imitating  deer  dance  of  the  Hopis 440 

CV1.  a,  Peer  lying  in  state:  b,  Prayer  over  rabbits 441 

CVII.  Map  showing  route  followed  by  'Hle'wekwe  i  Wood  fra- 
ternity i  or  S word-swallowers 444 


ILLUSTRATIONS  11 

Page 

Plate  CVIII.  Dry  paintings,  fetishes,  and  wall  decoration  of  'Hie'  wek  we.  454 

«     CIX.  Sword  of  'Hie' wekwe,  the  Sword-swallowers 460 

CX.  Boxes  of  'Hle'wekwe 464 

CXI.  Basket  with  meal  crossed  and  encircled  with  corn  pollen, 

symbolic  of  the  four  regions  and  the  whole  world 474 

CXII.  a,  Ancient  'hla'we;  b,  'hlu'sipowe:  fetishes  of  'Hlawekwe, 

the  Sword-swallowers 475 

CXIII.  South  shrine  of  theGodsof  War,showingtehl'nawe(staves) 

used  in  ceremonial  of  the'Hle'wekwe.Sword-swallowers.  481 

CXIV.  'Hle'wekwe,  the  Sword-swallowers  in  plaza 483 

CXV.  Mask  of  Kok'ko  'Hlan'na  (Great  God)  of  Ma"ke  'Hlan'- 

nakwe  ( Great  Fire  fraternity ) ,  front  and  side  views 487 

CXVI.  Altar  of  Ma"ke  'Hlan'nakwe  (Great  Fire  fraternity) 491 

CX VII.  A' wan  'Si'ta  (Great  Mother)  of  Ma"ke  'Hlan'nakwe 492 

CX VIII.  Sword-swallowers  of  Ma"ke  'Hlan'nakwe 510 

CXIX.  Dance  of  Arrow  order  of  Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe 513 

CXX.  He'hea  gods  on  their  way  to  ceremonial  chamber  of 

U'huhukwe  (Eagle-down  fraternity) 526 

CXXI.  U'huhukwe  chasing  He'hea  gods  with  their  firebrands..  526 
CXXII.  Altar  of  Hii'lo'kwe  (Ant  fraternity)  before  fetishes  are 

placed  on  it 529 

CXX1II.  Mask  of  the  Shumai'koli  of  the  Zenith 536 

CXXIV.  Shumai'koli  gods  and  Sai'apa  in  plaza;  circle  dance 543 

CXXV.  Altar  of  Shu'maakwe 543 

CXXVI.  Altar  of  Pe'sha'silo'kwe  (Cimex  fraternity) 550 

CXX VII.  Altar  of  Ma"ke  "San'nakwe  (Little  Fire  fraternity) 551 

CXXVIII.  Plume  offerings  made  at  shrine  of  Pa'yatiimu,  god  of 

music 569 

CXXIX.  Willow  dance  of  'Ko'shi'kwe  (Cactus  fraternity) 574 

CXXX.  Scalp  house 581 

CXXXI.  Scalp  pole  in  center  of  plaza 586 

CXXXII.  Maidens  returning  from  the  house  of  victor  with  gifts  for 

their  services  in  grinding 592 

CXXXIII.  Pu'panakwe,  choir  of  A'pi"liishiwanni  (Bow  priesthood) .  592 

CXXXIV.  Meal  painting  and  fetishes  of  A'pi"lushiwanni  in  plaza..  601 
CXXXV.  Pa'mosono"kla  female  associate  to  scalp  custodian  and 

two  Hii'shiya  dancers  in  plaza 601 

CXXXVI.  Grass  wand  carried  by  Pa'mosono"kIa 601 

CXXXVII.  Idols  of  elder  God  of  War  from  shrine  on  Kwll'li  yal'- 

lanne"  (Twin  mountains) 607 

CXXXVIII.  Shrine  on  Kwll'li  yiil'lanne  showing  latest  idols  of  elder 

God  of  War  in  place  and  displaced  idols. 607 

CXXXIX.  Idols  of  elder  God  of  War  from  ancient  cave  shrine,  on 

the  west  wall  of  To'wa  yiil'lanne'  (Corn  mountain) 607 

Figcke  1.  Morning  prayer  to  rising  sun 14 

2.  Ancient  sun  shrine 42 

3.  Sun  shrine  at  Ma"sakla 118 

4.  Toad  kept  in  et'tong  reed 163 

5.  Room  of  6t'tow6  of  Corn  clan 165 

6.  Diagram  of  the  'Hla'hew-e  ceremony  in  the  ki'wi'sine 185 

7.  Positions  of  participants  in  'Hla'hewe  ceremonial  in  plaza 191 

8.  Diagram  showing  position  of  Sha'liiko  and  other  participants  on 

the  ceremonial  ground 257 


12  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Page 

Figure  9.  Depositing  prayer  plumes  at  Ku'shilowa  ( Red  Earth ) 278 

10.  Whistle  used  by  Bi'^si'si 280 

11.  Ti'kwawe  of  the  Bow  priests 320 

12.  Split  reeds  used  in  sho'li  we 330 

13.  Method  of  placing  reeds  in  playing  sho'li  we 331 

14.  Implements  used  in  i'yiinkolo'we 338 

15.  Implements  used  in  ho'klamonng 341 

16.  Plumed  sticks  and  reeds  used  in  playing  la'poehiwe 342 

17.  Implements  used  in  hapoanne  pihl'kwanawe 343 

18.  Implements  used  in  Sa'yat'laknawe 343 

19.  Method  of  holding  arrows  in  playing  sho'wiyaltowe 344 

20.  Implements  used  in  po'kliiinnawe 345 

21.  Implements  used  in  'si'kon-yii'mune  ti'kwang 346 

22.  Shelter  for  the  field  guardian 352 

23.  A  storage  room 353 

24.  Old  Zuni  vase 376 

25.  Modern  Zuni  vases ■ 377 

26.  Theurgist  reconstructing  the  mi'li 420 

27.  Shrine  dedicated  to  the  rattlesnake 424 

28.  Hopi   Indian,  married  to    a  Zuni   woman,  carving    an  image  of 

Pa'yatamu  for  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy  fraternity ) 431 

29.  Method  of  combining  plumes  and  grass 433 

30.  Markings  on  back  and  arrangement  of  hair  of  the  Ne'wekwe 435 

31.  Arrangement  of  hair  of  the  Ne'wekwe,  front  view 436 

32.  'Hlem'mosona  swallowing  sword 468 

33.  Meal  painting  used  at  installation  of  elder  brother  Bow  priest 577 

34.  Excavation  and  meal  mounds  symbolic  of  Shi'papolima  and  homes 

of  theGodsof  War 582 


THE  ZUNI  INDIANS:  THEIR  MYTHOLOGY,  ESOTERIC 
FRATERNITIES,  AND  CEREMONIES 


By  Matilda  Coxe  Stevenson 


INTRODUCTION 

During-  the  last  twenty-five  years  the  investigations  of  archeologists 
and  ethnologists  in  the  United  States  have  been  largely  directed  to  the 
southwestern  region,  especially  to  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.  This 
region  appears  to  have  been  once  quite  densely  populated,  then  deso- 
lated by  wars,  and  afterward  held  in  precarious  tenure  by  remnants 
of  a  dwindling  race.  The  older  ruins  are  found  in  the  valleys,  along 
the  water  courses,  where  the  prehistoric  people  probably  dwelt  in 
peace  and  prosperity  until,  driven  by  a  powerful  foe  from  the  homes 
of  their  fathers,  they  were  forced  to  take  refuge  in  recesses  and  caves 
in  the  canyon  walls.  These  resorts  are  filled  with  the  homes  of  the 
cliff  dwellers.  Many  of  the  houses  are  well  preserved,  but  most  of 
the  ruins  of  the  vallej'  are  hardly  more  than  crumbling  heaps  of 
stones,  while  among  these  everywhere  are  scattered  the  lares  and 
penates  of  the  ancients. 

It  can  not  be  determined  how  man}r  generations  of  cliff  dwellers 
lived  in  these  strange  fastnesses;  but  that  many  of  the  stone  structures 
of  the  cliffs  are  hundreds  of  years  old  may  not  be  questioned.  Some 
of  these  places  have  become  inaccessible,  owing  to  the  wearing  away 
of  the  approaches  by  the  elements  that  fashioned  the  recesses  of  the 
canyon  walls  When  the  clouds  of  war  grew  less  threatening,  the 
people  ventured  to  leave  their  fortresses,  the  scenes  of  long  trials  and 
many  privations,  and  settled  upon  the  mesas,  or  table-lands,  which  are 
so  prominent  a  feature  in  the  scenery  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona, 
The  elevation  of  these  sites  enabled  them  to  detect  the  approaching 
enemy:  while  in  the  valley  below,  along  the  streams  that  washed  the 
bases  of  the  cliffs,  they  sowed  and  gathered  their  crops.  But  the 
mesa  top  was  far  from  the  harvest  field,  and  the  women  must  have 
grown  weary  carrying  the  water  vases  and  canteens  up  the  steep 
acclivities  of  the  rocky  walls.     In  the  course  of  time  the  mesa  dwellers 

13 


14 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


ventured  to  descend  to  the  valleys  and  to  erect  their  dwellings  upon 
the  ruins  of  the  towns  where  their  foi'efathers  had  lived;  there  they 
at  length  regained  their  inheritance  and  reestablished  their  pueblos, 
which  still  endure,  although  within  the  past  few  years  they  have  been 
rapidly  changing  under  the  influence  of  civilization.  Thus  was  com- 
pleted the  cycle  of  vicissitudes  in  the  history  of  these  people — from 
valley  to  cliff,  from  cliff  to  mesa,  and  from  mesa  to  valley  again.  The 
Hopi  villages  of  Arizona  and  Acoma  of  New  Mexico  are  still  on  mesas, 
but  the  people  are  gradually  moving  down  into  the  valleys. 

Much  has  been  done,  but  more  remains  to  be  accomplished,  before 
there  can  be  hope  of  writing  the  history  of  the  generations  of  men 


Fig.  1 — Morning  prayer  to  rising  sun. 

whose  records  are  found  here  and  there  on  the  canyon  walls  of  the 
Southwest  and  whose  traditions  speak  to  us,  however  imperfectly, 
through  the  people  now  living  in  the  pueblos  of  that  region.  Among 
the  remnants  of  ancient  tribes,  the  Zunis,  whose  extreme  exclusive- 
ness  has  preserved  to  them  their  strong  individuality,  may  claim  per- 
haps the  highest  position,  whether  we  regard  simply  their  agricultural 
and  pastoral  pursuits  or  consider  their  whole  social  and  political 
organization. 

The  quest  for  happiness  is  universal,  and  in  their  endeavor  to  attain 
this  the  Zunis  have  developed  a  philosophy  that  has  been  profoundly 
influenced  by  their  environment.  Upon  this  philosophy  is  built  a  sys- 
tem of  religion  which,  among  its  many  interesting  features,  inculcates 


stevenson]  INTRODUCTION  15 

truthfulness.  A  Zufii  must  speak  with  one  tongue  in  order  to  have 
his  prayers  received  by  the  gods,  and  unless  the  prayers  arc  accepted 
no  rains  will  come,  which  means  starvation.  His  voice  must  be  gentle 
and  he  must  speak  and  act  with  kindness  to  all,  for  the  gods  care  not 
for  those  whose  lips  speak  with  harshness.  The  morning  prayer  (fig- 
ure 1)  he  must  utter  out  of  doors,  looking  toward  the  rising  sun.  All 
must  observe  continence  four  days  previous  to  and  four  days  following 
the  sending  of  breath  prayers  through  the  spiritual  essence  of  plume 
offerings,  and  thus  their  passions  are  brought  under  control.  They 
look  to  their  gods  for  nourishment  and  for  all  things  pertaining  to 
their  welfare  in  this  world,  and  while  the  woof  of  their  religion  is  col- 
ored with  poetic  conceptions,  when  the  fabric  is  separated  thread  by 
thread  we  find  the  web  composed  of  a  few  simple,  practical  concepts. 
Their  highest  conception  of  happiness  is  physical  nourishment  and 
enjoyment,  and  the  worship  of  their  pantheon  of  gods  is  designed  to 
attain  this  end. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Pueblo  Indians  are  attached  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith;  but  such  is  not  the  case,  at  least  with  the  Zuni.s.  For 
a  time  their  ancestors  were  compelled  to  worship  in  that  church,  but 
their  pagan  belief  was  not  seriously  affected  thereby.  The  ritual 
pleased  them,  and  they  were  allowed  to  decorate  their  walls  with  sym- 
bols of  their  own  belief,  and  so  the  church  became  more  or  less  an 
object  of  interestto  them,  and  to  some  extent  the  ritual  of  Catholicism 
modified  their  own.  The  Rio  Grande  pueblos,  however,  have  been 
brought  more  under  the  influence  of  the  church,  and  superficial 
observers  have  supposed  them  to  be  permanently  Christianized. 

In  July.  1879,  the  birth  year  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  an  expe- 
dition was  sent  to  make  researches  among  the  pueblos  and  the  more 
important  ruins  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
make  a  special  study  of  some  particular  pueblo.  Zufii,  in  western 
New  Mexico,  was  selected  as  the  place  for  the  more  detailed  work. 
Mr  James  Stevenson  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  expedition,  and  with 
a  small  party,  including  Mr  Frank  H.  disking,  Mr  J.  K.  Hillers, 
and  the  writer,  started  for  Zuni. 

The  first  point  of  interest  visited  after  leaving  Las  Vegas,  N.  Mex., 
then  the  terminus  of  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe  railroad,  was 
the  ruin  of  the  pueblo  of  Pecos,  situated  on  a  knoll  about  100  feet 
above  the  Rio  Pecos,  25  miles  south  of  east  of  Santa  Fe.  At  that  time 
the  walls  of  the  old  church  erected  under  the  command  of  the  Spanish 
fathers  were  standing,  and  some  of  the  interior  wood  carvings  were 
silent  witnesses  to  the  former  presence  of  the  conquerors.  With  no 
other  implements  than  knives  and  stilettos  the  party  worked  during 
the  night,  by  the  light  of  the  brilliant  moon,  opening  one  chamber.  An 
impression  of  a  hand  and  arm  in  color,  probably  of  a  maiden,  was  found 


16  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ahh.23 

on  the  wall;  Such  evidences  of  maidenly  vanity  are  still  to  be  seen  in 
pueblo  houses  of  the  present  time. 

Near  one  end  of  the  town  were  the  remains  of  two  circular  walls, 
which  have  been  described  by  some  writers  as  estufas,  or  tire  houses, 
and  are  supposed  to  have  been  used  for  religious  purposes  by  the 
former  inhabitants  of  the  pueblo.  Careful  observation  indicated  that 
these  particular  inclosures  were  probably  designed  as  reservoirs  and 
were  used  for  the  storage  of  snow,  to  be  consumed  during  the  long 
droughts  of  that  arid  country.  Subsequently  in  the  same  year  it  was 
found  that  the  Laguna  Indians  used  similar  stores  of  snow.  The 
Laguna  women,  in  carrying  water  from  distant  springs  when  the 
reservoirs  were  exhausted,  have  worn  a  path  6  or  8  inches  deep  in  the 
sandstone.  How  pathetic  is  the  story  graven  in  the  winding  footway; 
what  pages  might  be  tilled  with  this  "testimony  of  the  rocks." 

The  journey  from  the  terminus  of  the  railroad  at  Las  Vegas  to 
Zufii  was  long  and  tedious,  and  the  party  felt  deeply  grateful  to 
General  Edward  Hatch,  then  in  command  of  the  district  of  New 
Mexico,  and  to  General  J.  J.  Dane,  district  quartermaster,  for  their 
cordial  compliance  with  the  request  of  General  Sherman  to  afford 
every  facility  in  the  way  of  transportation  and  otherwise.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  enthusiastic  interest  in  ethnologic,  research  of  the  General 
of  the  Army,  the  limited  allotment  for  the  expedition  would  necessarily 
have  been  largely  expended  for  transportation  and  labor,  and  the 
scientific  work  greatly  hampered. 

Ten  days  were  consumed  in  the  journey  from  Santa  Fe  to  Fort 
Wingate  over  the  old  Fort  Wingate  road,  a  thing  of  the  past  since  the 
introduction  of  the  railroad.  Every  foot  of  the  way  bore  evidence  of 
former  settlement.  When  not  visible  on  the  surface,  walls,  stone 
implements,  or  fragments  of  pottery  were  readily  revealed  by  a  little 
work  with  the  pick  and  shovel. 

The  warm  welcome  extended  b}'  General  George  P.  Buell,  then  in 
command  of  Fort  Wingate,  was  appreciated  by  the  travelers,  who  had 
been  constantly  exposed  to  the  burning  sun  of  New  Mexico  for  ten 
days.  After  a  short  time  spent  in  outfitting,  the  party  proceeded  to 
Zufii,  -±5  miles  distant.  Here  they  were  made  welcome  by  the  native 
priests  and  other  otficials  of  the  pueblo;  and  later,  when  a  council  was 
held  and  Mr  Stevenson  told  them  the  object  of  his  visit,  they  promised 
him  eveiy  possible  aid,  a  promise  which  they  have  sacredly  kept. 

Six  months  were  spent  in  studj'ing  the  religion  and  sociology  of  the 
Zufiis,  in  making  a  survey  of  the  town  and  immediate  vicinity,  in 
securing  photographs  of  the  pueblo  and  the  people  showing  various 
phases  of  their  daily  life,  and  in  making  a  collection  of  ceremonial 
objects  including  a  large  number  of  fetishes,  and  of  stone  implements, 
fabrics,  foodstuffs,  and  pottery.     Two  images  of  saints  and  portions 


stevenson]  INTRODUCTION  17 

of  the  altar  of  the  old  Catholic  church  were  obtained,  the  enamel 
tinish  on  the  face  and  limbs  of  the  figures  .showing-  much  artistic  skill. 
The  church  objects  were  in  the  custody  of  one  Mauritio,  and  in  order 
to  determine  whether  they  might  be  removed  a  council  of  religious 
and  civil  officers  was  held.  It  was  finally  decided  that  it  would  be 
well  to  have  these  objects  go  with  the  other  Zuni  material  to  the 
"great  house"  (National  Museum)  in  Washington,  where  they  would 
lie  preserved. 

While  the  priests  and  other  high  officials  favored  photographing  the 
ceremonials — in  fact,  seemed  eager  to  serve  the  expedition  in  every 
way — the  populace  were  so  opposed  to  having  their  masks  and  rituals 
"carried  away  on  paper,"  that  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  make  but 
few  ceremonial  pictures  with  the  camera,  and  the  altars  and  masks 
were  sketched  in  color  by  the  writer  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
people.  The  largest  and  most  valuable  collection,  especialhT  of  fetishes 
and  sacred  vessels,  ever  secured  from  any  of  the  pueblos  was  made  at 
this  time. 

Before  the  collection  was  packed,  General  Buell  left  Fort  Wingate 
for  Colorado  with  his  command  and  most  of  his  transportation  facilities 
to  participate  in  the  Ute  war.  After  securing  all  the  available  teams 
in  the  country.  Mr  Stevenson  found  the  number  inadequate  to  convey 
the  collections  from  Zuni  to  the  railroad.  To  ask  for  the  few  teams 
remaining  at  Wingate  seemed  presumptuous,  jet  it  was  necessary  that 
something  lie  done  to  get  this  material  out  of  the  Territory  immedi- 
ately. No  one  could  tell  what  a  day  might  bring  forth  in  this  frontier 
post,  far  from  the  railway  and  without  telegraphic  communication 
with  the  outer  world.  The  Apaches  were  within  striking  distance 
and  the  Navahos  were  threatening  an  outbreak,  while  nearly  the  entire 
command  of  the  military  post  was  absent  in  Colorado.  It  was  decided 
to  communicate  at  once  with  General  Buell  and  solicit  aid.  The  result 
was  that  all  the  wagons  except  those  in  daily  use  at  the  garrison  were 
assigned  to  Mr  Stevenson,  with  a  request  that  the  transportation  of 
the  collection  be  hastened  and  the  teams  returned  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment.  This  generous  act  was  profoundly  appreciated. 
Had  aid  been  withheld  at  this  time  much  of  the  collection  might  never 
have  reached  the  railroad. 

The  whole  of  the  six  months  devoted  to  field  work  in  1879  was  spent 
at  Zuni;  and  though  the  writer  accompanied  Mr  Stevenson  to  the 
meetings  of  the  various  secret  organizations,  and  though  her  relations 
with  the  Indians  were  of  the  most  cordial  nature,  she  obtained  at  this 
time  but  the  merest  suggestion  of  their  inner  life. 

During  1880  all  of  the  Rio .  Grande  pueblos  were  visited.  Photo- 
graphs were  made  at  each  pueblo,  and  collections  of  stone  implements, 
objects  associated  with  the  ritual,  and  pottery  were  secured.     In  1881 

23  eth— 04 2 


18  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

Mr  Stevenson  returned  to  Zuiii,  where  six  months  were  spent  in  ethno- 
logic study  and  collecting.  The  Hopi  villages  and  a  number  of  ruins 
in  the  vicinity  were  visited  in  the  winter  of  the  same  year. 

In  subsequent  years  further  researches  were  made  among  the  Rio 
Grande  pueblos  and  the  ruins  of  central  and  northern  Arizona,  and 
man}*  objects  of  value  were  obtained.  The  pottery  from  the  ruins  was 
especially  tine,  many  of  the  pieces  rivaling  in  form  and  color  the  old 
Greek  and  Egyptian  wares.  One  of  the  most  interesting  ruins  was 
found  in  an  arm  of  the  canyon  de  Chelly.  Although  the  main  canyon 
had  been  previously  visited,  this  arm,  named  the  canyon  del  Muerto, 
from  the  exhumation  of  a  number  of  mummies, a  was  unknown  to  the 
white  man  before  the  old  Navaho  chief,  Ganado  Mucho,  who  was 
Mr  Stevenson's  guide,  led  him,  as  a  mark  of  special  favor,  into  this 
hitherto  unexplored  field.  Models  of  the  ruins  in  the  can}-on  del 
Muerto,  constructed  principally  by  Mr  Victor  Mindeletf,  artist  to 
the  expedition,  from  the  surveys,  photographs,  and  sketches  made 
at  this  time,  are  among  the  most  interesting  to  be  seen  in  the  National 
Museum  (see  plate  n). 

The  rich  results  from  superficial  excavations  in  New  Mexico  and 
Arizona,  especially  in  the  Hopi  country,  convinced  Mr  Stevenson  that 
archeologic  treasures  lay  hidden  within  the  earth;  but  these  he  thought 
would  remain  undisturbed  while  he  gathered  objects  of  interest,  both 
ancient  and  modern,  from. the  many  pueblos.  For  tourists  and  curi- 
osity-seekers, fired  with  the  desire  for  collecting,  were  effecting  trades 
with  the  Indians,  and  many  choice  specimens  were  already  crossing  the 
seas;  hence  came  the  necessitj-  for  immediate  action  on  the  part  of  the 
GoA'ernment  collectors.  It  was  hoped  by  Mr  Stevenson  that,  when 
the  materials  to  be  found  on  the  surface  were  safely  deposited  in  the 
National  Museum,  a  well-organized  S3"stem  of  excavation  throughout 
the  Southwest  could  be  begun.  But  exposure  and  overwork  shortened 
the  days  of  this  earnest  worker,  and  after  his  untimely  death  in  1888 
it  remained  for  Dr  J.  W.  Fewkes,  Dr  Walter  Hough,  Dr  George  H. 
Pepper,  and  others  to  verify  his  opinions.  The  valuable  archeologic 
collections  made  in  recent  years  are  evidence  of  the  correctness  of  Mr 
Stevenson's  convictions. 

The  writer  has  made  several  prolonged  visits  to  Zufii,  and  after  many 
years  of  investigation  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  priests,  the- 
urgists,  and  the  people  generally,  feels  sufficiently  acquainted  with 
them,  their  life,  and  their  thoughts,  to  venture  a  presentation  of  their 
esoteric  beliefs,  their  rituals,  habits,  and  customs.  The  limitations  of 
this  volume,  however,  make  it  necessary  to  give  only  a  restricted 
account  of  many  subjects  that  are  deserving  of  more  extensive  treat- 
ment, and  much  material  has  been  reserved  for  future  publication. 

a  Mr  J.  Stanley-Brown  was  the  first  of  the  party  to  discover  human  remains  in  this  canyon. 


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stevenson]  INTRODUCTION  1 9 

While  the  writer  has  gone  deeply  into  the  subject  of  the  religion  of 
the  Zunis,  unci  is  able  to  record  the  more  important  details  of  their 
philosophy,  there  are  yet  many  fields  to  be  worked,  and  an  attempt 
at  drawing  dual  eonelusions  will  not  be  made  until  more  extensive 
studies  of  allied  tribes  have  been  undertaken.  If  that  which  is  here 
presented  serves  as  a  basis  for  future  investigation,  and  aids  the  Gov- 
ernment to  a  better  understanding  of  the  North  American  Indians,  the 
author  will  have  succeeded  in  her  purpose. 

Whatever  has  been  accomplished  by  the  writer  at  Zuni  and  else- 
where is  largely  due  to  the  training  and  instruction  received  from  her 
lamented  husband  and  companion,  James  Stevenson.  Much  of  the 
present  volume  is  based  on  his  notes  and  records.  His  plans  for 
ethnologic  research  were  far-reaching,  and  he  expected  to  give  many 
years  to  their  completion.  His  life  was  devoted  to  the  establishment 
and  development  of  scientific  institutions,  and  it  is  largely  to  his 
efforts,  in  support  of  those  of  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  that  the  Bureau 
of  Ethnology  owes  its  origin  and  success.  His  reputation  for  careful 
investigation,  and  a  high  sense  of  integrity,  is  too  well  known  to 
require  further  comment  in  these  pages. 

To  Mr  W.  H.  Holmes,  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
the  writer  is  indebted  for  uniform  courtesy  and  for  opportunities 
afforded  in  the  prosecution  of  her  recent  studies  in  Zuni.  Acknowl- 
edgments are  due  for  courtesies  extended  during  the  long  period  of 
the  writer's  investigations  in  the  Southwest,  among  others,  by  Colonel 
G.  G.  Huntt,  Captain  Herbert  H.  Sargent,  Captain  Curtis  B.  Hoppin, 
Captain  Guy  Carlton.  Dr  Washington  Matthews,  Major  Francis  H. 
Hardie.  Lieutenant  Clarence  R.  Da}',  and  Lieutenant  H.  B.  Jordan,  of 
the  United  States  Army,  Honorable  Henry  M.  Teller,  United  States 
Senate;  Honorable  Robert  Adams,  jr.,  House  of  Representatives-;  Dr 
Reginald  H.  Sayre:  Dr  George  Tully  Vaughan,  Assistant  Surgeon- 
General  Marine-Hospital  Service;  Mr  J.  D.  McChesne}',  of  the  United 
States  Geological  Survey;  Mr  F.  V.  Coville,  Botanist,  Department  of 
Agriculture;  Mr  J.  X.  Rose,  United  States  National  Museum;  Mr  P.  C. 
Warman,  editor.  United  States  Geological  Survey;  Mr  William  Bar- 
num  of  the  Carnegie  Institution;  and  Mr  Douglas  D.  Graham,  at 
present  United  States  agent  to  the  Zunis.  Mr  Graham's  interest  in  the 
success  of  the  representatives  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology 
has  been  exhibited  in  the  most  effective  manner  for  twenty  years  or 
more,  and  his  generous  aid,  not  only  to  the  writer  but  to  others  in  the 
employ  of  the  Government  who  have  visited  Zuni  pueblo,  has  in  many 
ways  been  invaluable. 

The  writer  is  under  obligations  also  to  her  Zuni  friends,  among  whom 
are  numbered  not  only  the  priests  and  theurgists,  but  also  the  women 
and  children,  who  ever  manifested  a  pleasing  readiness  to  serve  her. 


20  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ank.23 

Slir  is  especially  grateful  to  the  high  priest  of  Zufii;  the  sun  priest; 
Nai'uchi,"  elder  brother  Bow  priest;  Mesha,  younger  brother  Bow 
piiest;  Kenoti,  member  of  the  Bow  priesthood;  the  Ko'mosona,  director 
of  tlir  fraternity  devoted  to  anthropie  worship;  Sinahe  (Dick),  associate 
ruin  priest;  Roman  Luna,  a  theurgist;  Halian,  son  of  Nai'uchi,  and  Nina, 
his  daughter,  who  freely  gave  such  aid  and  information  as  was  sought. 
Among  those,  since  deceased,  who  faithfully  served  the  writer,  and  for 
whom  she  will  ever  retain  the  fondest  remembrances,  are  Nai'uchi's 
wife;  Lai'wa'silu'si,  a  former  high  priest;  Pedro  Pino,6  a  former  gov- 
ernor; Jose  Palle,  a  rain  priest;  and  Wewha,  the  strongest  character 
and  the  most  intelligent  of  the  Zufii  tribe  within  the  knowledge  of  the 
writer. 

MYTHOLOGY 
General  Conceptions  of  the  Universe 

Civilized  man's  conceptions  of  the  universe  are  altogether  different 
from  those  of  primitive  man.  The  former  understands  natural  phe- 
nomena through  analysis  and  correlation;  the  latter  accounts  for  them 
by  analogy.  Civilized  man  lives  in  a  world  of  reality;  primitive  man 
in  a  world  of  mysticism  and  symbolism;  he  is  deeply  impressed  by 
his  natural  environment;  every  object  for  him  possesses  a  spiritual 
life,  so  that  celestial  bodies,  mountains,  rocks,  the  flora  of  the  earth, 
and  the  earth  itself  are  to  him  quite  different  from  what  they  are  to 
civilized  man.  The  sturdy  pine,  the  delicate  sapling,  the  fragrant 
blossom,  the  giant  rock,  and  the  tin}-  pebble  play  alike  their  part  in 
the  mystic  world  of  the  aboriginal  man.  Many  things  which  tend  to 
nourish  life  are  symbolized  by  the  Zunis  as  mother.  When  a  Zufii 
speaks  of  the  Earth  Mother  the  earth  is  symbolized  as  the  source,  not 
only"  of  all  vegetal  matter  which  nourishes  man,  but  also  of  the  game 
which  gives  him  animal  food.  The  earth  is  mother,  the  great  one  to 
whom  all  are  indebted  for  sustenance. 

The  Zufiis  believe  that  the  earth  is  supplied  with  water  by  their 
dead  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages  above  infancy,  and  infants  soon  reach 
maturity  after  going  to  the  undermost  world  whence  the  Zufiis  came. 
The  deceased  always  go  first  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  (Dance  village),  abiding 
place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  and  they  often  return  thither  to  dance 
in  the  great  dance  house.  The  deceased  A'pi'lashiwanni  (Bow  priest- 
hood) are  an  exception;  they  join  the  Ku'pishtaya, f  becoming  light- 
ning-makers. 

The  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  are  controlled   and  directed  by  the 

a  Nai'uchi  died  in  June,  1904. 

6  Pedro  Pino  and  one  other  spoke  Spanish  fluently,  the  latter  being  able  to  read  and  write  in  this 
language.  They  had  been  taught  by  Spanish  priests,  who  compelled  them  to  give  all  their  time  to 
the  language  until  they  became  proficient  as  interpreters.    Two  other  men  spoke  a  little  Mexican. 

<-See  p.  21. 


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stevenson]  ZUNI   MYTHOLOGY  21 

Council  of  the  Gods.  These  shadow  people  collect  water  in  vases  and 
gourd  jugs  from  the  six  great  waters  of  the  world."  They  are  carried 
by  the  steam  which  rises  from  these  springs  to  the  upper  plane,  pro- 
vided they  are  supplied  with  breath  plumes,  each  u'wannami  holding 
a  group  of  these  plumes  in  order  to  ascend.  Every  individual  in  Zuiii 
makes  these  offerings  each  month  at  the  time  of  full  moon.  The 
u'wannami  pass  to  and  fro  over  the  upper  plane,  protected  from  the 
view  of  the  people  below  by  cloud  masks.  It  is  not  the  clouds  which 
fall  in  rain;  the  u'wannami  pour  the  water  through  the  cloud  masks. 
The  clouds  are  produced  by  the  breath  of  the  gods  and  smoke,  and, 
when  it  is  understood  that  the  greater  the  smoke  offering  the  greater 
the  inducement  for  the  rain-makers  to  work,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
smoking  is  one  of  the  conspicuous  features  of  the  Zuni  ritual.  There  is 
a  time  at  the  summer  solstice  when  the  torchbearer  sets  fire  to  every- 
thing in  his  way.  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  to  Zuni.  The  greater  the 
smoke  offering  the  heavier  the  cloud  masks  will  be. 

The  Ku'pishtaya  (lightning-makers)  are  mighty  warriors  who  control 
the  lightning  arrows.  Each  Ku'pishtaya  has  his  'Kia/'lawanni  (deputy), 
and  his  'Si'kiahaya  (courier).  'Kianil'ona,  the  greatest  of  the  Zuni 
ancestral  gods  (plate  in),  sits  in  state  in  Ko'thluwala'wa  (plate  rv), 
where  the  Council  of  the  Gods  appeals  to  him  for  water  with  which 
the  u'wannami  niay  water  the  earth,  the  male  gods  sprinkling  with 
plume  sticks  dipped  in  gourd  jugs  of  water  and  the  female  gods 
from  vases.  The  heavy  rains  are  produced  by  the  pouring  of  the 
water  directly  from  the  vases.  The  u'wannami  are  sent  to  designated 
points  by  the  Council  of  the  Gods  to  water  the  earth  according  to 
the  supplications  of  the  Zufiis. 

The  varying  forms  of  the  clouds  are  significant  to  the  Zuiii  mind. 
Cirrus  clouds  tell  that  the  u'wannami  are  passing  about  for  pleasure. 
Cumulus  and  nimbus  clouds  indicate  that  the  u'wannami  will  water  the 
earth.  The  smoke  offerings  which  produce  the  clouds  may  have  been 
sufficient  to  bring  the  rain;  but  this  is  not  all.  The  daily  life,  especially 
of  the  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests),  must  be  such  as  not  to  offend  the 
Council  of  the  Gods,  which  controls  and  directs  the  rain-makers. 
Should  this  not  be  the  case  the  Council  of  the  Gods  withholds  its 
power,  and  the  Su'ni-a'shiwanni,  who  send  the  cold  winds  from  the 
northeast  and  northwest,  would  drive  away  the  cloud  masks.  Thus 
the  Zufiis  account  for  wind  clouds.  The  summer  winds  of  the  south- 
west and  southeast  are  the  breath  of  the  u'wannami,  who  do  not  breathe 
from  the  mouth  but  directly  from  the  heart. 

These  people  rarety  cast  their  eyes  upward  without  invoking  the 
rain-makers,  for  in  their  arid  land  rain  is  the  prime  object  of  prayer. 
Their  water  vases  are  covered  with  cloud  and  rain  emblems,  and  the 
water  in  the  vase  symbolizes  the  life,  or  soul,  of  the  vase. 

"Referring  to  the  springs  of  the  six  regions  owned  by  'Kianil'ona  (owner  of  springs). 


22  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

When  the  Ku'pishtaya  communicate  with  one  another,  the  ruler  of 
the  North  dispatches  his  courier  to  the  Ku'pishtaya  of  the  West  and 
the  courier  returns  to  his  place  in  the  North,  the  ruler  of  the  West 
transferring  the  message  to  the  South  by  his  courier;  in  this  waj" 
communication  is  held  between  the  Ku'pishtaya  of  the  six  regions. 
The  Zunis  have  no  fear  of  lightning,  as  the  Ku'pishtaya  never  destroy 
tiie  good  in  heart.  One  who  is  struck  by  lightning,  no  matter  what 
his  previous  standing,  must  have  possessed  a  bad  heart.  Thunder  is 
produced  by  the  rain-makers  gaming  with  stones  while  the  Ku'pishtaya 
are  shooting  their  missiles.  The  rain-maker  of  the  North  rolls  a  stone 
to  a  fellow  at  some  other  point,  and  the  one  receiving  the  stone  returns 
it;  any  number  of  rain-makers  may  join  in  the  game.  According  to 
Zufii  philosophy  thunder  is  produced  in  no  other  way. 

The  seeds  distributed  to  the  people  by  the  personators  of  ancestral 
gods  are  recognized  by  the  intelligent  as  only  symbolizing  the  bless- 
ings which  they  desire  and  anticipate,  yet  each  person  receives  the 
gift  with  the  same  solemnity  and  plants  it  with  the  same  reverence  as 
if  it  actually  came  from  the  god  of  seeds  in  the  undermost  world. 

The  sun  is  referred  to  as  father,  the  ancient  one.  The  moon  is 
his  sister:  the  Sun  Father  has  no  wife.  All  peoples  are  the  children 
of  the  sun.  Whatever  the  Zufiis  fail  to  account  for  by  incidents  in  the 
early  stages  of  their  existence  is  attributed  to  the  agenc}r  of  the  Sun 
Father.  Though  the  Zuni  philosophy,  like  that  of  other  aboriginal 
peoples,  is  built  on  analogic  reasoning,  these  savage  philosophers  cer- 
tainly place  entire  faith  in  the  first  great  cause,  all-powerful,  without 
beginning,  without  end. 

Classification  of  the  Higher  Powers 

The  higher  powers  of  the  Zunis  may  be  classed  under  seven  heads, 
as  follows: 

1.  Universal.  A'wonawil'ona,  the  supreme  life-giving  bisexual 
power,  who  is  referred  to  as  He-She,  the  symbol  and  initiator  of  life, 
and  life  itself,  pervading  all  space. 

2.  C  '<  It  stial,  anthropic  (represented  by  persons  wearing  masks).  The 
Sun  Father,  who  is  directly  associated  with  the  supreme  power;  he 
always  was  and  always  will  lie;  he  is  the  great  god  above  all  other 
anthropic  and  zoic  gods;  be  is  the  giver  of  light  and  warmth,  and 
through  the  supreme  power  the  giver  of  life.  The  Moon  Mother,  giver 
of  light  at  night,  the  divider  of  the  year  into  months,  and,  through 
A'wonawil'ona,  the  delineator  of  the  span  of  life — the  supreme  power 
gradually  draws  the  mystic  veil  from  the  Moon  Mother's  shield,  indi- 
cating birth,  infancy,  youth,  and  maturity;  she  draws  the  veil  over 
the  shield  again,  symbolizing  man's  passing  on  to  the  infancy  of  old  age, 


btevknson]  BEGINNINGS    OF    THE    UNIVERSE  23 

when  he  sloops  to  awake  in  the  abiding  place  of  the  gods; — and  the 
Morning  and  Evening  Stars. 

3.  Celestial,  anthropic  (represented  in  carvings  and  paintings).  The 
Polar  Star,  all  the  fixed  stars,  the  Morning  and  Evening  Stars,  the 
Galaxy,  Orion.  Pleiades,  Ursa  Major,  Ursa  Minor,  and  Aehiyala'topa 
(the  being  with  wings  and  tail  of  knives). 

4.  Terrestrial.     Earth  Mother,  giver  of  vegetation. 

5.  Subterranean,  anthropic  (not  personated).  The  Gods  of  War 
(represented  by  images  of  wood),  children  of  the  Sun  Father,  who 
have  their  successors  but  not  impersonators  on  the  earth;  Po'shai- 
yanki,  the  culture  hero;  and  Corn  Mother. 

6.  Subterranean,  anthropic  (represented  by  persons  wearing  masks 
and  in  one  instance  by  an  ophiomorphous  image).  Salt  Mother,  giver 
of  herself:  Corn  Father,  giver  of  himself;  White'  Shell  Woman, 
giver  of  herself;  Red  Shell  Woman,  giver  of  herself;  Turquois 
Man.  giver  of  himself;  patronal  and  ancestral  gods;  the  Plumed 
Serpent;  and  a  number  of  foreign  deities  to  be  propitiated. 

7.  Ti  rrestrial  and  subterranean.  Zoic  gods  who  play  their  part 
through  the  esoteric  fraternities,  eradicating  the  ill  effects  of  witch- 
craft on  individuals  and  interceding  between  the  members  of  the 
fraternities  and  the  Sun  Father  and  Moon  Mother,  and  between  them 
and  the  anthropic  gods. 

Beginnings  of  the  Universe 

The  Zuni  ceremonies  cluster  about  a  cosmogony  which  serves  to  keep 
the  beliefs  alive  and  to  guide  both  actors  and  spectators  through  the 
observances. 

In  the  beginning  A'wonawil'ona  with  the  Sun  Father  and  Moon 
Mother  existed  above,  and  Shi'wanni  and  Shi'wano"kia,  his  wife, 
below.  Shi'wanni  and  Shi'wano"kia  were  superhuman  beings  who 
labored  not  with  hands  but  with  hearts  and  minds.  The  rain  priests 
of  Zuni  are  called  A'shiwanni  and  the  Priestess  of  Fecundity  is  called 
Shi'wano'*kia.  to  indicate  that  they  do  no  secular  work;  they  give 
their  minds  and  hearts  to  higher  thoughts  in  order  that  their  bodies  be 
so  purified  they  may  enter  into  communion  with  the  gods. 

All  was  shi'pololo  (fog),  rising  like  steam.  With  the  breath  from 
his  heart  A'wonawil'ona  created  clouds  and  the  great  waters  of  the 
world.  He-She  is  the  blue  vault  of  the  firmament.  The  breath 
clouds  of  the  gods  are  tinted  with  the  yellow  of  the  north,  the  blue- 
green  of  the  west,  the  red  of  the  south,  and  the  silver  of  the  east  of 
A'wonawil'ona.  The  smoke  clouds  of  white  and  black  become  a  part 
of  A'wonawil'ona;  they  are  himself,  as  he  is  the  air  itself;  and  when 
the  air  takes  on  the  form  of  a  bird  it  is  but  a  part  of  himself — is  himself. 
Through  the  light,  clouds,  and  air  he  becomes  the  essence  and  creator 


24  THE    55UNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ank.  28 

of  vegetation.  The  Zufii  conception  of  A'wonawil'ona  is  similar  to 
that  of  the  Greeks  of  Athena. 

ft  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  A'shiwi"  cover  their  altars  with 
symbols  of  cumulus  and  nimbus  clouds,  with  ''the  flame  of  the  cloud 
crest."1  and  "the  blue  of  the  deep  wells  of  the  sky,"  and  use  all  these. 
woven  into  plumes,  to  waft  their  prayers  to  the  gods,  and  have 
as  their  symbol  of  life,  embracing  all  the  mysterious  life-securing 
properties,  including  mystery  medicine,  an  ear  of  corn  clothed  in 
beautiful  plumage;  for  the  spirit  of  A'wonawil'ona  is  "put  into  and 
upon  this  created  form."  The  name  of  this  symbol,  mi'li,  is  but 
another  word  for  corn,  and  the  et'tone,  the  most  sacred  fetish  of  the 
A'shiwanni,  is  another  symbol  of  life,  including  rain  and  vegetation. 

While,  every  Zufii  is  taught  that  in  inhaling  the  sacred  breath  from 
his  fetishes  or  in  breathing  upon  the  plumes  he  offers  to  the  gods  he 
is  receiving  from  A'wonawil'ona  the  breath  of  life  or  is  wafting  his 
own  breath  prayers  to  his  gods,  onl^v  the  few  have  any  conception  of 
all  that  is  implied  in  their  observances  or  fully  appreciate  the  poetic 
nature  of  their  myths. 

After  A'wonawil'ona  created  the  clouds  and  the  great  waters  of  the 
world,  Shi'wanni  said  to  Shi'wano"'kia:  "I,  too,  will  make  something 
beautiful,  which  will  give  light  at  night  when  the  Moon  Mother 
sleeps."  Spitting  in  the  palm  of  his  left  hand,  he  patted  the  spittle 
with  the  fingers  of  his  right  hand,  and  the  spittle  foamed  like  yucca 
suds  and  then  formed  into  bubbles  of  manj7  colors,  which  he  blew 
upward;  and  thus  he  created  the  fixed  stars  and  constellations.  And 
Shi'wanni  was  well  pleased  with  his  creation.  Then  Shi'wano"kia 
said  "See  what  I  can  do,"  and  she  expectorated  into  the  palm  of  her 
left  hand  and  slapped  the  saliva  with  the  fingers  of  her  right,  and  the 
spittle  foamed  like  yucca  suds,  running  over  her  hand  and  flowing 
everywhere;  and  thus  she  created  A'witelin  'Si'ta  (Earth  Mother). 

Creatiox  of  the  A'shiwi  axd  their  Coming  to  the  Outer 

World 

Shi'wanni  and  Shi'wano"kia  were  the  parents  of  the  A'shiwi.  who 
were  created  in  the  undermost  world,  being  born  as  infants;  not,  how- 
ever, at  long  intervals,  but  in  rapid  succession,  until  man}'  were  born. 

Yatokia  (Sun  Father)''  created  two  sons,  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi, 
by  impregnating  two  bits  of  foam  with  his  raj's.     These  Divine  Ones 

a  A'shiwi,  the  people,  the  reference  being  to  the  Zufiis  only.    Shl'wi  is  the  singular  form. 

I>  Yiitokla  means  the  holder  or  bearer  of  light.  The  sun  itself  is  conceived  as  a  shield  of  burning 
crystal,  which  the  Sun  Father,  who  is  anthropomorphic,  carries  as  lie  makes  his  daily  journey  from 
east  to  west.  Prayers  are  addressed  to  the  invisible  and  esoteric  bearer  of  (the  power  behind)  the 
shield,  who  travels  over  the  road  of  day  seated  on  a  colossal  turquois,  wearing  beautiful  buckskin 
clothing  and  many  necklaces  of  precious  beads. 


stevenson]  CREATION    OF    THE    A'SHIWI  25 

ascended  to  their  Sun  Father  over  a  road  of  meal,  which  they  made 
by  throwing  the  meal  upward. 

The  Sun  Father,  wishing-  to  bring  his  children  from  the  undermost 
world  to  his  presence,  provided  each  of  the  Divine  Ones  with  an  a'mito- 
lan  pi'"'lanne  (rainbow),  wil'lolonanne  sho'liwe  (lightning  arrows),  and 
a  'kia'alanne  (cloud  shield),  and  directed  them  to  go  to  the  undermost 
world  and  bring  his  children  to  his  presence.  They  rent  the  earth 
with  their  lightning  arrows  and  descended  into  A'witen  te'hula  (fourth 
world)." 

When  the  A'shiwi  inquired  of  the  Divine  Ones  '"Who  are  you* 
Whence  did  you  come?"  they  replied  "  A'chi  ana  pi'akoa"  ("'The  two 
come  down"). 

The  undermost  world  was  so  dark  that  the  people  could  not  see  one 
another,  and  they  trod  upon  one  another's  toes.  Their  houses  were 
but  holes  in  the  earth,  and  their  food  was  seed  grass.  In  order  to  see 
the  people  Kow'wituma  laid  diy  grass  upon  the  ground  and  placed  his 
bow  on  the  grass,  and  by  rubbing  his  arrow,  with  a  rotary  motion,  upon 
the  bow  he  produced  tire,  and  lighted  the  grass,  using  it  as  a  torch  to 
cany  about  among  the  people.  Many  could  not  look  on  the  fire,  for 
their  eyes  were  not  good  for  light,  while  others  fell  back  crazed  with 
fear.  Kow'wituma  said:  "You  have  but  few  people."  The  elder  ones 
replied  "We  have  many,"  and  they  called  those  who  were  absent. 

The  Divine  Ones,  throwing  out  a  line  of  meal,  produced  light,  which 
guided  them  to  the  north,  where  they  cut  an  a'shekia  (pine  tree  of  the 
north.  Finns  ponderosa  var.  scapulorum)  with  stone  knives,  and  return- 
ing, planted  it  for  the  people  to  ascend  to  the  third  world,  A'wisho 
te'hula  (water-moss  world).  Here  the  Divine  Ones  threw  out  meal  to 
the  west,  which  produced  light  to  guide  them  thither;  and  there  the3r 
cut  a  kia'la'silo  (spruce  of  the  west,  Pseudotsuga  douglassii),  and 
returning,  they  planted  it  for  the  people  to  ascend  to  the  second 
world.  Pa'nanula  te'hula  (mud  world).  Here  the  Divine  Ones,  led  by 
the  line  of  meal  which  they  threw  out,  went  to  the  south  and  cut  a 
'klan'ilkoha  (aspen  of  the  south,  the  quaking  aspen,  Populus  tremu- 
loides)  and  returning,  the}'  planted  it  for  the  people  to  ascend  to  the 
first  world,  La'tow'te'hula  (wing  world;  from  3'ii'tokia  la'towwe,  sun's 
wings,  the  rays  of  the  sun  being  referred  to  as  wings).  It  was  in  this 
world  that  the  A'shiwi  first  saw  the  faintest  lightof  day ;  hence  the  name. 
Throwing  out  a  line  of  meal  to  the  east,  the  Divine  Ones  visited  this 
direction,  where  they  cut  a  lo'kwimo  (spruce  of  the  east,  silver  spruce, 
Picea  pungens),  and  returning,  they  planted  it  for  the  people  to  ascend 

aTe'hula  refers  only  to  underworlds.  Uhl'onannC  is  the  term  for  the  outer  world,  or  this  world. 
The  undermost  world  bears  several  other  names:  An'noeiyan  te'hula  (world  of  utter  darkness, 
blackness-of-soot  world);  Lu'hote  kla'plnna;  lu'hote  (fine  earth  or  dust);  kia'plnna  (uncooked,  not 
hardened  by  fire). 


26  THE    ZI'NI     INDIANS  [eth.  an*.  28 

thereby  to  the  outer  world,"  Te'kohaiakwi  u'kwa'ikia  (light-of-day 
place).  The  Zufiis,  in  speaking-  of  Te'kohaiakwi  u'kwai'ikia,  add  yam 
Ya'tokia  Ta"chu  (my  Sun  lather),  3:1111  A'witelin  'Si'ta  (1113-  Earth 
Mother),  u'natikianapkia  (I  inhale  the  sacred  breath).  The  place  of 
coming-  through  to  this  world  is  called  Ji'mi'kianapkiatea,  a  word  full 
of  occult  meaning,  having  reference  to  an  opening  in  the  earth  filled 
with  water  which  mysteriously  disappeared,  leaving  a  clear  passage 
for  the  A'shiwi  to  ascend  to  the  outer  world. 

The  Divine  Ones  and  the  A'shiwi  spent  some  time  in  each  world  as 
the}'  ascended,  and  many  of  the  A'shiwi  who  were  left  behind  struggled 
on  after  the  others.  The  A'shiwi  had  constant  rainfall  during  their 
ascent  to  the  outer  world,  which  was  reached  just  as  the  Evening  Star, 
who  is  second  warrior  to  the  Sun  Father  and  follows  after  him,  rose 
above  the  horizon. 

Songs  of  the  Divine  Ones  over  the  Et'towe 

In  the  lower  Avorld  the  A'shiwi  had  rain  priests  (A'shiwanni;  sin- 
gular, shi'wanni),  of  whom  six  were  assigned  to  the  six  regions.  Each 
shi'wanni  possessed  an  et'tone,4  most  sacred  of  their  fetishes,  which 
he  brought  to  this  world  wrapped  in  a  mat  of  straw  in  a  crude  basket, 
pressed  to  his  breast.  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi,  the  Divine  Ones, 
having  knowledge  that  the  A'shiwanni  possessed  et'towe,  made  a  meal 
painting  of  a'wehlwia'we  (cumulus  clouds)  on  the  ground  and  on  the 
road,  and  the  A'shiwanni  placed  their  et'towe  on  the  painting.  The 
Kia'kwemosi,  Shi'wanni  of  the  North,  sat  next  to  the  road,  on  the 
south  side,  the  road  being  the  dividing  line;  the  Shi'wanni  of  the 
West  and  Shi'wano"kia  sat  on  his  right.  The  Shi'wanni  of  the  South 
sat  next,  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  East  being  on  his  right.  The  A'shi- 
wanni of  the  Zenith  and  Nadir  sat  next,  and  after  them  four  other 
A'shiwanni,  Kow'wituma  sitting  at  the  end  of  the  line.  Four  A'shi- 
wanni sat  on  the  other  side  of  the  road,  with  Wats'usi  north  of 
them.  Ya'nowwuluha,  a  man  of  great  heart  and  wisdom,  sat  before 
the  meal  painting  to  the  north  of  the  liue,  and  the  A'shiwi  gath- 
ered around  on  the  north,  west,  and  south  of  the  painting.  They 
sang  the  songs  of  the  Divine  Ones  for  rain,  that  the  earth  should 
abound  in  kia"sanna  (grass  seed),  the  only  food  then  known  to  the 
A'shiwi.  They  sat  singing  in  low  tones  until  midnight.  Then,  leaving 
their  et'towe  in  place  on  the  painting,  the  Divine  Ones  and  the  A'shi- 
wanni retired  a  short  distance  and  ate.    After  eating  thej^  slept  awhile, 

a  In  an  earlier  publication  it  was  stated  that  the  A'shiwi  ascended  to  the  outer  world  through  a  huge 
hollow  reed.  The  student  of  mythology  labors  under  many  difficulties,  none  of  which  are  more  per- 
plexing than  that  of  distinguishing  between  the  tribal  cosmogony  and  the  winter  talcs  of  special  nar- 
rators. The  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  Indians  of  the  Southwest  acquired  by  the  writer  through 
later  investigations  has  served  to  mark  quite  definitely  the  differences  between  their  mythology  and 
their  winter  tales. 

l>  Plural  et'towe.  The  etymology  of  this  word  is  not  known,  hut  it  implies  invariable  bringer  of 
good. 


stevenson]       APPOINTMENT    OF    DEPUTY    TO   THE    SUN    FATHER  27 

and  then  returned  to  the  painting  and.  taking  their  seats,  resumed 
their  prayers.  At  this  time  Mo'yachun'hlan'na  (Great  Star,  the  morn- 
ing star),  the  first  warrior  to  the  Sun  Father,  could  be  seen,  but  faintly 
at  tirst  through  the  delicate  showers.  When  the  people  saw  the  star 
they  exclaimed  "Our  Father  comes,"  but  the  Divine  Ones  declared 
"He  is  not  your  Sun  Father,  but  his  warrior  who  comes  before." 
Later,  when  the  sun  appeared,  the  people  fell  on  their  faces  in  fear; 
but  the  Divine  Ones  cried:  "Be  not  afraid;  it  is  your  Sun  Father." 

At  this  time  the  Kia'kwemosi  went  over  the  eastern  road  and,  planting 
te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes)  which  the  Sun  Father  had  sent  him  by  the 
Divine  Ones,  prayed,  saying:  "My  Sun  Father,  my  Moon  Mother,  I 
give  to  you  te'likinawe." 

Kow'wituma  Appoints  Ya'nowwuluha  Deputy  to  the  Sun 

Father 

AVhen  the  Kia'kwemosi  returned  to  his  place  by  the  meal  painting, 
Kow'wituma.  pointing  to  the  et'towe,  which  were  concealed  with  the 
mat  covering,  asked  Ya'nowwuluha  "  What  are  these?"  and  he  replied 
"•'Kia'et'tone  cbuet'tone.""  Then  Kow'wituma  said:  "You  are  able 
to  tell  me  of  these  precious  things;  your  heart  is  good;  yonr  head  is 
good;  I  will  make  you  pe'kwin  (deputy)  to  my  Sun  Father."  Ya'now- 
wuluha remained  standing  on  the  meal  line  and  near  the  painting, 
while  the  birds  of  the  six  regions  came  in  succession  and  sang. 

Kow'wituma  called  first  O'no'hlikia  (bird  of  the  North,  Icteria 
longicauda,  long-tailed  chat).  On  arriving  he  perched  on  the  eastern 
end  of  the  meal  line  and  sang  for  rains  and  lightning.  The  bird  kept 
his  place  after  he  ceased  singing.  Then  Kow'wituma  called  Mai'ya 
(bird  of  the  West,  Cyanocitta  macrolopha,  long-crested  jay).  This 
bird  perched  next  to  O'no'hlikia  on  the  meal  line,  and  repeated  the 
songs  for  rains  and  lightning.  He,  too,  remained  in  his  place  after 
singing.  Kow'wituma  next  called  Mu'la  (bird  of  the  South,  macaw). 
Mu'la  stood  on  the  meal  line  next  to  Mai'ya  and  sang  songs  for  rains 
and  lightning.  After  these  songs  Kow'wituma  called  Kia'tetasha  (bird 
of  the  East,  Pipilo  megalonyx,  spurred  towhee).  This  bird  repeated 
the  songs  for  rains  and  lightning,  having  his  place  on  the  meal  line 
next  to  Mu'la.  Kia'wulo'ki  (bird  of  the  Zenith,  Progne  subis,  purple 
martin)  was  called  next.  His  place  was  on  the  meal  line  after 
Kia'tetasha.  He,  too,  sang  songs  for  rains  and  lightning.  The  last 
bird  called  by  Kow'wituma  was  He'alonset'to  (bird  of  the  Nadir, 
Passerina  ciris,  painted  bunting).  This  bird  stood  on  the  meal  line 
beside  Kia'wulo'ki  and  sang  for  rains  and  lightning. 

The  birds  remained  in  place  on  the  line  while  Kow'wituma  said  to 

«A  full  explanation  of  the  eVtowe  will  be  found  in  the  chapter  on  the  A'shiwanni  (Rain  priest- 
hood). 


28  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

Ya'nowwuluha:  "These  birds  shall  he  your  et'towe."  The  birds  then 
Hew  away  to  their  homes. 

Ya'nowwuluha,  passing  around  by  the  north  side  back  of  the  meal 
painting,  took  his  seat  on  the  line  to  the  left  of  the  Kia'kwemosi,  by 
order  of  Kow'wituma.  Then  Kow'wituma  had  the  Shi'wanni  of  the 
Zenith  move  with  his  et'tone  to  the  end  of  the  line  of  A'shiwanni  on 
the  south  side,  and  had  Ya'nowwuluha  take  his  place  in  the  line  as 
Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith  and  pe'kwin"  (deputy)  to  the  Sun  Father. 
Kow'wituma  again  had  the  two  A'shiwanni  on  the  immediate  right  of 
Ya'nowwuluha  move  with  their  et'towe  to  the  end  of  the  line  on  the 
south  side;  he  then  took  his  place  by  the  side  of  the  pe'kwin,  with 
Wats'usi  sitting  to  the  right  of  him.  The  prayers  and  songs  over  the 
et'towe  were  continued  eight  days  and  nights,  the  A'shiwanni  retiring 
each  evening  for  refreshment.  There  were  no  houses  yet,  and  each 
shi'wanni  made  a  place  for  his  et'tone  by  using  four  stone  slabs.  On 
the  ninth  day  the  A'shiwanni,  by  direction  of  the  Divine  Ones,  began 
building  houses  of  large  reeds  and  earth. 

The  A'shiwi  were  queer  beings  when  they  came  to  this  world.  They 
had  short  depilous  tails,  long  ears  (at  night  they  la}T  on  one  ear  and 
covered  themselves  with  the  other),  and  webbed  feet  and  hands,  and 
their  bodies  and  heads  were  covered  with  a'wisho  (moss),  a  lengthy 
tuft  being  on  the  fore  part  of  the  head,  projecting  like  a  horn.  The 
Zuiiis  do  not  believe  that  they  ever  existed  in  other  than  human  form. 
After  the  A'shiwi  moved  to  a  spring  not  far  distant  from  their  place  of 
nativity,  which  they  named  A'wisho,  the  Divine  Ones  amputated  the 
tails  and  ears  and  cut  the  webbed  feet  and  hands  with  their  stone  knives. 
The  people  then  bathed,  for  they  were  veiy  unclean. 

Coming  of  the  Hopis,  Pimas,  and  Navahos 

The  Mu"kwe  (Hopis)  followed  the  A'shiwi  to  this  world  four  years 
(time  periods)  after  all  the  A'shiwi  arrived.  The  Coconino  Pimas  came 
four  years  after  the  Mu"kwe,  and  the  A'pachu  (Navahos)  followed 
four  years  after  the  Coconino  Pimas.  All  these  peoples  came  from 
the  undermost  world,  passing,  like  the  A'shiwi,  through  three  worlds 
before  reaching  this  world.  The  Zuiiis  do  not  pretend  to  account  for 
the  origin  of  the  other  pueblo  peoples. 

The  villages  of  the  A'shiwi  and  Mu"kwe  were  not  far  apart  in  the 
undermost  world,  and  the  two  peoples,  though  not  related  and  speaking 
different  languages,  communicated  with  one  another  and  were  friendly. 
After  the  Divine  Ones  had  arranged  for  the  A'shiwi  to  go  to  the  outer 
world,  they  visited  the  Mu"kwe,  delivered  the  message  from  the  Sun 
Father,  that  he  wished  them  to  come  into  his  presence,  and  gave  them 

a  Pe'kwin,  when  used  without  explanation,  will  refer  to  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith,  earthly 
deputy  to  the  sun  Father. 


Stevenson]        PRESENCE    OF   MEXICANS INTRODUCTION    OF   CORN        29 

te'likinawe  which  they  had  prepared  for  them;  and  the  Divine  Ones 
instructed  the  Mu"kwe  how  they  should  proceed  to  the  outer  world. 
The  Mu"kwe  themselves  cut  the  trees  by  which  they  ascended  to  this 
world.  The  Divine  Ones  worked  only  for  the  A'shiwi,  and,  as  has 
been  stated,  they  traveled  with  the  A'shiwi  from  the  undermost  to  this 
world  and  remained  with  them  until  they  had  found  the  Middle  place. 
When  the  Mu"kwe  reached  this  world  they  did  not  make  a  cloud 
symbol  upon  the  ground  and  they  did  not  sing,  for  they  did  not 
have  the  Divine  Ones  to  teach  them.  The  Mu"kwe  came  through 
li'mikianakate'a,  a  short  distance  north  of  the  point  of  egress  of  the 
A'shiwi.  After  the  A'shiwi  had  been  four  years  at  A'wisho,  the  Mu"kwe 
moved  southeast  of  li'mikianakate'a  and  not  far  from  A'wisho.  Here 
the  Divine  Ones  cut  the  webbed  fingers  and  toes  and  amputated  the 
tails  of  the  Mu"kwe. 

Zone   Explanation  of  the  Presence  of  Mexicans 

Two  Mexicans,  man  and  wife,  who  appeared  in  this  world  at  the 
time  the  A'shiwi  arrived  remained  with  them  for  some  time.  The 
Coconino  Pimas  remained  with  the  A'shiwi  long  enough  to  teach 
them  some  of  their  songs,  which  have  descended  to  the  Shu'maakwe 
fraternity.  The  Navahos  separated  from  the  others.  The  Coconino 
Pimas  were  the  last  to  leave  the  vicinity  of  li'mikianakate'a.  They 
were  very  thirst}*  during  their  journey  and  could  find  no  water;  finally 
they  discovered  fox  tracks  and  followed  them,  for  the}*  knew  that 
the  tracks  would  lead  to  water.  After  proceeding  some  distance  they 
were  led  into  a  deep  canyon  (Coconino),  where  the}*  remained,  building 
permanent  homes  for  themselves.  Some  few  of  the  A'shiwi  went  with 
the  Coconino  Pimas"  to  the  canyon  and  thus  became  permanently 
separated  from  their  people.  The  Coconinos  met  a  shi'wanni  (rain 
priest)  of  a  strange  people  upon  reaching  the  depth  of  the  canyon. 

A  Mu'*kwe  when  walking  about  one  day  discovered  a  village  and 
visited  it,  inquiring  of  the  people,  who  were  A'shiwi,  whence  they  came 
and  whither  they  were  going.  "We  are  in  quest  of  the  Middle  place," 
they  replied.  After  a  time  all  the  Mu"kwe  but  the  Corn  clan  (the  Zunis 
do  not  know  where  or  when  the  Mu"kwe  received  their  clan  names), 
moved  west,  then  east.  After  many  struggles  with  enemies  in  the  val- 
leys and  in  canyons  the  Mu'*kwe  built  their  homes  on  mesas. 

Coming  of  the  Witches  and  the  Introduction  of  Corn 

While  the  A'shiwi  were  at  A'wisho  the  Divine  Ones  organized  four 
esoteric  fraternities  (see  Esoteric  fraternities).  The  A'shiwi  were 
happy  here.  Da}*  after  day  they  were  followed  by  those  who  had  failed 
to  come  to  this  world  with  them,  for  many,  becoming  tired  had  fallen 
back.     Evei*v  time  the  A'shiwi  heard  a  rumbling  of  the  earth  (earth- 

a  The  Zunis  declare  that  some  few  of  the  Coconino  words  are  the  same  as  their  own. 


30  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.  ann.  23 

quake)  they  knew  that  others  were  coming  out.  They  would  say 
"My  younger  lu-other  comes:"  or,  "Some  of  my  people  come."     The 

exodus  from  the  underworlds  continued  four  years/'  The  last  observed 
to  conic  forth  were  two  witches,  a  man  and  a  wife,  who  were  all-pow- 
erful for  good  or  evil.  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi,  hearing  a  rumbling 
of  the  earth,  looked  to  see  who  had  arrived,  and  met  the  two  witches, 
whose  heads  were  covered  with  loose  hoods  of  coarse  fiber  blowing  in 
the  breeze.  Kow'wituma  inquired  of  the  witches:  •"Whither  are  you 
going?"  They  replied:  "  We  wish  to  go  with  your  people  to  the  Mid- 
dle place  of  the  world."  Kow'wituma  said:  "We  do  not  want  you 
with  us."  The  witches,  holding  seeds  in  their  closed  hands  under 
their  arms,  said:  "If  we  do  not  go  we  will  destroy  the  land.  "We  have 
all  seeds  here."  When  the  Divine  Ones  again  told  the  witches  they 
were  not  wanted,  they  declared  that  it  would  not  be  well  if  the}-  were 
not  allowed  to  go.  saying:  "  We  have  all  things  precious  for  your  peo- 
ple." The  man,  extending  his  closed  hand  over  the  seeds,  said:  "See, 
I  wish  to  give  this  to  the  Kia'kwemosi;  and  I  wish  him  to  give  us  two 
of  his  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  When  we  have  the  children  the 
corn  shall  be  his."  "  Why  do  you  wish  the  children?"  asked  Kow'- 
wituma.    "We  wish  to  kill  the  children  that  the  rains  may  come." 

The  Divine  Ones  hastened  to  repeat  what  they  had  seen  and  heard 
to  the  Kia'kwemosi,  who  replied:  "  It  is  well."  When  the  witches 
appeared  before  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  claimed  two  of  his  children,  he 
said:  "I  have  no  infant  children:  I  have  a  youth  and  a  maiden;  what 
do  you  wish  to  do  with  them;"  "We  wish  to  destroy  them."  "Why 
do  you  wish  to  destroy  my  children i"  "We  wish  to  destroy  them 
that  there  may  lie  much  ruin.  We  have  things  of  great  value  to  you, 
but  we  must  first  have  much  rain.''  "It  is  well."  said  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi; and  when  the  youth  and  maiden  slept  the  two  witches  shot  their 
medicine  into  their  hearts  by  touching  the  children  with  their  hands, 
causing  their  deaths.  Their  remains  were  buried  in  the  earth,  and  the 
rains  fell  four  days.  On  the  fifth  morning  a  rumbling  noise  was  heard, 
and  Kow'wituma  saw  the  youth  appearing  from  his  grave.  Again 
there  were  four  days  of  heavy  rains,  and  on  the  fifth  morning  after 
the  resurrection  of  the  youth  a  rumbling  was  heard,  and  Kow'wituma 
saw  the  girl  coming  from  the  earth.  The  same  night  the  two  witches 
planted  all  the  seeds  in  the  wet  earth,  and  the  following  morning  the 
corn  was  a  foot  high  and  the  other  things  were  of  good  size.  By 
evening  all  was  matured  and  the  A'shiwi  ate  of  the  new  food,  but 
they  were  not  pleased:  everything  was  hot.  like  pepper.  Then  Kow'- 
wituma and  Wats'usi  called  the  raven,  who  came  and  ate  much  of  the 
corn  and  other  things.     Again  the  Divine  Ones  called  the  owl.  who  ate 

a  "iif  ..Id  two  days  were  as  four  years,  and  four  days  as  eight  years,"  reference  being  to  time 
periods.  Years  throughout  this  paper  will  refer  to  indefinite  time  periods,  unless  it  is  otherwise 
explained. 


stevenson]  CORN   MAIDENS    RECEIVE    SEEDS  31 

the  heart  of  the  grain,  leaving  the  remainder  on  the  cob,  so  that  the 
corn  became  soft.  The  Divine  Ones  then  called  the  coyote  to  come  and 
eat  the  corn:  he  ate  of  everything  in  the  tield.  The  raven,  owl.  and 
coyote,  by  eating  of  the  food,  softened  and  sweetened  it  so  that  it 
became  palatable  to  the  A'shiwi.  Since  that  time  the  iields  have  had 
to  be  watched,  for  the  raven  takes  the  corn  in  the  day  and  the  coyote 
robs  the  fields  at  night.  At  this  time  the  Divine  Ones  instructed 
the  A'shiwi  in  fire  making  and  cooking. 

A'shiwi  Continue  their  Journeying 

While  the  earth  was  not  muddy,  it  was  so  soft  that  the  A'shiwi  found 
difficulty  in  proceeding.  Long  years  were  consumed,  and  many  vil- 
lages were  built,  and  then  abandoned,  as  they  pushed  on  in  their  quest 
for  the  Middle  of  the  world.  Even  when  they  tarried  at  the  towns 
which  they  built  the}'  were  driven  therefrom  by  the  corruption  of  their 
dead,  and  they  desired  even  to  escape  from  the  effluvium  of  their  own 
bodies,  which  was  unbearable.  "It  was  like  burning  sulphur;  it  was 
an  odor  that  killed."  Repeated  divisions  of  the  people  occurred  dur- 
ing the  years  consumed  in  their  migrations,  some  going  to  the  north, 
others  to  the  south;  thus  the  Zuiiis  account  for  man}'  of  the  ruins  north 
and  south  of  their  line  of  march. 

Witches  Give  Seeds  to  the  Corn  Maidens 

Unseen  and  unknown,  the  Corn  maidens  came  with  the  A'shiwi  from 
the  undermost  world  and  remained  with  them  until  they  had  been  four 
years  at  Shi'pololo  kwi  (Fog  place),  when  they  were  discovered  by  the 
two  witches  sitting  under  a  ham'pone  (out-of-door  covered  place),  a 
pavilion  of  pine  boughs.  The  witches  inquired:  "Who  are  you?" 
The  maidens  replied:  "  We  are  the  a'towa  e'washtokii  (Corn  maidens)." 
'•  Where  is  your  corn?"  asked  the  witches.  "We  have  none."  "This 
is  not  right.  If  you  are  Corn  maidens  you  should  have  corn;"  and, 
handing  a  yellow  ear  of  corn  to  one  of  the  maidens,  the  witches 
said:  "You  are  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden  and  a'wankio'wu  (great  or 
elder  sister)."'  To  another  they  handed  a  blue  ear  of  corn,  saying: 
"You  are  the  younger  sister,  the  Blue  Corn  maiden;  you  two  will  be 
the  directors  or  leaders  of  the  others."  Handing  a  red  ear  of  corn 
to  the  third  one,  they  said:  "  You  are  a  younger  sister,  the  Red  Corn 
maiden."  And  to  the  fourth  they  handed  an  ear  of  white  corn,  saying: 
"You  are  a  younger  sister,  the  White  Corn  maiden."  And  to  the  fifth 
the}'  said,  as  they  handed  her  an  ear  of  multicolored  corn:  "  You  are  the 
E  very-colored  Corn  maiden  and  a  younger  sister."  And  to  the  sixth  they 
handed  a  black  ear  of  corn,  saying:  "You  are  the  younger  sister,  the 
Black  Corn  maiden."  And  to  the  seventh  they  handed  an  ear  of  sweet 
corn,  saying:  "You  are  the  younger  sister,  the  Sweet  Corn  maiden." 
And  to  the  eighth  they  said,  as  they  handed  her  squash  seeds:  "You 


32  THE   ZUNI   INDIANS  [Era.  ann.  23 

are  the  younger  .sister,  the  Squash  maiden."  And  to  the  ninth  they 
handed  watermelon  seeds,  saying:  "You  are  the  younger  sister,  the 
Watermelon  maiden."  And  to  the  tenth  they  handed  muskmelon 
seeds,  saying:  "You  are  the  younger  sister,  the  Muskmelon  maiden."" 
After  receiving  the  corn  the  elder  sister  said  i- 1  will  dance  with  my 
corn,  and  so  will  my  sisters:"  and  she  formed  her  sisters  into  two  lines, 
facing  the  east  that  they  might  see  the  coming  forth  of  the  Sun 
Father.  They  danced  all  night  under  a  bower  walled  with  ho'mawe 
(cedar),  whose  roof  was  a'wehlwia'we  (cumulus  clouds)  fringed  with 
kla'la'silo  (spruce  of  the  west).  The  witches  observed  the  dance 
through  the  night,  and  in  the  morning  continued  their  migrations 
with  the  A'shiwi,  but  said  not  a  word  to  them  of  the  Corn  maidens, 
who  remained  at  Shi'pololo  kwi,  where  "they  bathed  in  the  dew  (or 
mist),  but  did  not  drink  of  it." 

Origin  of  the  Ancestral  Gods 

After  the  A'shiwi  had  journeyed  for  many  years  from  the  far  north- 
west in  a  southward  and  then  in  an  eastward  direction,  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi  decided  to  send  two  of  his  children,  a  youth  named  Si'wulu'si'wa 
and  a  maiden  named  Si'wulu'si"sa,  to  look  for  a  good  place  to  build  a 
village.  The  two  finally  ascended  a  mountain,  where  the  sister  was 
left  to  rest  while  the  brother  proceeded  to  look  over  the  country. 
Returning  to  the  mountain  top  at  midday  he  found  his  sister  sleeping 
and  was  so  enamored  of  her  beauty  that  he  embraced  her.  This  act 
made  her  wildly  angry.  The  result  of  his  embrace  was  the  birth  of  ten 
children  that  same  night.  This  unnatural  union  caused  an  immediate 
change  of  tongue;  but,  though  their  language  was  changed,  thev  under- 
stood  each  other  perfectly.  There  was  no  change  of  appearance.  The 
firstborn*  was  normal  in  all  respects,  but  the  other  nine  children  did  not 
possess  the  seeds  of  generation;  The  brother  said  to  the  sister:  "It 
is  not  well  for  us  to  be  alone:  we  will  prepare  a  place  for  the  others 
of  ours.'1  He  descended  the  mountain  and  drew  his  foot  through  the 
sands  and  created  two  rivers  (the  Zufii  and  the  Little  Colorado)  and 
a  lake,  and  in  the  depths  of  the  lake  a  village.  Si'wulu'si'wa  and  his 
sister  also  created  two  mountains,  one  of  them  to  be  bis  perpetual  home. 
The  village  is  Ko'thluwala'wa,  having  the  great  ceremonial  house  of 
the  gods  in  its  center.  This  house  is  provided  with  four  windows, 
through  which  those  not  privileged  to  enter  may  view  the  dance.  Only 
deceased  members  of  the  Ko'tikili  (mythologic  fraternity)  go  within 

(■The  A'shiwi  say  that  the  Mexicans  brought  beans,  but  that  they  always  had  watermelons  and 
mnskmelons.  Although  the  Zufiis  make  this  statement,  it  is  declared  by  the  representatives  of  the 
Department  of  Agriculture  that  neither  the  watermelon  nor  the  muskmelon  are  indigeneous  to  this 
country. 

b  Attention  is  called  to  an  error  regarding  "the  firstborn"  in  a  paper  published  in  the  Fifth  An- 
nual Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  the  notes  for  which  were  gathered  during  the  writer's  first 
visit  to  Zufii. 


stevexson]  ORIGIN    OF    ANCESTRAL    GODS  33 

the  walls.  The  name  of  the  lake  isHatin  'kiaiakwi  (Listening  spring), 
the  reference  being  to  hearing  voices  in  the  depths  of  the  waters,  but 
it  usually  bears  the  name  of  the  village,  Ko'thluwala'wa.  We'nima, 
the  archaic  name,  is  commonly  used  in  ceremonials. 

The  first  group  of  A'shiwi  to  cross  the  river  was  the  'Hle'wekwe 
ti'kili  (Wood  fraternity);  and  the  children  on  their  mothers'  backs 
pinched  and  bit  the  mothers  until  they  became  alarmed  and  dropped 
their  little  ones  into  the  water,  when  the  children  were  at  once  trans- 
formed into  et'towa  (tortoises),  mi"kiatli  (water  snakes),  tii'kia  (frogs), 
and  mu'tuli"kla  (tadpoles).  These  transformed  children  descended  from 
the  river  into  the  depths  of  the  lake,  where  they  were  immediately 
restored  to  their  normal  condition;  and  they  attained  to  the  age  of 
maturity  at  once,  becoming  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  the  prototypes  of 
the  Ko'mosona,  first  bod)"  of  A'shiwanni,  and  Gods  of  War. 

The  following-  table  gives  the  members  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods, 
and  shows  their  relative  positions  and  the  corresponding  positions  of 
certain  Zuni  priests: 

Council  of  the  Gods  and  their  Warriors  Zuni  Priests 

Pau'tiwa  —  Director-General      of      the  Ko'mosona — Director-General      of     the 

Kok'ko  Ko'tikili 

'Kliiklo — Pe'kwln  (deputy) to  the  Direc-  Ko'pekwln    (deputy)    to   the    Director- 

tor-General  of  the  Kok'ko  General  of  the  Ko'tikili 

Shu'laawi'si— Pe'kwln  to  the  Sun  Father  Pe'kwin   (deputy)    to   the  Sun   Father 

(Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith) 

Sa'yatiisha  Kia'kwemosi 

First  Yii'muhakto  Shi'wanni  of  the  West 

Hu'tutu  Shi'wanni  of  the  South 

Second  Yii'muhakto  Shi'wanni  of  the  East 

Sal'imobiya,  warriors  and  seed-gatherers  Elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests-^ 

of  Ko'thluwala'wa  Earthly  representatives  of  the  Gods  of 

War 

Si'wulu'siwa  and  the  nine  last-born  became  Ko'yemshi  (old  dance 
men)  (plate  v),  the  father  being  the  A'wan  ta'chu  (Great  Father),  of 
the  newly  created  gods,  while  Si'wulu'si'sa  became  Ko'mokatsi  (old 
dance  woman)  (plate  v)  and  mother  of  the  Kok'ko.  All  anthropic 
gods  bear  the  name  of  Kok'ko."  The  firstborn  became  Kor'kokshi 
(dancer  for  good).  A'wan  ta'chu  decided  that  he  and  his  nine  last- 
born  should  remain  in  the  mountain  of  his  creation*  (peak  to  the  left 
on  plate  in),  on  the  opposite  side  of  Ko'thluwala'wa  from  Mount 
Kor'kokshi,  on  which  he  embraced  his  sister,  while  Ko'mokatsi  and 
the  firstborn  should  live  in  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

aKa'kd,  the  term  given  by  some  writers  instead  of  kok'ko,  is  the  name  for  raven,  and  bears  no  rela- 
tion whatever  to  the  gods. 

&  Ko'yemshi  mountain  bears  evidence  of  having  once  been  a  great  center  for  making  arrow  points. 
The  Zunis,  however,  do  not  admit  that  genuine  arrows  were  ever  made  by  them.  "Arrows  were  cast 
upon  the  earth  by  lightning-makers." 

23  eth— 04 3 


34  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

To  those  who  followed  the  'Hle'wekwe  across  the  mystic  waters  the 
Divine  Ones  called  "Wait  until  we  speak;"  and  they  charged  the 
women  not  to  he  afraid  of  their  children  if  they  should  pinch  and  bite, 
if  they  would  bring  them  safely  across  the  river.  These  children  were 
subjected  to  no  change  except  that  their  toes  and  fingers  became 
webbed.  The  Divine  Ones  cut  the  webs  with  their  stone  knives, 
restoring  the  feet  and  hands  to  the  normal  form.  After  the  remainder 
of  the  people  had  crossed  the  river,  the  Kia'kwemosi  requested  the 
Divine  Ones  to  descend  into  the  lake  and  look  after  the  lost  children. 
After  the  creation  of  the  gods,  which,  according  to  Zuiii  belief,  was  the 
beginning  of  the  worship  of  the  ancients,  the  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'yetn- 
shi  deemed  it  best  that  these  gods  should  not  appear  outside  the  dance 
house  unmasked.  He  therefore  created  masks  by  placing  his  finger 
to  his  mouth  and  rubbing  the  spittle  in  a  small  spot  on  the  floor  of  the 
dance  house,  a  mask  appearing  almost  immediately  each  time  the  finger 
touched  the  floor.     Masks  were  made  in  this  way  for  each  god. 

On  entering  Ko'thluwala'wa  the  Divine  Ones  found  all  the  newly 
created  gods  wearing  masks;  but  these  were  soon  removed  and  placed 
by  their  sides,  and  the  Divine  Ones  addressed  them  as  ".my  children;" 
and  the  gods  said  "Sit  down  and  tell  us  of  our  mothers."  On  learn- 
ing that  their  mothers  refused  to  be  comforted  they  said:  "Tell  our 
mothers  not  to  grieve  for  us;  we  are  not  dead;  we  live  and  sing  and 
dance  in  this  beautiful  place.  When  they  fall  asleep  they  will  wake 
here  and  return  to  the  undermost  world  whence  they  came.  Here  we 
work  for  our  mothers  and  all  our  people,  and  we  are  very  happy." 
They  also  said  to  the  Divine  Ones  "Look  well  at  our  masks  and  exam- 
ine them;"  and  the  Divine  Ones  looked  until  they  knew  the  masks 
with  their  hearts;  and  said  "  El'lakwa  cha'we  (thanks,  children)."  On 
ascending  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  the  Divine  Ones  related  to  the  Kia'kwe* 
mosi  what  they  had  seen. 

After  remaining  for  a  time  near  Ko'thluwala'wa — which  time  might 
be  called  the  mythologie  period,  for,  according  to  Zuni  legend,  they 
were  in  personal  communication  with  their  gods — the  A'shiwi  con- 
tinued their  travels,  building  villages  from  time  to  time,  then  desert- 
ing them  to  push  on  to  the  Middle  of  the  world. 

Origin  of  the  Diminutive  Gods  of  War 

The  A'shiwi  had  proceeded  less  than  a  day's  journey  from  Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa, coming  to  the  place  that  they  afterward  called  Hanlipinkia, 
when  smoke  was  discovered  in  the  distance.  "Ha!"  exclaimed  the 
Kia'kwemosi,  "there  is  a  village.  I  wonder  who  these  people  are?" 
"We  will  see'"  said  the  Divine  Ones;  and  two  members  of  the 
Ne'wekwe  ti'kili  (Galaxy  fraternity)  were  told  to  go  ahead  and  hunt 
a  trail.     They  refused,  saying:  "We  are  fighting  men  and  we  may 


stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF   GODS    OF    WAR  35 

meet  some  one  and  kill  him,  and  thus  get  you  into  trouble."  But  the 
Divine  Ones  dispatched  the  two  men,  who  had  not  gone  far  when  they 
observed  two  women  on  the  bank  of  a  stream  washing-  buckskin. 
They  killed  the  women,  who  belonged  to  the  village  whence  the  smoke 
came;  and  as  soon  as  the  strange  people  learned  of  the  murder  they 
were  enraged  and  at  once  attacked  the  A'shiwi,  who  fought  two  days, 
but  without  success.  Then  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi,  having  grown 
weary  with  lighting,  for  they  had  had  many  conflicts  during  their 
journey  from  the  far  northwest,  requested  their  81111  Father  to  send 
two  others  to  take  their  place  as  warriors. 

In  compliance  with  this  wish  the  Sun  Father  caused  a  heavy  rain  to 
fall  until  the  cascade  of  the  mountain  side  no  longer  glided  placidly 
over  the  rocks  to  the  basin  below,  but  danced  along;  and  in  her"  joy 
she  was  caught  in  the  sun's  embrace,  and  bore  twin  children,  who 
issued  from  the  foam. 

When  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi  looked  towai'd  the  cascade  they 
discovered  two  little  fellows  upon  the  water  in  the  basin,  whom  they 
at  once  recognized  to  be  of  divine  origin.  Kow'wituma  inquired  of 
the  tiny  ones:  "Who  is  your  father?"  U'yUyewi,  the  firstborn, 
replied:  "'The  Sun  is  our  father."  "Who  is  }'our  mother?"  "Laugh- 
ing water  is  our  mother."  "It  is  well;  thanks;  it  is  good,-"  said 
Wats'usi;  "I  am  weary  with  fighting,  and  I  wish  you  two  to  work  for 
me."  "I  am  very  small,"  said  the  firstborn  (while  the  Divine  Ones 
were  somewhat  below  medium  height,  the  newborn  gods  were  dimin- 
utive in  stature),  "and  do  not  know  how  to  fight."  "Yes,"  said 
Wats'usi,  "you  understand  all  about  fighting."  "Wait,  wait,"  said 
the  firstborn;  but  Wats'usi  and  KowT'wituma  insisted,  saying:  "Your 
heart  is  good  and  we  know  you  understand  how  to  fight."  "Is  it  so? 
do  1  understand  how  to  tight?  I  guess  1113^  younger  brother  knows 
more  than  I."  Ma'sai'lema  interrupted,  saying:  "My  elder  brother 
knows  more  than  I."  "All  right,"  said  the  elder,  "we  will  fight  for 
you."  Wats'usi  said:  "We  have  fought  two  dajrs,  but  we  can  do 
nothing  with  the  enemy.  Many  arrows  have  pierced  the  heart  of  the 
'Cha'kwena  who  leads  the  opposing  forces,  yet  she  continues  to  pass 
to  and  fro  before  her  army,  shaking  her  rattle;  and  until  these  people 
can  be  conquered  or  destroyed  we  can  not  proceed  in  our  quest  of  the 
Middle  place  of  the  world."  The  newborn  gods  of  Laughing  water 
replied:  "We  will  join  you.  We  may  destroy  the  enemy;  we  may 
not."  In  times  of  peace  both  these  gods  bear  the  name  of  A'hayuta. 
When  associated  with  war  the  elder  is  always  referred  to  as  U'yuyewi, 
and  the  younger  as  Ma'sai'lema. 

aThe  Zufiis  attribute  gender  to  all  natural  objects. 


36  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

Destruction  of  the  Kia'nakwe,  and  Songs  of  Thanksgiving 

The  day  was  still  young  when  these  gods  requested  Kow'wituma, 
Wats'usi,  a  man  of  tlie  Coyote  chin,  and  To'na  0"si  (Turkey  man")  to 
muster  about  a  pottery  drum  and  dance.  The  man  of  the  Coyote  clan 
was  provided  with  a  drumstick,  such  as  is  used  at  the  present  time  for 
these  drums.  D'yuyewi.  Ma'sai'.lema,  all  those  who  had  participated 
in  fighting,  and  the  A'shiwanni  joined  in  the  broken  circle  around 
the  group,  each  man  in  the  circle  having  a  woman  of  his  paternal  clan 
by  his  side. 

By  command  of  Kow'wituma  the  man  of  the  Coyote  clan  gave  four 
loud  and  distinct  strokes  upon  the  drum,  and  then  beat  it  rapidly,  which 
called  forth  seven  beings  from  the  depths  of  the  earth,  who  took  their 
places  in  the  group.  The  circle  moved  slowly,  with  even,  measured 
step.  Those  in  the  circle  sang,  Kow'wituma,  keeper  of  the  songs,  lead- 
ing the  song.  After  four  songs,  or  stanzas,  the  To'na  0"si  struck  the 
drum  with  his  great  claws  four  times,  each  time  clearly  and  with  great 
force.  Each  stroke  caused  the  hearts  of  the  enemy  to  tremble  and 
jump  with  fear.  He  then  beat  rapidly  upon  the  drum  while  those  form- 
ing the  circle  sang  four  songs,  after  which  the  A'shiwi,  accompanied 
by  the  Divine  Ones,  U'yuyewi  and  Ma'sai'lema,  advanced  to  meet  the 
enemy,  who  were  discovered  to  be  the  Kia'nakwe,  though  the  A'shiwi 
called  them  the  white  people,  because  the}'  all  wore  mi'has  *  (white 
cotton  embroidered  blankets). 

The  fighting  continued  four  clays.  The  Kia'nakwe  were  compelled 
to  close  their  nostrils  with  raw  cotton  to  avoid  the  sulphurous  odors 
emitted  from  the  bodies  of  the  A'shiwi.  At  night  each  party  fell  back: 
the  Kia'nakwe  to  their  village,  and  the  A'shiwi  to  Han'tlipinkia,  where 
they  danced  and  prayed  throughout  the  night  for  rain. 

The  second  night  the  Kia'kwemosi  sent  the  Divine  Ones  to  Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa  to  inquire  if  A'wan  ta'*chu  Ko'yemshi  could  tell  anything 
about  the  enemy,  and  to  implore  the  Council  of  the  Gods  to  cause 
rainfall,  that  the  A'shiwi  bowstrings,  which  were  made  of  j'ucca  fiber, 
might  be  made  strong,  and  the  bowstrings  of  the  enemy,  made  of 
deer  sinew,  might  be  weakened.  The  A'shiwi  secured  their  arrows 
for  the  engagement  with  the  Kia'nakwe  on  Ko'yemshi  mountain/ 
Mountain  is  to  be  seen  at  left  of  plate  (see  plate  iv). 

The  prayers  of  the  A'shiwi  brought  heavy  rainson  the  third  morning, 
and  again  they  met  the  enemy.     This  time  their  forces  wrere  strength- 

a  This  personage  was  a  turkey  of  enormous  size. 

frThe  Zufiis  say  they  never  saw  the  mi'ha  until  they  met  the  Kia'nakwe.  but  they  afterward  wove  it 
of  their  native  cotton.  The  modern  mi'ha  is  made  by  the  Hopi  priests,  and  consists  of  commercial 
cotton  in  the  body  of  the  blanket  and  wools  for  embroidery.  They  are  exclusively  ceremonial  and 
are  the  most  valued  of  all  fabrics  known  to  these  people.  The  principal  designs  in  the  embroidery 
are  conventional  butterflies  and  cloud  and  lightning  symbols. 

cAs  already  stated.  Ko'yemshi  mountain,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Ko'thluwala'wa,  was 
lound  to  have  been  a  central  place  for  arrow  making. 


stevenson]  DESTRUCTION    OF   KIA'NAKWE  37 

ened  by  the  Kok'ko,  present  at  the  request  of  U'yuyewi  and  Ma'sai'- 
lerna,  who  were  now  the  recognized  Gods  of  War.  Again  Ku'yapali'sa, 
the  "Oha'kwena,  walked  in  front  of  her  army,  shaking  her  rattle.  She 
succeeded  in  capturing  four  of  the  gods  from  Ko'thluwala'wa — Kor'- 
kokshi,  the  first  born  of  Si'wulu'siwa  and  Si'wulu'si'sa;  If'sepiisha 
(game-maker),  one  of  the  nine  last-born;  a  Sa'ya'hlia  (blue  horn,  a  war- 
rior god);  and  a  Sha'lako  (one  of  the  couriers  to  the  u'wannami 
(rain-makers).  These  gods  succeeded  in  making  their  escape,  but  all 
were  captured  except  the  Sha'lako,  who  ran  so  like  a  hare  that  he  could 
not  be  caught. 

The  Kia'nakwe  had  a  dance  in  which  the  prisoner  gods  appeared  in 
celebration  of  their  capture.  Kor'kokshi,  the  firstborn,  was  so  angry 
and  unmanageable  that  Ku'yapali'sa  had  him  dressed  in  female  attire 
previous  to  the  dance,  saying  to  him:  "You  will  now  perhaps  be  less 
angry."" 

In  the  Zufii  dramatization  of  the  Kia'nakwe  dance  of  thanksgiving  for  the  capture 
of  the  gods  the  one  personating  the  Kor'kokshi  wears  woman's  dress  and  is  referred 
to  as  the  ko'thlama,  meaning  a  man  who  has  permanently  adopted  female  attire. 
The  custom  of  youths  donning  female  attire  at  puberty,  which  exists  to  some  extent 
among  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  has  given  rise  to  conflicting  state- 
ments. An  assertion  made,  not  only  by  the  writer  after  her  first  visit  to  Zufii,  but  also 
by  others,  was  that  these  persons  were  hermaphrodites.  One  is  led  into  this  error 
by  the  Indians,  who,  when  referring  to  men  dressed  as  women,  say  "She  is  a  man;" 
which  is  certainly  misleading  to  one  not  familiar  with  Indian  thought.  Others  claim 
that  men  who  are  thus  attired,  who  are  regarded  in  a  religious  light,  subject  the 
maidens  of  their  tribe  to  their  desires  before  their  husbands  are  privileged  to  take 
them  unto  themselves.  After  more  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  pueblos  the 
writer  is  able  to  give  the  facts  as  they  are.  Men  who  adopt  female  attire  do  so  of 
their  own  volition,  having  from  childhood  hung  about  the  house  and  usually  pre- 
ferring to  do  the  work  of  women.  On  reachingpuberty  their  decision  is  final.  If  they 
are  to  continue  woman's  work  they  must  adopt  woman's  dress;  and  though  the  women 
of  the  family  joke  the  fellow,  they  are  inclined  to  look  upon  him  with  favor,  since 
it  means  that  he  will  remain  a  member  of  the  household  and  do  almost  double  the 
work  of  a  woman,  who  necessarily  ceases  at  times  from  her  labors  at  the  mill  and 
other  duties  to  bear  children  and  to  look  after  the  little  ones;  but  the  ko'thlama  is  ever 
ready  for  service,  and  is  expected  to  perform  the  hardest  labors  of  the  female  depart- 
ment. The  men  of  the  family,  however,  not  only  discourage  men  from  unsexing 
themselves  in  this  way,  but  ridicule  them.  There  have  been  but  five  such  persons 
in  Zufii  since  the  writer's  acquaintance  with  these  people;  and  until  about  ten  years 
ago  there  had  been  but  two,  these  being  the  finest  potters  and  weavers  in  the  tribe. 
One  was  the  most  intelligent  person  in  the  pueblo,  especially  versed  in  their  ancient 
lore.  He  was  conspicuous  in  ceremonials,  always  taking  the  part  of  the  captive 
Kor'kokshi  in  the  dramatization  of  the  Kia'nakwe.  His  strong  character  made  his 
word  law  among  both  the  men  and  the  women  with  whom  he  associated.  Though 
his  wrath  was  dreaded  by  men  as  well  as  by  women,  he  was  beloved  by  all  the  chil- 
dren, to  whom  he  was  ever  kind.  Losing  his  parents  in  infancy,  he  was  adopted  by 
an  aunt  on  his  father's  side,  and  the  loving  gratitude  he  exhibited  for  his  auntand 
her  grief  at  his  death  afforded  a  lesson  that  might  well  be  learned  by  the  more 

a  The  Zunis  assert  this  to  be  the  first  instance  of  a  god  or  man  appearing  in  woman's  dress. 


38  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

enlightened.  Such  was  his  better  side.  He  was  said  to  be  the  father  of  several 
children,  but  the  writer  knew  of  but  one  child  of  whom  he  was  regarded  as  cer- 
tainly being  the  father.  The  other  ko'thlania,  who  was  one  of  the  richest  men 
of  the  village,  allied  himself  to  a  man  during  one  of  the  visits  of  the  writer  to 
Zufii,  and  to  the  time  of  her  departure  from  Zufii  in  1897  this  couple  were  living 
together,  and  they  were  two  of  the  hardest  workers  in  the  pueblo  and  among  the  most 
prosperous.  The  third  and  fourth  assumed  woman's  attire  during  the  absence  of  the 
writer.  The  fifth,  a  grandson  on  the  maternal  side  of  Nai'uchi,  elder  brother 
Bow  priest,  donned  the  dress  during  the  visit  of  the  writer  to  Zufii  in  1896.  The 
mother  and  grandmother  were  quite  willing  that  the  boy  should  continue  in  the 
work  in  which  he  seemed  interested,  but  the  grandfather,  who  was  much  disgusted, 
endeavored  to  shame  him  out  of  his  determination  to  follow  woman's  work.  He  did 
not,  however,  attempt  any  authority  in  the  matter,  and  on  the  boy's  reaching  man- 
hood the  trousers  were  replaced  by  woman's  attire.  There  is  a  side  to  the  lives  of 
these  men  which  must  remain  untold.  They  never  marry  women,  and  it  is  under- 
stood that  they  seldom  have  any  relations  with  them. 

At  night,  after  the  third  day's  battle,  both  parties  fell  back,  as  usual, 
and  the  A'shiwi  danced  and  prayed.  The  rain  continued  to  fall,  and 
on  the  fourth  morning  moisture  so  affected  the  bowstrings  of  the 
enemy  that  they  failed  in  most  of  their  shots. 

After  many  prayers  and  songs  addressed  by  Kow'wituma  to  the  Sun 
Father,  the  knowledge  came  to  him  that  Ku'j-apali'sa  carried  her  heart 
in  her  rattle.  He  aimed  his  arrow  and,  piercing  the  rattle,  Ku'yapa- 
li'sa  fell  dead.  Her  death  caused  a  panic  among  her  people,  who 
retreated  to  their  village,  closely  pursued  by  the  A'shiwi;  these  cap- 
tured the  village  and  released  the  three  gods,  who  returned  to  Ko'th- 
luwala'wa.  Another  version  says  that  U'yuyewi  sent  his  }Tounger 
brother  to  the  Sun  Father  to  solicit  aid,  and  to  learn  how  the  heart  of 
Ku'vapali'sa  might  be  reached;  whereupon  the  Sun  Father  provided 
Ma'sai'lema,  the  younger  God  of  War,  with  two  turquois  rabbit  sticks, 
telling  him  to  give  one  to  his  younger  brother.  On  returning  to  battle, 
the  elder  brother  threw  his  stick,  but  missed  the  rattle.  Then  Ma'sai'- 
lema  threw  his  stick,  which  struck  the  rattle,  and  Ivu'yapali'sa  fell 
dead.  The  Kia'nakwe  in  desperate  fear  jumped  into  the  waters  of  the 
black  rocks,  which  Kow'wituma  at  once  covered  with  stone  slabs  that 
the  enemy  might  not  return  to  the  earth.  Their  ghost  selves  went  to 
Ko'thluwala'wa.  But  two  escaped  this  tragic  death,  a  youth  and  a 
maiden,  brother  and  sister,  who  hid  in  a  cave  in  the  rocks  below  the 
village. 

After  the  A'shiwi  captured  the  village  they  opened  the  gates  of  the 
corral  in  which  all  game  was  kept  by  the  'Cha'kwena  (keeper  of  game) 
and  said  to  the  game:  "We  have  opened  for  you  the  doors  of  the 
world;  now  you  may  roam  where  you  will,  about  the  good  grass  and 
springs,  and  find  good  places  to  bear  your  young;  you  will  no  longer 
be  imprisoned  within  the  walls,  but  have  the  whole  world  before  you." 
Since  that  time  game  has  roamed  over  the  face  of  the  earth. 


stevenson]  SONGS    OJF   THANKSGIVING  39 

Kia'makla"  is  an  extensive  ruin  about  50  miles  south  of  Zufii  and  a  little  off  the 
trail  to  the  Zuni  salt  lake,  standing  upon  the  brink  of  the  canyon  wall  of  black  rock, 
over  which  flow  many  springs  of  clear  water  as  cold  as  ice.  The  village  had  been 
surrounded  by  a  wall  5  feet  thick.  When  the  ruin  was  visited  in  1884  the  walls 
were  standing  to  the  height  of  5  feet,  and  it  was  found  that  the  masonry  was  supe- 
rior to  that  of  any  ruin  in  the  surrounding  country.  There  were  remains  of  several 
underground  ki'wi'siwe  (chambers  dedicated  to  anthrophic  worship).  There  was 
an  additional  inclosure  whose  eastern  side  was  formed  by  the  main  wall  of  the  vil- 
lage, which  the  Zufiis  claim  was  a  corral  in  which  'Cha'kwena  kept  all  game.  She 
allowed  the  game  to  go  out  to  graze  during  the  day,  the  young  awaiting  the  return 
of  their  mothers  in  certain  niches  in  the  walls  of  the  corral. 

Hundreds  of  te'likinawe,  offered  by  the  Zufiis  to  the  departed  Kla'nakwe,  dotted 
the  canyon  walls  about  the  springs.  The  Zufiis  never  visit  this  ruin  except  by 
special  permission  of  the  Ko'mosona  (directorof  the  ki'wi'siwe)  or  Mo'sona  (director 
of  the  personators  of  the  Kla'nakwe). 

After  the  conquest  the  A'shiwi  again  formed  about  the  drum  at 
Han'lipinkla.  The  seven  beings  were  again  called  from  the  earth; 
Ku'yapali'sa's  scalp  was  divided  and  held  by  a  son  of  the  man  of  the 
Coyote  clan  who  beat  the  drum,  and  the  ceremony  held  before  going 
to  battle  was  repeated.  The  songs  were  not  for  the  destruction  of 
the  enemy,  but  were  a  thanksgiving  for  the  scalps  which  bring  good 
fellowship  between  the  deceased  enemy  (ghost  self)  and  the  A'shiwi, 
and  therefore  much  rain.  After  the  close  of  the  songs  U'yuyewi  and 
Ma'sai'lema  declared  that  this  ceremony  must  always  occur  after  the 
scalping  of  an  enemy. 

The  instruction  by  the  beings  who  came  from  the  earth  at  this  time 
was  that,  when  this  ceremonv  should  be  repeated,  the  tepehan  (pottery 
drum)  must  be  struck  the  first  time  with  such  force  that  they  could 
not  fail  to  hear  and  be  present,  though  invisible,  to  insure  the  correct 
singing  of  the  songs. 

Disaster  again  threatened  the  A'shiwi  while  they  were  still  at 
Han"lipmkia.  The  second  danger  arose  from  the  wrath  of  their  gods, 
instead  of  from  a  strange  foe.  Though  continued  supplications  were 
made  by  the  A'shiwi  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  for  rain,  their 
prayers  remained  unanswered,  and  drought  was  threatening  starva- 
tion. The  A'shiwi  were  beginning  to  fear  that  their  A'shiwanni  were 
not  pure  of  heart,  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  te'likinawe  which 
had  been  deposited  by  the  Kla'kwe.mosi  and  others  had  been  stolen  by 
a  witch  before  the  Sun  Father  had  received  the  prayers  which  had 
been  breathed  into  the  plumes.  The  Divine  Ones,  however,  recovered 
the  stolen  te'likinawe,  which  were  again  planted,  and  so  the  calamity 
was  averted.* 

aKfa'makla  is  from  klam'amanc :  plural  klam'amawu,  easy  to  break;  pule  klam-amane,  a  shell 
easy  to  break,  pu'we  klam'amawe,  'hells  easy  to  break,  from  the  black  rock  of  which  the  village 
was  built,  containing  shells  which  broke  from  the  slightest  pressure  after  being  removed  from  the 
rock. 

&  Han'lipinkla  (place  of  stealing)  received  its  name  from  the  occurrence  describe'!.  Though 
Han'[liplnkla  is  well  known  to  the  present  Zufiis,  many  of  whom  have  visited  the  place,  compara- 
tively few  understand  why  or  how  this  place  received  its  name.  The  A'shiwanni  are  superstitiously 
averse  to  any  reference  to  the  stealing  of  the  te'likinawe 


40  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  akn.  23 


Origin  of  the  Clans 

It  was  at  Han"lipinkia  that  the  A'shiwi  received  their  clan  names, 
which  originated  in  this  way:  During-  their  migrations  the  A'shiwi 
traveled  in  groups,  so  when  the  Divine  Ones  decided  that  tbe  people 
.should  be  gathered  into  clans  they  addressed  each  group,  saying:  "You 
will  take  unto  yourselves  a  name/'  Of  one  group  he  inquired  "  What 
will  you  choose?"  and  they  answered:  "We  are  the  Pi'chikwe  (Dog- 
wood people)."  Another  group  having  been  questioned,  they  replied: 
"We.  are  the  To'wakwe  (Corn  people).  Others  chose  to  be  the 
'Ko"loktakwe  (Sand-hill  Crane  people),  selecting  this  bird  because  it 
happened  at  the  time  to  be  flying  b\T.  Each  name  wTas  chosen  from 
some  object  seen  at  the  time,  and  the  totem  of  each  clan  was  cut  on 
the  rocky  walls;  many  of  them  are  to  be  seen  at  the  present  time. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  four  fraternities  were  organized  by  the 
Divine  Ones  soon  after  coming  to  this  world.  These  were  the  Shi'- 
wannakwe  people,  who  do  not  fast  from  animal  food,  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy 
people),  'San'ia'kakwe  (Hunters),  and  tHle'wekwe(Wood  people).  The 
mo'sona  (director)  of  the  Shi'wannakwe  chose  to  belong  to  theTo'nakwe 
(Turkey  clan).  The  mo'sona  of  Ne'wekwe  chose  the  'Ko"lotakwe  (Sand- 
hill Crane  clan);  the  mo'sona  of  'Siin'iakiakwe  also  chose  the  'To'wakwe 
clan,  and  the  mo'sona  of  'Hle'wekwe  chose  the  'Ko"loktakwe,  while  his 
pe'kwin  (deputy)  chose  to  belong  to  To'wakwe  (Corn  clan).  Since 
that  time  the  a'mosi  (directors)  of  these  organizations  have  been 
chosen  from  the  original  clans,  and  the  deputy  to  the  mo'sona  of  the 
'Hle'wekwe  must  be  of  the  Corn  clan.  It  is  not  permissible  in  these 
cases,  as  it  is  with  many  others,  for  a  child  of  the  clan  to  fill  the  place.* 

The  first  clan  to  prepare  te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes)  was  the 
Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood  clan).  These  plumes  are  attached  to  slender  sticks, 
themselves  called  pichi'hlame,  the  last  syllable  coming  from  'hla'wa- 
psushle'a  (making  prayer  plumes). 

The  Pi'chikwe  clan  was  divided  in  the  following  manner:  Yanowwu- 
luha,  pe'kwin  to  the  Sun  Father,  placed  two  eggs  in  a  sacred  basket 
of  meal  and  deposited  it  on  the  floor  before  the  et'towe''  of  the  A'shi- 
wanni  and  requested  all  the  people  of  the  clan  to  choose  an  egg. 
All  chose  the  beautiful  blue  egg;  none  would  have  the  more  homely 
one.  But,  alas!  when  the  eggs  were  hatched  the  raven  came  from  the 
blue  eggandthe  macaw  from  the  other.  Ya'ndwwuluha  then  said  to  some 
of  the  Pi'chikwe,  "Henceforth  you  will  be  the  Mu'la  (macaw) Pi'chikwe." 
Others  of  this  clan  he  called  Ka'ka  (raven)  Pi'chikwe.  Ya'ndwwuluha 
sent  the  Mu'la  to  Mexico  and  with  it  a  number  of  the  Mu'la  Pi'chikwe 

aPi'ehi,  from  pi'chiko,  dogwood  (Cornus  stolonif era) ;  kwe  (pi.)  suffix,  signifying  people. 

6  A  Shi'wi  belongs  to  the  mother's  clan,  and  is  regarded  as  the  child  of  the  clan  to  which  his  pater- 
nal parent  belongs  The  render  will  bear  in  mind  that  whenever  the  child  of  a  clan  is  mentioned  in 
this  paper,  reference  is  to  the  clan  of  the  paternal  parent.    See  List  of  clan9. 

«See  A'shiwnnni  (Rain  priesthood). 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 

TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL 

REPORT     PL.   VI 

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stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF   THE    CLANS  41 

to  look  for  the  Middle  place,  saying:  "If  you  find  it  we  will  go  there. 
The  others  will  go  eastward  to  look  for  the  Middle  place." 

The  Zunis  keep  the  location  of  H:in"liplnkla  from  the  knowledge  of  .the  white 
man.  They  declare  that  the  writer  was  the.  first  American  to  visit  the  sacred  spot. 
It  was  out  of  the  course  of  the  Spanish  invaders,  and  it.  is  certain  that  no  student  has 
before  seen  the  place.  While  a  stage  road  from  the  railroad  to  St.  Johns,  Ariz., 
passes  nearby,  there  is  nothing  in  evidence  to  induce  the  traveler  to  alight.  To 
avoid  the  high  mesas  the  writer,  with  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  a  shi'wanni 
and  theurgist,  followed  the  old  California  wagon  road  over  a  desert  country  devoid 
of  every  vestige  of  animal  life.  Kwa'kina,  an  extensive  ruin,  was  found  6  miles 
northwest  of  Zuiii.  On  reaching  a  miniature  forest  of  scrub  cedars,  about  35  miles 
from  Zuiii,  a  dry  but  otherwise  attractive  camp  was  made.  At  sunrise  the  following 
morning,  after  proceeding  a  mile  or  two,  the  road  was  left  and  an  untraveled  country 
followed  5  miles  to  the  southwest,  the  Indians  constantly  asserting  that  water  would 
be  found  nearby;  finally  the  three  Zunis  separated,  each  running  many  miles,  but 
they  returned  without  success.  Determined  to  reach  the  destined  point,  they  urged 
the  writer  to  continue  the  journey,  saying  they  would  again  hunt  for  water.  On 
her  refusal  to  comply  with  their  wish,  a  dispute  resulted  which  was  soon  quelled, 
however,  and,  after  sharing  water  from  the  keg  and  canteens  with  the  thirsty  animals, 
all  heads  were  turned  toward  Zuiii. 

After  a  few  days  a  new  start  was  made  by  a  more  southern  route.  Pi'nanai,  an 
extensive  ruin  on  a  knoll  a  mile  west  of  Zuiii,  on  the  St.  Johns  road,  was  passed. 
The  St.  Johns  road  was  left  to  the  south  before  reaching  Ojo  Caliente  to  avoid  any 
questions  as  to  the  destination  of  the  travelers  which  might  be  asked  by  the  people 
of  this  village.  The  second  morning  out  brought  the  party  to  a  difficult  road.  After 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  by  the  driver  of  the  escort  wagon  to  ascend,  the  wagon  was 
practically  unpacked  and  the  material  transported  by  the  patient,  faithful  Indians. 
Finally,  after  strenuous  efforts,  the  mules  and  wagons  reached  the  summit  (plate 
vi  a).  After  a  short  distance  had  been  traveled  on  the  mesa,  it  became  necessary  to 
build  a  road  in  order  to  descend.  One  of  the  Indians,  knowing  the  writer's  objec- 
tion to  their  driving  her  team,  hurried  to  the  top  after  the  road  had  been  improved, 
and,  without  warning,  jumped  into  the  wagon  and  started  down  the  hill.  His 
apology  was:  "I  knew  you  would  not  let  me  drive  if  I  asked  you,  and  I  was  afraid 
if  you  drove  you  might  be  killed.  It  was  better  for  me  to  die."  After  much 
trouble  the  party  began  traveling  over  the  lowlands.  After  proceeding  several  miles 
•Kia'napalto,  the  last  of  a  series  of  springs,  which  figures  in  the  'Kiaklo  myth  (see 
page  85)  was  reached. 

About  30  miles  from  St.  Johns  the  travelers  turned  northward  to  traverse  a  country 
unknown  to  all,  though  two  of  the  three  Indians  of  the  party  had  visited  Han^li- 
plnkia  some  years  before  by  a  trail  which  took  them  over  an  altogether  different 
route,  and  had  a  vague  idea  of  the  proper  course  to  take.  An  obscure  wagon  road 
was  discovered  by  the  Indian  guide,  leading  up  and  down  mesas,  many  being 
difficult  of  ascent.  Finally  the  guide  declared  that  the  road  must  be  left  and  the 
party  go  more  toward  the  north.  After  traveling  some  miles  in  this  direction 
the  writer  was  obliged  to  stop  her  Indian  companions  and  compel  them  to  make 
camp.  One  of  the  Indians  descended  to  the  valley  below  to  make  a  reconnaissance 
for  water.  He  returned  after  dark  with  a  specimen  of  a  ceremonial  stone  knife,  a 
red  pottery  bowl,  and  a  quantity  of  fragments  of  pottery,  telling  the  writer  of  exten- 
sive ruins  where  the  specimens  were  found,  and  also  brought  the  good  news  that  the 
animals  could  be  watered  in  the  morning.  By  sunrise  one  of  the  Indians  was  off 
with  the  thirsty  beasts  to  refresh  them;  the  others  packed  the  wagon  and  ere  long. 
the  march  to  Han'lipinkia  was  renewed.  Five  miles  to  the  northeast  the  party  came 
to  the  fissure  in  which  Han'liplnkla  is  to  be  found,  and  camp  was  made  near  a  group 


42 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


of  water  pockets,  the  only  drinkable  water  within  miles.  From  this  point  the  party 
proceeded  on  Eoot  to  where  a  sandstone  bench  is  crossed  to  the  north  of  the  Assure,  then 
turning  southward  a  quarter  of  a  mile  was  traversed,  when  a  descent  of  150  feet  was 
made  to  a  canyon  100  feet  across  at  the  point  of  descent.  Turning  toward  the  direc- 
tiiin  of  the  camp  the  party  worked  their  way  through  a  labyrinth  of  tall  grass,  rank 
weeds,  and  willows,  which  earlier  in  the  season  must  have  been  impassable.  The 
canyon  narrowed  toward  the  end,  and  at  this  point  it  is  not  over  15  feet  wide. 
The  walls  were  completely  covered  with  pictographs  (see  plate  vi  b).  An  interest- 
ing feature  of  this  canyon  are  the  potholes,  many  of  them  large  and  deep, 
some  forming  a  perfectly  arched  niche.  It  was  in  one  of  the  latter  that  the  Gods 
of   War,   U'yuyewi  and  Ma'sai'lema,  are  supposed  to  have  been  created. «     This 


Ejjgt^kiu. 


Fig.  2 — Ancient  sun  shrine 


arch  is  near  the  point  of  the  canyon,  and  it  is  sufficiently  large  to  admit  a  per- 
son 5  feet  3  inches  tall.  An'  etching  of  the  sun  decorates  this  niche  about  2  feet 
above  the  base.  The  younger  brother  Bow  priest  exhibited  the  keenest  interest  in 
imparting  all  that  was  to  be  learned  about  Han/llipinkla.  Retracing  their  steps,  the 
party  found  on  the  right  a  small  natural  chamber,  about  10  by  10  feet,  the  walls  and 
roof  of  which  are  sandstone.  From  this  point  the  party  with  difficulty  squeezed 
through1  a  small  opening  at  the  base  of  the  wall  by  lying  flat  on  the  ground;  another 
and  larger  apartment  was  entered,  roofed  only  by  the  firmament.  Access  to  four 
other  chambers  is  by  narrow  passageways.  The  walls  in  these  places  are  also  elabor- 
ate with  pictographs,  including  clan  totems.  & 

a  See  Origin  of  the  Diminutive  Gods  of  War. 

l>  PI.  vir  shows  a  number  of  symbols  secured  by  the  camera:  a,  Zufii  seal;  b,  sun;  c,  primitive  Zufii 
before  the  amputation  of  tail;  d,  feet  after  removal  of  web;  e,  unknown;  /,  altar;  g,  curious  composite 
figure  including  deer. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.   VII 


" 

V  V  "V  \/  v/  \ 

'■     f     / 3      7^-V 

/Vv^J/yW  fv;V>^A    ■ 

'A/VVv- 

P 

PICTOGRAPHS    ON    WALL    OF    INNER    CHAMBER    AT    HAN"LIPINKIA 


Stevenson]  ADOPTION    OF    KIA'NAKWE    BY    a'sHIWI  43 

The  rain  priest  of  the  party,  wlui  is  a  member  of  the  Shi'wannakwe  fraternity, 
exclaimed  upon  seeing  one  of  the  altar  etchings:  "There  is  the  altar  of  my  frater- 
nity." The  discovery  of  these  etchings  settles  the  question  that  the  pueblos,  at 
least  the  Zufii  people,  had  tablet  altars  before  the  invasion  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
that  they  were  not  suggested  to  the  Zunis  by  the  Roman  Catholic  altars." 

Curious  water  markings  on  an  irregular  broken  surface  are  believed  by  the  Zunis 
to  be  the  footprints  of  those  who  danced  at  Han/llipTnkTa  on  the  level  above  the 
canyon.'' 

The  following  morning  a  sun  shrine,  which  no  doubt  had  been  covered  and  uncov- 
ered with  sand  many  times,  was  discovered  not.  many  rods  from  camp.  Tins  shrine 
with  its  many  fetishes  was  photographed  and  sketched  and  afterward  removed,  to  be 
deposited  in  the  National  Museum  at  Washington. 

A'shiwi  Resume  Their  Journeying 

All  obstacles  having'  been  removed,  the  main  booty  of  the  A'shiwi  con- 
tinued eastward  in  their  quest  for  the  Middle  of  the  world.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  Divine  Ones  they  now  had  with  them  the  Gods  of  War — 
the  gods  born  of  Laughing  water. 

After  the  A'shiwi  had  been  some  time  at  'Kiap'kwena,''  the  director 
of  the  Ne'wekwe  fraternity  disappeared  through  Lu'kiana  'kiai'a  and 
became  the  musician  and  jester  to  the  Sun  Father,  accompanying  him 
in  his  daily  travels  over  this  world;  but  he  first  instructed  his  people 
that  he  was  to  be  personated  annually  by  a  member  of  the  fraternity, 
when  he  would  be  present  in  spirit.  This  personage,  as  he  appears  in 
one  of  the  Zufii  dramas,  presents  one  of  the  most  stately,  picturesque, 
and  dramatic  characters  to  be  imagined. 

Adoption  of  the  Two  Surviving  Kia'nakwe  by  the  A'shiwi 

The  two  Kia'nakwe,  brother  and  sister,  who  escaped  death  at  the 
hands  of  the  A'shiwi  conquerors  by  secreting  themselves  in  a  cave,  sub- 
sisted for  a  long  time  on  meal  and  rats,  the  meal  being  ground  from 
the  corn  left  by  their  people.  The  rats  were  caught  in  a  trap  set  every 
night  by  the  boy,  who  would  go  in  the  morning  and  fetch  what  he  had 
secured.  At  night  the  girl  roasted  the  rats,  and  in  the  morning  made 
a  stew  of  them. 

Growing  weary  of  this  life,  the  brother  decided  they  would  start  out 
into  the  world  and  see  if  they  could  not  find  some  kind  people  among 

"Although  extensive  studies  of  the  rock  writings  of  the  Southwest  have  been  made,  the  writer  had 
never  before  found  anything  which  would  indicate  the  altar. 

&  See  Destruction  of  the  Kia'nakwe  and  Songs  of  Thanksgiving. 

c  Ojo  Caliente,  one  of  the  three  farming  districts  of  the  Zunis,  15  miles  south  of  west  of  the  pueblo 
of  Zufii  (see  pi.  vni).  The  town  takes  its  name  from  a  number  of  springs  at  the  place,  three  of 
which  are  sacred,  each  to  a  god.  To'seluna  'klai'a,  named  from  the  tall  grass  which  grows  in  the 
spring  is  dedicated  to  Ko'Ioowisi  (Plumed  Serpent),  and  three  years  out  of  every  four  the  pilgrims  of 
the  summer  solstice  gather  there.  They  go  quadrennially  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  This  spring  also  sup- 
plies the  water  for  irrigating  the  farms  of  Ojo  Caliente.  A'mitolan  'klai'a  (Rainbow  spring) ,  which 
is  about  2  feet  in  diameter  and  quite  deep,  is  sacred  to  the  Sha'liiko  gods.  The  water  of  this  spring 
is  clear  and  cold,  and  is  excellent  to  drink.  Lu''klana  'klaia  (ashes  spring)  is  the  spring  of  Bi"tsitsi, 
the  original  director  of  the  Ne'wekwe  fraternity.  While  numbers  of  te'likinawe  are  to  be  found  at 
all  these  springs,  Lu'lklana  'klaia  is  the  only  one  where  a  shrine  appears  to  have  been  erected.  The 
Zufiis  claim  that  all  the  sacred  springs  are  used  for  the  gods  to  look  through.  A  view  of  rainbow 
spring  is  shown  in  pi.  ix. 


44  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

whom  they  could  live.    Drawing  near  to  the  village  of  'Kiap'kwena  the 

youth  said:  "I  see  not  far  off  a  village;  to-morrow  I  will  go  there." 
The  sister  begged  him  not  to  venture,  fearing  he  would  be  killed. 
But  he  said:  "  It  is  better  that  we  both  die  than  live  longer  in  the  world 
alone."  While  they  were  yet  talking,  a  youth  from  'Kiap'kwena  saw  the 
boy  and  girl,  and  greeting  them,  inquired  "Who  are  you?"  "We  are 
the  last  of  our  people,  the  Kiu'nakwe.""  said  the  boy.  as  he  held  two 
et'towe  to  his  breast.  The  girl  having  provided  herself  with  two  ears 
of  white  corn  before  leaving  Kla'makia  took  them  from  her  dress  ami. 
extending  them  toward  the  youth,  said:  "  See.  we  are  the  Mi'klanakwe 
(Corn people)."  "Will  you  go  to  our  village?"  said  the  youth.  The 
boy  replied:  "To-morrow  we  will  go,  though  I  fear  your  people  will 
destroy  us.  as  they  destroyed  all  my  people." 

The  youth  hurried  to  the  village  and  told  of  his  meeting  with  the 
boy  and  girl,  and  the  Kia'kwemosi,  feeling  compassion,  sent  for  them 
to  come  to  him.  On  their  arrival  the  Kia'kwemosi.  addressing  the 
two.  inquired  "Who  are  you?"  And  the  girl  again  took  from  her 
dress  the  two  ears  of  white  corn,  saving  "See.  we  are  the  Mi'kla- 
nakwe;" aud  the  boy  displayed  his  two  et'towe.  The  Kia'kwemosi 
was  well  pleased,  and  said:  "You  are  the  same  as  our  people,  the 
To'wakwe:  you  must  live  with  us  and  be  our  children.  You." 
addressing  the  boy.  "are  now  old  enough  to  have  a  wife:  and 
you,"  turning  to  the  girl,  "a  husband.  You  will  have  children,  and 
they  will  be  our  children."  He  selected  a  woman  of  the  Corn  clan  to 
adopt  the  brother  and  sister. 

Another  version  of  the  story  is  that  the  boy,  wandering  off,  ran  upon  the  village  of 
Ojo  Caliente  and,  returning  at  night,  said  to  his  sister:  "I  have  seen  a  town  where 
people  live:  we  will  go  to  it."  .She  replied:  "They  will  kill  us  if  we  go."  He  said: 
'"It  is  better  that  we  should  die  like  our  people  than  live  alone."  The  next  morn- 
ing they  hurried  through  their  breakfast  and  started  for  the  village.  Upon  their 
arrival  the  boy  called  on  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  was  received  kindly. 

A'shiwi  fixd  the  Middle  place 

Leaving 'Kiap'kwena.  the  A'shiwi  migrated  to  He'shota'yalla.  a  small 
village,  to  rind  all  the  inhabitants  but  four  either  fled  or  dead  from  the 
effluvium  of  the  A'shiwi.  The  houses  here  were  built  of  reeds  and 
earth,  and  the  A'shiwi  declared.  "Our  people  built  this  village."* 
On  entering  one  of  the   houses  an   aged  man  and  woman,  with  two 

"The  Zufiis  say  the  Kiu'nakwe  were  strangely  marked.  One  half  of  the  face  was  red.  the  other 
white,  the  dividing  line  running  diagonally  across  the  face.  It  has  been  so  long  sinee  the  boy  and 
girl  came  to  live  with  the  A'shiwi  that  all  traces  of  the  mark  have  gone  from  their  descendants, 
although  an  aged  priest  claims  that  he  remembers  seeing  a  very  old  woman  so  marked  when  he 
was  a  young  child.  The  wife  of  the  deceased  Ko'mosona  (director  of  the  Ko'tikili'.  who  preceded 
the  present  incumbent,  is  supposed  to  be  a  direct  descendant  of  the  Kla'nakwe,  and  she  is  the 
A'wun  'Si'ta  (Great  Motheri  of  the  personatorsof  the  Kla'nakwe.  She  bathes  the  head  of  each  par- 
ticipant in  the  dance  of  the  Kla'nakwe  and  draws  an  ear  of  corn  four  times  over  the  top  of  the 
head,  saying:  "I  am  of  the  Corn  people:  I  do  this  that  you  may  follow  the  straight  road  of  the  Sun 
Father." 

frThe  Zufiis  aS9ert  that  their  early  aneestors  had  snch  dwellings  before  they  built  stone  houses. 


steven-son]  FINDING    OF    THE    MIDDLE    PLACE  45 

grandchildren,  boy  and  girl,  were  discovered  sitting  by  a  meal  symbol 
of  clouds  upon  the  floor.  Their  ears  and  nostrils  were  closed  with 
raw  cotton,  and  they  were  bending  over  a  he'pikia  tehl'i  (urinal)  in 
which  the  old  man  had  deposited  sunflower  and  other  medicine,  the 
fumes  of  which  they  were  inhaling  to  save  them  from  the  killing  odors 
of  the  A'shiwi.  Some  of  the  A'shiwi  exclaimed:  '"These  people  are 
dead."  The  old  man  replied:  "  Weare  not  dead;  we  were  the  Yellow 
Corn  people;  you  have  destroyed  or  driven  off  all  but  ourselves;  we 
are  saved  by  inhaling  my  medicine,  but  it  has  made  our  corn,  which 
we  hold  in  our  belts,  black,  and  we  are  now  the  Black  Corn  people." 
Since  that  time  they  and  their  descendants  have  been  called  the  Black 
Corn  people. 

Some  of  the  A'shiwi  wished  to  kill  these  people,  but  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi  said:  "No,  they  may  have  an  et'tone."  The  Kia'kwemosi, 
endeavoring  to  learn  more  from  the  aged  man,  said:  "We  will  cause 
your  death  if  you  remain  here."  "No,  ydu  can  not  do  that;  I  possess 
great  things."  replied  the  old  shi'wanni,  pointing  to  his  et'tone,  which 
was  immediately  before  him  and  over  which  he  leaned  to  inhale  the 
medicine  from  the  bowl. 

The  Kia'kwemosi  was  pleased  to  find  that  the  old  man  possessed  an 
et'tone.  and  said  to  him,  "You  must  remain  with  us;  3*011  will  remain 
in  your  house  four  days  and  sing  your  songs  for  rain,  and  we  will  see 
what  you  can  do  with  your  et'tone  (there  were  man}'  houses  in  He'sho- 
tayalla,  but  all  the  others  had  been  deserted,  for  the  people  fled  from 
their  houses  before  they  died);  then  I  will  bring  out  my>et'tone  and 
sing  my  songs  for  rain."  "No,"  said  the  old  man,  "you  shall  sing 
your  songs  first;  you  are  perhaps  greater  than  I."  "No,"  replied  the 
Kia'kwemosi,  "you  were  here  first,  and  you  shall  sing  first."  After 
much  talking,  the  Black  Corn  shi'wanni  went  into  retreat  for  four 
days  and  sang  his  songs  for  rain,  and  much  fell;  after  the  fourth 
day  the  Kia'kwemosi  placed  his  et'tone  in  a  room  and  sat  four  days 
and  sang,  and  his  songs  brought  much  rain.  The  two  became  fast 
friends,  and  the  old  priest  and  his  family  were  adopted  into  the  A'shiwi 
tribe.  Since  his  death  his  et'tone  has  been  in  the  possession  of  the 
old  priest's  descendants,  the  Kwin'nakwe  (Black  Corn  people)." 

Through  the  friendship  of  the  shi'wanni  having  this  fetish  in  his 
keeping  the  writer  was  enabled  to  photograph  by  flashlight  the  cham- 
ber in  which  this  et'tone  is  kept.  (The  et'tone  is  not  in  view  in  the 
picture.)  This  old  priest  was  the  keeper  of  the  fetish  Ko'loowi'si 
(Plumed  Serpent),  and  had  the  privilege  of  painting  an  elaborate  ser- 
pent on  the  wall  of  the  chamber.  Other  et'towe  rooms  do  not  have 
this  decoration  (see  plate  xxxvi). 

aThe  et'tone.  said  to  have  come  from  the  Shi'wanni  of  He'shotiyiil'la,  was  the  fetish  of  an  aged 
shi'wanni.  the  last  of  the  Black  Corn  clan,  supposed  to  be  the  direct  descendant  of  the  people  of  this 
village.  Since  his  death  in  1902  the  et'tone  (invariable  bringer  of  good)  has  remained  permanently 
in  its  resting  place,  as  no  other  priest  is  privileged  to  bring  it  out. 


46  THE    ZITNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.  23 

Another  village  of  the  A'shiwi  was  Ma'*sakia,a  standing  on  a  knoll 
less  than  l2  miles  east  of  the  present  Zufii.  After  a  time  the  A'shiwi 
concluded  that  they  were  a  little  too  far  east  for  the  center  of  the 
world.  They  abandoned  their  villages  about  Ma^sakia  and  built  the 
town  of  HaTona  (Ant  place).  Finally  the  'Kian'astepi  (Hydrotrechus 
remigis),  who  came  from  the  south,  relieved  the  Zunis  of  all  anxiety 
by  spreading  his  legs  and  declaring  the  Middle  of  the  world  to  be 
directly  beneath  his  heart.  So  the  town  of  I'tiwanna  (middle)  was 
built,  as  indicated  by  'Kian'astepi,  where  the  present  pueblo  of  Zufii 
stands,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  from  HaTona.  I'tiwanna  and 
HaTona  are  frequently  referred  to  as  one  and  the  same  place. 

The  et'tone  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  rests  in  the  room  which  is  directly 
west  of  and  below  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Klakwe  amosi 
(Directors  of  the.  house  of  houses),  and  is  supposed  to  be  the  spot  over 
which  'Kian'astepi's  heart  rested,  and  therefore  the  Middle  of  the 
world. 

He'patina,  a  shrine  a  short  distance  southwest  of  the  village,  sj'mbol- 
izes  the  Middle  of  the  world.  The  Middle  place,  where  the  et'tone  of 
Kia'kwemosi  rests,  is  regarded  as  too  sacred  to  be  referred  to,  except 
by  the  Klakwe  amosi  themselves. 

•  Origin  of  the  Ko'tikili 

A  time,  came  when  Pau'tiwa,  director-general  of  the  Kok'ko,  desired 
that  the  A'shiwi  should  be.  made  personally  acquainted  with  their  gods, 
and  that  they  learn  in  detail  of  their  coming  to  this  world  and  their 
migrations  after  reaching  here.  Pau'tiwa  therefore  chose  'Kiaklo, 
his  deput}',  as  narrator;  and,  in  obedience  to  him,  'Kiaklo  passed  from 
Ko'thluwala'wa  to  I'tiwanna  on  the  backs  of  the  Ko'yemshi.*  He 
related  to  the  A'shiwi  the  histoiy  of  their  coming  to  this  world  and 
their  quest  for  the  Middle  place,  and  declared  to  the  A'shiwi,  before 
he  departed,  that  in  eight  days  all  of  the  others  (referring  to  the 
ancestral  gods)  would  come  from  Ko'thluwala'wa,  when  they  must  be 
prepared  to  receive  them,  adding:  "  You  must  build  six  chambers,  one 
for  each  of  the  six  regions,  which  shall  be  dedicated  to  the  Kok'ko." 

After  the  departure  of  'Kiaklo  the  A'shiwi  hastened  to  work,  and  the 
six  chambers,  which  were  called  ki'wi'siwe,  one  for  each  region,  were 
in  readiness  when  he  reappeared  to  them.  'Kiaklo  visited  each  of  the 
six  ki'wi'siwe  remaining  a  short  time  in  each,  to  announce  the  coming 
of  the  gods,  and  again  departed  over  the  western  road  to  Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa; not,  however,  before  a  man  of  the  Dogwood  clan  had  exam- 
ined 'Kiaklo's  mask,  afterward  making  one  like  it. 

The  first  bocVy  of  A'shiwanni  and  others  were  gathered  in  He'iwa 

«  The  first  syllable,  inn,  from  mmve  (salt),  so  named  from  a  Shi'wi,  who,  looking  about  the  country 
soon  after  the  people  hail  settled  at  this  point,  discovered  the  Salt  Mother  near  by. 
6  See  p.  33. 


5 


stevensos]  ORIGIN"    OF    THE    KO'TIKILI  47 

(north)  ki'wi'sine  to  greet  the  gods,  who  wore  their  masks  to  Iti' wanna, 
but  removed  them  on  entering  the  ki'wi'sine.  A'wan  ta"chu  (Great 
Father)  Ko'yemshi,  addressing  the  A'shiwi,  said,  "Now  you  will  look 
well  at  these  masks.1"  Pau'tiwa's  mask  was  the  first  examined.  Kia'- 
kwemosi.  who  belonged  to  the  Dogwood  clan,  receiving  it  from  the 
hands  of  Pau'tiwa,  and  inspecting  it  closely,  said  "Thanks,  my 
child.""  Afterward  he  made  a  counterpart  of  the  mask  worn  by 
Pau'tiwa. 

The  mo'sona  (director)  of  the  Ne'wekwe  fraternity  examined  the 
mask  of  A'wan  ta"cku  Ko'yemshi  and  copied  it:  others  of  this  fra- 
ternity copied  the  remaining  nine  masks  of  the  Ko'yemshi.  Then 
A'wan  ta/'chu  Ko'yemshi,  desiring  to  organize  a  fraternity  by  whom 
the  gods  should  be  personated,  said:  "I  wish  a  Ko'mosona,4  a  Ko'pek- 
win  (deputy  to  the  Ko'mosona),  and  two  Ko'piulashiwanni  (warriors  to 
the  Ko'mosna  and  Ko'pekwin)."  The  Kia'kwemosi  first  chose  a  man 
of  Deer  clan,  saying:  "  My  child  of  Deer  clan,  I  wish  you  to  be  the 
Ko'mosona  of  the  Ko'tikili."  And  to  another  of  the  same  clan  he  said: 
"My  child,  I  wish  you  to  be  Ko'pi'lashiwanni  to  the  Ko'mosona." 
And  selecting  a  man  of  Badger  clan,  he  said:  "My  child,  I  choose  you 
to  be  Ko'pekwin  to  the  Ko'mosona. "  And  he  chose  another,  of  the 
same  clan  to  be  Ko'pi"tlftshiwanni  to  the  Ko'pekwin. 

The  first  body  of  the  A'shiwanni  then  left  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  the 
newly  appointed  Ko'mosona  divided  the  A'shiwi,  regardless  of  clan, 
among  the  six  ki'wi'siwe,  to  which  they  were  to  remain  permanently 
allied.  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'yemshi  then  directed  the  gods  whose  masks 
had  not  been  examined  to  separate  and  go  to  the  other  five  ki'wi'siwe, 
where  their  masks  should  be  copied.  There  were  six  Sha'lako  (giant 
couriers  to  the  rain-makers),  and  one  was  designated  for  each  ki'wi'sine. 
The  Council  of  the  Gods,  a  Sha'lako,  some  of  the  Kor'kokshi,  a  bodjr 
of  'Cha'kwena,  and  the  Sal'imobiya  (warrior  and  seed-gatherei-)  of 
the  North  remained  in  He'iwa  (north)  ki'wi'sine.  A  Sha'lako,  Sal'imo- 
biya of  the  West,  and  a  number  of  Kor'kokshi  went  to  Mu'he'wa 
(west)  kiwi'sine.  A  Sha'lako.  a  number  of  Kor'kokshi,  Sal'imobiya 
of  the  South,  Mu'luktiikia,  and  the  Kian'akwe  went  to  Chu'pawa 
(south)  ki'wi'sine  (A,  plate  x).  A  Sha'lako,  other  Kor'kokshi,  a  body  of 
"YVa'tem'la,  and  Sal'imobiya  of  the  East  went  to  O'he'wa(east)  ki'wi'sine. 
A  Sha'lako,  a  body  of  'Cha'kwena,  other  Kor'kokshi,  and  Sal'imobi3ra 
of  the  Zenith  went  to  Up"sannawa  (zenith)  ki'wi'sine.  A  Sha'lako,  a 
body  of  YVa'tem'la,  others  of  the  Kor'kokshi,  and  Sal'imobiya  of  the 
Nadir  went  to  He'kiapawa  (nadir)  ki'wi'sine/' 

a  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  gods  were  the  children  of  the  A'shiwi. 

&Ko,  from  Kok'ko;  mo'sona,  director. 

c  Since  the  organization  of  the  Ko'tikili  every  male  child  must  become  a  member  of  this  fraternity 
in  order  to  enter  the  sacred  dance  house  in  Ko'thluwaJa'wa.  A  dramatization  of  the  coming  of 
the  gods  to  I'tiwanni  occurs  quadrennially,  when  the  children  receive  involuntary  initiation  into 
the  Ko'tikili. 


48  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Leth.ann.J3 

Discovery  of  the  Corn  Maidens 

Tin'  witches  who  were  with  the  A'shiwi  never  mentioned  then*  meet- 
ing with  the  Corn  maidens,  and  after  the  A'shiwi  had  settled  at 
I'tiwanna,  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi  went  on  a  deer  hunt.  On 
di'awing  near  Shi'pololo  they  discovered,  dancing  under  a  ham'pone 
(pavilion  of  spruce  boughs  or,  as  some  say,  of  cat-tails),  these  beau- 
tiful maidens,  who  had  remained  in  the  same  place  since  the  departure 
of  the  A'shiwi.  Each  maiden  held  a  'hla'we  in  either  hand  brought 
from  the  under  world  consisting  of  a  number  of  stalks  of  a  white 
plant,  each  stalk  abundant  with  delicate  white  plume-like  Laves. 

On  their  return  to  I'tiwanna  the  Divine  Ones  related  to  the 
A'shiwanni  what  the\T  had  seen,  and  these  at  once  became  eager  to  have 
the  Corn  maidens  come  to  them.  The  pe'kwin  to  the  Sun  Father  was 
delegated  to  bring  them,  that  they  might  dance  for  the  rains  and 
the  growth  of  corn.  The  Corn  maidens  accompanied  the  pe'kwin  to 
I'tiwanna.  Leaving  them  at  Ku'shilowa  (red  earth),  which  place  is  a 
few  rods  east  of  the  present  village  of  Zuiii,  he  hastened  to  notify  the 
A'shiwanni  and  Divine  Ones,  who  were  assembled  in  the  O'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine.  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi  then  went  for  the  Corn  maidens. 
The  Yellow  Corn  maiden  and  four  sisters  accompanied  Kow'wituma 
and  the  Blue  Corn  maiden  and  four  sisters  accompanied  Wats'usi  to 
the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  where  they  sang  and  danced  for  a  short  while. 
No  rattles,  drums,  or  singers  accompanied  the  Corn  maidens  at  this 
time. 

At  midnight  they  were  led  by  the  pe'kwin,  who  was  preceded  by 
the  other  A'shiwanni  and  the  Divine  Ones,  to  a  ham'pone  of  waving 
corn,  in  si'aa' "  te'wita  (the  sacred  dance  court).  A  meal  painting  of 
cloud  symbols  had  been  made  on  the  ground  in  the  ham'pone  where 
the  Corn  maidens  danced. 

During  the  dancing  the  A'shiwanni  and  Divine  Ones  fell  asleep,  and 
while  they  slept  Pa'yatamu,*  god  of  music,  butterflies,  and  flowers, 
who  was  walking  about  the  country,  discovered  the  Corn  maidens,  and 
approaching  the  ham'pone,  he  took  a  seat  at  the  northeast  corner. 
Pa'yatamu  thought  the  maidens  were  all  very  beautiful,  but  the  Yellow 
Corn  maiden  was  the  most  beautiful  of  all,  and  he  said  to  himself 
"  Ho'oh  il  al'lanna  (I  wish  to  embrace  her)."  The  Corn  maidens,  under- 
standing Pa'yatamu's  thoughts,  were  much  afraid,  and  the}7  ceased 
dancing  and  drew  close  to  one  another.  The  elder  sister  whispered 
to  the  others:  "  1  think  he  will  soon  sleep,  and  then  we  will  run  away." 

«  The  word  means  to  break  or  tear  apart.  The  te'wita  was  so  named  because  the  court  often 
became  so  crowded  as  to  endanger  the  breaking  away  of  the  walls. 

b  Pa'yatamu  is  diminutive  and  wears  a  crown  of  flowers,  and  with  the  sho'kona  (his  flute)  he  causes 
flowers  to  bloom  and  draws  the  butterflies  of  the  world  to  him.  His  home  is  in  A'mitolan  te'poula 
(rainbow  covering  entrance)  at  the  base  of  Shun'tekaiya,  a  mesa  near  To'wayal'lannO. 


stevexson]  ORIGIN    OF   THE    BOW    PRIESTHOOD  49 

And  when  Pa'yatSmu  slept  the  Corn  maidens  ran  off  by  the  first  light 
of  the  morning  star  to  Ke'yatiwa  shipololo'  a'wehlwia'kiai'a." 

The  god  of  music  soon  awoke,  and  to  his  dismay  found  the  maidens 
gone:  and  his  heart  was  sorel}'  troubled.  The  A'shiwanni  and  Divine 
Ones  on  waking  were  also  astonished  to  see  the  Corn  maidens  gone, 
and  looked  everywhere,  but  could  not  find  them.  The  A'shiwanni 
and  Divine  Ones  having  slept  while  Pa'yatamu  was  at  the  ham'pone, 
they  (.lid  not  suspect  the  cause  of  the  flight  of  the  Corn  maidens.  On 
reaching  Ke'yatiwa,  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden,  the  elder  sister,  sent 
the  Black  Corn  maiden  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  to  tell  the  gods  of  their 
fears.  On  delivering  her  message  she  was  accompanied  back  to 
Ke'yatiwa  by  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'yemshi  and  Pau'tiwa,*  both  gods 
assuming  the  form  of  ducks;  and  the  Corn  maidens,  who  were  in  the 
spring,  were  now  protected  from  view  b}r  the  gods  spreading  their 
wings  over  the  waters. 

Creation  of  the  Beast  Gods 

The  Divine  Ones,  wishing  that  the  world  should  be  well  guarded  by 
those  keeu  of  sight  and  scent,  visited  Shi'papolima,  home  of 
Po'shaiyanki,  Zuni  culture  hero,  and  his  followers,  and  converted  the 
medicine  men  who  came  to  this  world  with  Po'shaiyanki  into  Beast 
Gods.  They  converted  one  into  the  Cougar,  giving  him  the  north 
region  to  preside  over.  Another  was  converted  into  the  Bear  to 
guard  the  west.  A  third  was  transformed  into  the  Badger  to  guard 
the  south.  Another  was  converted  into  the  White  Wolf  to  preside 
over  the  east.  A  fifth  was  converted  into  the  Eagle  to  guard  the 
zenith,  and  another  was  transformed  into  the  Shrew  to  guard  the  nadir 
or  earth.  Others  were  converted  into  rattlesnakes  and  ants  to  preside 
with  wisdom  over  the  earth. 

Origin  of  the  Bow  Priesthood 

At  another  time  U'yuyewi  and  Ma'sai'lema  started  on  a  journey,  and 
discovering  a  beautiful  woman  in  the  distance,  U'yuyewi  exclaimed: 
"Who  is  that  woman?"  Ma'sai'lema  replied:  "I  do  not  know."  On 
reaching  her,  U'yuyewi  asked:  "Where  do  you  live?"  Pointing,  she 
replied:  "There  is  my  house."  "  Where  is  your  father?  where  is  your 
mother?"  "There  in  my  house,"  replied  the  woman;  and  she  then 
inquired  of  U'yuyewi  "Where  is  your  house?"  He  replied,  pointing 
to  the  southeast:  "There  is  my  house;  come  with  me  to  my  house." 
The  woman  consenting,  the  three  started  in  the  direction  indicated  by 

a  Ke'yatiwa.  cat-tails  ;  shi'pololo,  fog  coming  up  like  steam  ;  A'wehlwia,  cumulus  clouds,  'Klai'a, 
spring. 
b  See  p.  46. 

23  ETH— 04 1 


50  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

U'yuyewi,  the  woman  walking  between  them.  On  their  way  U'yuyewi 
told  her  that  his  house  was  very  beautiful;  but  he  was  lying  to  her. 
On  reaching  a  cave  in  the  rocks  the  woman  asked:  "Where  are  we?" 
U'yuyewi  replied:  "  Here  is  my  house."  At  night  the  woman  inquired: 
''Where  shall  I  sleep?"  U'yuyewi  said:  "You  will  sleep  between  my 
younger  brother  and  me."  U'yuyewi  lay  at  the  right  of  the  woman 
and  Ma'sai'lema  lay  at  her  left.  Each  placed  an  arm  across  the  woman. 
Early  in  the  morning  U'yuyewi  said:  "Let  us  go  now  and  look  about 
the  country."  "Whither  are  you  going?"  inquired  the  woman.  "Oh, 
to  walk  about,"  said  U'yuyewi,  who  at  the  same  time  closed  his  left 
eye  and  winked  at  his  brother  with  his  right  as  a  signal  to  be  ready; 
and  as  U'yuyewi  and  the  woman  left  the  cave,  Ma'sai'lema  struck  her 
on  one  side  of  the  head  with  his  club.  Then  U'yuyewi  struck  her  with 
his  club  on  the  other  side  of  the  head,  and  the  woman  fell  dead.  Taking 
her  scalp,  they  went  to  the  house  of  the  Cougar  of  the  North,  who  was 
very  angry  on  learning  what  the  two  had  done.  They  then  visited 
the  house  of  the  Bear  of  the  West,  where  they  were  also  denounced 
for  the  murder.  Then  going  to  the  house  of  the  Badger  of  the  South, 
they  related  their  story,  only  to  anger  the  Badger.  Again  they  told 
their  story  to  the  Wolf  of  the  East,  who  also  became  very  angry.  On 
reaching  Shi'papolima  they  were  kindly  received  by  the  ants,  who, 
after  listening  to  their  story,  asked  them  to  sit  down  in  the  ceremo- 
nial chamber,  where  an  altar  stood  in  the  west  end  of  the  room. 

PresentljT  a  voice  was  heard  calling:  "Where  are  niy  husbands? 
I  want  my  husbands. "  And  the  Gods  of  War  recognized  the  voice  as  that 
of  the  woman  the}r  had  killed,  and  they  told  the  mo'sona  (director)  of 
the  Ant  fraternity  that  the  ghost  woman  had  come.  He  called  to  the 
woman  to  come  in,  and  as  soon  as  she  entered  the  Gods  of  War  again 
struck  her  with  their  clubs,  and,  carrying  her  out,  threw  her  some 
distance. 

Returning  to  the  chamber  of  the  ants,  the  Gods  of  War  discovered 
the  tracks  of  a  chaparral  cock,  made  during  their  absence.  The  mo'sona, 
examining  the  footprints  of  the  bird,  inquired  "What  is  this?"  The 
Gods  of  War  asked  "Which  way  did  the  bird  go?"  U'yuyewi  said 
"It  went  out,"  but  Ma'sai'lema  declared  that  the  bird  had  passed  in. 
"Then  where  is  it  gone?"  they  both  cried;  and  after  much  hunting 
Ma'sai'lema  found  it  back  of  the  altar.  U'yuyewi  joined  his  younger 
brother  behind  the  altar,  and,  holding  the  bird  carefully,  examined  it 
and  counted  the  tail  feathers;  and,  passing  to  the  front  of  the  altar,  he 
sat  before  it  and  said:  "Listen!  This  bird  has  ten  tail  feathers;  here- 
after when  a  man  takes  a  scalp  he  must  observe  continency  and  fast 
from  animal  food,  grease,  and  salt  for  the  period  of  ten  days."  This 
fast  is  observed  at  the  present  time.  The  closest  relations  were  at  that 
time  established  between  the  Gods  of  War  and  the  ants.     U'yuyewi 


stevenson]  REDISCOVERY    OF    CORN   MAIDENS  51 

and  Ma*sai'lema  left  Sbi'papolima  at  sunset  to  return  to  Hal'ona,  car- 
rying the  Navaho  woman's  scalp  with  them. 

Announcement  was  made  in  Hal'ona  that  the  Gods  of  War  were 
returning  with  a  scalp;  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi,  the  Divine 
Ones,  and  others  went  out  to  meet  them  and  accompany  them  to  the 
village.  On  reaching-  Hal'ona  (the  site  of  the  present  Zufii)  they 
encircled  the  village  four  times,  each  time  drawing  nearer  to  the 
center,  and  entered  te'wita  'hlanna  (large  plaza),  where  the  divided 
scalp  was  hoisted  on  a  pole,  and  thirteen  days  were  spent  in  rejoicing. 

On  the  evening  of  the  last  day  a  group  was  formed  about  a  pottery 
drum  in  the  te'wita,  and  a  circle,  composed  of  the  A'shiwanni  and 
others,  surrounded  the  drum.  The  seven  beings  previously  referred 
to  were  again  called  forth  by  the  loud  strokes  on  the  drum,  and  the 
same  songs  were  sung  as  at  Han"lipinkia."  After  the  songs,  Kow'- 
wituma and  Wats'usi,  without  rising  from  their  seats,  disappeared 
forever  into  the  earth,  making  their  perpetual  home  in  the  depths  of 
the  crater  at  the  Zufii  salt  lake. 

The  priesthood  of  the  Bow  was  thus  organized,  with  U'yuyewi  and 
Ma'sai'lema  as  the  first  directors,  and  the  scene  supposed  to  have  been 
enacted  at  this  time  is  dramatized  upon  the  initiation  of  a  victor  into 
the  priesthood  of  the  Bow. 

Rediscovert  of  the  Corn  Maidens  and  their  Re-creation  of 

Corn 

After  flourishing  four  3Tears  (time  periods)  at  I'tiwanna,  the  site  of 
present  Zuni,  the  A'shiwi  came  to  grief  because  of  the  witches  destroy- 
ing their  corn  and  other  food;  and  in  their  distress  they  called  upon 
the  Gods  of  War  to  aid  them.  The  Gods  of  War  instructed  the  kaka 
(raven)  to  fly  about  and  look  for  the  Corn  maidens.  The  raven 
returned  to  say  that  he  could  not  find  them.  The  Gods  of  War  then 
called  upon  the  owl  to  search  at  night  for  the  Corn  maidens,  but  he 
brought  back  word  of  failure.  They  then  sent  the  hawk,  who 
returned  with  no  better  news.  Then  the  Gods  of  War  and  the 
A'shiwanni  talked  together  and  it  was  decided  to  ask  aid  of  Bi"tsitsi, 
musician  and  jester  to  the  Sun  Father.  For  this  purpose  the  Gods 
of  War  visited  Lu'kiana  'kiai'a,  the  spring,  into  which  Bi"tsitsi  disap- 
peared during  the  migrations  of  the  A'shiwi,  and  said  to  him  "We 
want  you."  "Why  do  }Tou  want  me?"  asked  Bi'"sitsi.  The  Gods 
of  War  replied:  "A'towa  e'washtokii  kwa'chua  ho'nawa  a'ta  'chu 
to'no  te'shuna  (The  Corn  maidens  are  gone;  our  fathers  wish  you 
to  find  them)."  "Hai'i  ho'o  te'shuna  (All  right,  I  will  find  them)," 
replied  Br^si'si.     He  accompanied  the  Gods  of  War  to  I'tiwanna 

"  See  Destruction  of  the  Kia-nakwe  and  Songs  of  Thanksgiving,  p.  36. 


52  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

and  went  into  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  where  the  A'shiwanni  were 
assembled.  The  Kia'kwernosi  told  Bi'"sitsi  of  his  wish,  and  he 
said  "Ho'o  a'wa  a'wili  i'anna  (1  will  look  for  them  all);"  and  the 
Kia'kwemosi  replied  "El'lakwa  (Thanks)."  The  words  between  the 
Kia'kwemosi  and  Bi'"si'si  were  not  spoken  by  the  lips,  but  from  the 
heart. 

The  A'shiwanni  sat  all  night  and  all  day  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  where  there 
was  no  lire.  The}7  spoke  not  a  word  with  their  lips,  and  they  did 
not  eat.  drink,  or  smoke.  All  their  thoughts  were  given  to  the  Corn 
maidens  and  to  rain. 

A  Iter  leaving  I'tiwanna,  Bi"tsitsi  ascended  a  tall  cottonwood  tree  "  and 
looked  all  over  the  world.  Finally  he  espied  one  of  the  maidens  in  the 
far  south  through  the  separated  plumes  of  one  of  the  duck's  wings.* 
Descending  from  the  tree,  he  hastened  to  tell  the  A'shiwanni  and  the 
Gods  of  War  of  his  discovery.  Again  he  spoke  not  with  his  lips,  but 
with  his  heart.  He  was  then  carried  by  Yu'pia'hlan'na  (Galaxy), 
who  bowed  to  the  earth  to  receive  him,  to  Ke'yatiwa,  and  descending 
to  the  earth,  he  walked  with  great  dignity,  his  arms  crossed,  to  meet 
Pau'tiwa,  to  whom  he  spoke:  "The  A'shiwanni  wish  the  A'towa 
e'washtokii'  to  come  to  them."  The  Corn  maidens,  hearing  the  words 
of  Bi""si'si,  refused  to  go,  saying  "We  are  afraid.'1  But  Pau'tiwa 
said:  "Your  A' wan  a'ta'chu  (Great  Fathers,  meaning  the  A'shiwanni) 
want  .you;  you  must  go."  All  spoke  with  their  hearts;  hearts  spoke 
to  hearts,  and  lips  did  not  move. 

Bi'"si'si  returned  to  I'tiwanna,  followed  by  the  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'- 
yemshi,  Pau'tiwa,  and  the  Corn  maidens;  the  gods  and  Corn  maidens 
remaining  at  Ku'shilowa,  a  few  rods  east  of  I'tiwanna,  while  Bi^'si'si 
went  direct  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  where  the  A'shiwanni,  who  were  still 
assembled,  sat  in  line  at  the  west  end  of  the  room  and  back  of  the 
cloud  symbol  of  meal  made  by  the  pe'kwin.  Their  miwachi''  were  on 
the  meal  painting,  and  a  line  of  meal  extended  from  the  cloud  symbol 
to  the  ladder  leading  from  the  hatchway  to  the  floor  of  the  ki'wi'sine. 
A  basket  containing  six  te'likinawe  stood  by  the  meal  painting — one 
yellow,  for  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden  of  the  North;  one  blue,  for  the 
Blue  Corn  maiden  of  the  West;  one  red,  for  the  Red  Corn  maiden  of 
the  South;  one  white,  for  the  White  Corn  maiden  of  the  East;  another 
white  dotted  in  all  colors,  for  the  Every-color  Corn  maiden  of  the 
Zenith,  and  a  black  one,  for  the  Black  Corn  maiden  of  the  Nadir. 

aOne  or  two  A'shiwanni  claim  that  Bi''<si'si  did  not  ascend  the  cottouwoud  tree,  but  traveled  by 
Yu'pia'hlan'na  (Galaxy)  south  until  he  was  over  Ke'yatiwa;  when,  looking  down,  he  discovered  one 
of  the  maidens  through  the  separated  feathers  in  the  duck's  Ming.  The  first  version,  however,  is 
held  by  all  the  other  A'shiwanni. 

bit  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  A'wan  ta'<chu  Ko'yemshi  and  Pau'tiwa  had  assumed  the  form  of 
ducks. 

c  Singular  mi'li,  sacred  fetish  composed  of  an  ear  of  corn  surrounded  by  feathers. 


stevensox]  REDISCOVERY    OF    CORN    MAIDENS  53 

After  announcing  the  arrival  of  the  Corn  maidens,  Bi'"sitsi  left  (lie 
ki'wi'sine  with  the  yellow  te'likinane  (singular  of  te'likinawe)  and, 
planting  it,  he  returned  to  the  kiwi'sine  for  the  blue  te'likinane, 
which  he  planted  a  short  distance  beyond  the  yellow  one.  Returning 
to  the  ld'witsme,  he  took  the  red  te'likinane,  which  he  deposited  a 
short  distance  beyond  the  blue.  Again  returning  to  the  kiwi*sine,  he 
took  the  white  te'likinane  and  placed  it  a  short  distance  beyond  the 
red  one.  He  then  secured  the  every-colored  te'likinane  and  stood  it  in 
place,  and  went  for  the  black  te'likinane  and  placed  it  a  short  distance 
beyond  the  every-colored  one,  near  Pau'tiwa.  The  gods,  being  now 
in  human  form,  were  sitting  south  of  the  Corn  maidens,  who  stood  in 
line  east  and  west.  After  depositing  the  last  one,  Bi'"si'si  passed 
from  left  to  right  around  Pau'tiwa  and  the  Corn  maidens. 

A'wan  ta'chu  Ko'yemshi  then  went  to  I'tiwanna  and  returned  to 
Ku'shilowa.  preceded  by  the  pe'kwm  (deputy  to  the  Sun  Father).  He 
circled  round  the  Corn  maidens  and  Pau'tiwa  from  left  to  right  and 
took  his  position  back  of  Pau'tiwa,  who  was  now  standing  in  line  with 
the  Corn  maidens.  Bi"tsi'si  stood  before  Pau'tiwa  and  the  pe'kwm 
was  before  15i'"si'si.  In  this  order  the  four  proceeded  to  I'tiwanna, 
followed  by  the  Corn  maidens. 

The  pe'kwm  entered  the  ki'wi'sine  and  took  his  seat  north  of  the 
meal  painting.  Pau'tiwa,  following,  passed  up  the  meal  line  to  the 
cloud  symbol,  then  around  by  the  north  side  of  the  painting  and  sat  in 
line  with  the  A'shiwanni,  immediatety  back  of  the  meal  painting.  He 
remained  in  the  ki'wi'sine  but  a  short  time,  not  removing  his  mask 
while  there.  The  pe'kwm  smoked  a  cigarette,  taking  a  whiff  or  two 
at  a  time,  and  waved  it  with  an  upward  motion  over  Pau'tiwa.  Each 
shi'wanni  afterward  sprinkled  Pau'tiwa's  mask  with  meal,  and  Pau'- 
tiwa passed  down  the  south  side  of  the  room,  throwing  meal  before 
him  as  he  proceeded,  and  then  ascended  the  ladder  from  the  west 
side."  On  leaving  the  ki'wi'sine  Pau'tiwa  returned  directly  to  Ko'th- 
luwala'wa.  When  a  short  distance  west  of  I'tiwanna  he  again  assumed 
the  form  of  a  duck/' 

The  Corn  maidens  ascended,  one  by  one,  to  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine, 
where  Bi'"sitsi  awaited  them.  Each  maiden  first  went  to  the  northeast 
corner  of  the  roof  and  faced  north,  while  Bi'"si'si  waved  his  two  eagle 
plumes  about  her,  turning  her  completely  around  by  his  manipulation, 
of  them,  that  the  rains  of  the  north  and  of  all  the  world  might  fall 
upon  I'tiwanna.     The  maiden  then  passed  to  the  northwest  corner 

a  In  descending  the  ladder  of  a  ki'wi'sine  one  always  steps  from  it  on  the  right  side,  but  it  is- 
ascended  from  the  opposite  side. 

&The  gods  assume  forms  other  than  their  own  when  they  come  up  from  Ko'thulwala'wa. 
Nothing  would  induce  a  Zuni  to  shoot  at  game  anywhere  near  Ko'thluwala'wa  because  of  his 
fear  that  the  animal  might  be  an  assumed  form  of  a  god. 


54  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

and  looked  westward,  and  again  the  feathers  were  waved  about  her, 
and  she  was  turned  that  the  rains  of  the  west  and  of  all  the  world 
might  fall  upon  I'tiwanna.  At  the  southwest  corner  the  maiden  looked 
southward  and  was  turned  that  the  rains  of  the  south  and  of  all  the 
world  might  fall  upon  I'tiwanna;  and  again  she  stood  at  the  southeast 
corner  and  looked  eastward  and  was  turned  that  the  rains  of  the  east  and 
of  all  the  world  might  fall  upon  I'tiwanna.  The  maiden  then  descended 
into  the  ki'wi'sine,  Bi'"si'si  waving  his  feathers  over  her  back  as  she 
passed  through  the  hatchway.  The  same  ceremony  was  repeated  over 
each  Corn  maiden  on  the  roof  before  she  descended  into  the  ki'wi'sine. 
The  Corn  maidens  on  entering  the  ki'wi'sine  passed  up  the  meal  line 
and  sat  on  the  ledge  north  of  the  line,  each  maiden  sitting  to  the  left  of 
the  one  who  preceded  her.  After  all  were  seated  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  the 
pe'kwin  dipped  two  eagle-wing  feathers  six  times  for  the  six  regions 
into  a  bowl  of  medicine  water  which  stood  before  the  meal  painting, 
and  sprinkled  first  the  a'wan  kiow'u  (elder  sister)  Yellow  Corn  maiden, 
by  striking  the  plume  held  in  the  left  hand  with  the  one  held  in  the 
right. 

As  soon  as  all  the  maidens  had  entered,  Bi'"si'si  with  arms  folded 
appeared  in  the  ki'wi'sine  and,  standing  near  the  hatchway,  spoke 
with  his  lips,  addressing  the  A'shiwanni:  "Horn  a'ta'chu  ko'naton  sun'- 
hakianap'kia  (My  great  fathers,  I  greet  you)."  The  A'shiwanni  replied, 
also  with  their  lips:  "Kets'anishi  (All  good  come  to  you)."  Bi'"si'si 
then  left  the  ki'wi'sine,  returning  to  Lu'kiana'kiaia'.  Then  the  Yellow 
Corn  maiden  accompanied  the  Kia'kwemosi  to  his  home;  the  Blue  Corn 
maiden  to  the  home  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West;  the  Red  Corn 
maiden  to  the  home  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  South;  the  White  Corn 
maiden  to  the  home  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  East;  the  Multicolored 
Corn  maiden  to  the  home  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith,  and  the  Black 
Corn  maiden  to  the  home  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir.  Each  maiden 
bathed  and  rubbed  her  body  hard  from  head  to  foot,  and  what  of  her 
being  she  rubbed  off  she  left  with  the  shi'wanni  whom  she  accom- 
panied. Thus  the  Kia'kwemosi  became  the  possessor  of  yellow  corn, 
the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  of  blue  corn,  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  South 
of  red  corn,  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  East  of  white  corn,  the  Shi'wanni  of 
the  Zenith  of  multicolored  corn,  and  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir  of 
black  corn. 

The  Corn  maidens  returned  to  their  home  at  Ke'yatiwa,  and  the 
pe'kwin  brushed  the  meal  of  the  cloud  s}Tmbol  together  with  his  eagle 
plumes  and,  lifting  it  with  his  hand  and  plumes,  deposited  the  meal  in  a 
sacred  meal  basket,  afterward  throwing  it  into  the  river,  to  go  to 
Ko'thluwala'wa  as  an  offering  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods. 

When  that  which  the  Corn  maidens  had  left  of  themselves  had  been 
planted,  and  the  corn  had  grown  a  foot  high,  they  were  requested  by  the 
A'shiwanni  to  come  again  to  I'tiwanna  and  dance,  that  the  corn  might 


stevenson]  REDISCOVERY    OF    CORN    MAIDENS  55 

grow.  The  pe'kwin,  who  was  sent  to  bring  the  Corn  maidens,"  returned 
with  them  at  sunset,  going-  at  once  into  the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  where 
the  A'shiwanni  and  Divine  Ones  had  assembled.  The  A'shiwanni  sat 
in  line  back  of  a  cloud  symbol  of  meal  that  had  been  made  by  the 
pe'kwln  previous  to  his  going  for  the  Corn  maidens.  He  now  drew  a 
line  of  meal  from  the  cloud  symbol  eastward,  which  he  embellished 
with  mi'wachi  (ears  of  corn  surrounded  bjr  plumes)  and  other  sacred 
objects. 

Passing  north  of  the  meal  painting,  the  pe'kwin  took  his  seat  imme- 
diately back  of  it.  The  Corn  maidens  proceeded  up  the  meal  line, 
and  five  of  them  took  seats  north  of  it,  the  elder  sister  being  at 
the  east  end,  while  five  sat  south  of  the  meal  line,  the  Blue  Corn 
maiden  being  at  the  east  end  of  that  line.  U'yuyewi  passed  be- 
fore the  Corn  maidens  north  of  the  meal  line  and  gave  to  each  a  te'li- 
kinane, the  color  of  the  stick  being  appropriate  to  the  region  to  which 
the  maiden  belonged.  He  placed  the  te'likinane  between  the  clasped 
hands  of  the  maiden,  and,  clasping  her  hands  with  his  own,  waved 
them  to  the  six  regions,  with  prayers  for  rains  to  come  from  the  six 
quarters  of  the  world.  Ma'sai'lema  passed  down  the  line  on  the  south 
side  and  gave,  with  the  same  ceremony  and  prayers,  a  te'likinane  to 
each  maiden  on  that  side.  After  the  distribution  of  the  te'likinawe  the 
a' wan  kiow'u,  accompanied  by  U'yuyewi  and  a  Pi'"lashiwanni  (member 
of  the  Bow  priesthood),  and  the  younger  sister  Corn  maiden,  accom- 
panied by  Ma'sai'lema  and  a  Pi'"lashiwanni,  visited  He'patina  (a  shrine 
symbolic  of  the  Middle  of  the  world),  for  the  water  vases  left  there 
before  they  fled  from  Pa'yatamu.  The  vases  secured,  the  Yellow  Corn 
maiden  with  U'yuyewi  and  the  Pi'"lashiwanni  went  to  Kiii/'si  'kiaia', 
a  small  spring  a  few  miles  north  of  I'tiwanna,  and  collected  water;  and 
the  Blue  Corn  maiden,  accompanied  by  Ma'sai'lema  and  his  accompa- 
nying Pi'"lashiwanni,  visited  'Kia'nayalto  (a  spring  in  a  high  place), 
in  the  foothills  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain). 

When  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden  with  her  attendant  returned  to  the 
ki'wi'sine,  she  passed  up  the  meal  line  and  took  her  seat  at  the  west 
end  of  the  north  line  of  maidens.  The  Blue  Corn  maiden  passed  up 
the  meal  line  and  took  her  seat  at  the  west  end  of  the  south  line  of 
maidens.  The  water  vase  of  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden  was  placed  on 
the  north  and  that  of  the  Blue  Corn  maiden  on  the  south  side  of  the 
painting.  Taking  the  vase  of  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden  in  his  hand, 
the  pe'kwln  sprinkled  her  and  her  line  of  sisters  with  plumes  dipped 
in  the  water.  He  then  received  the  vase  of  the  Blue  Corn  maiden  and 
sprinkled  her  and  her  line  of  sisters.  The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni 
sat  in  silence,  and  the  maidens  also  spoke  not  a  word. 

The  maidens  afterward  danced  in  the  ki'wi'sine  to  the  music  of  two 

aXai'uchi,  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  and  also  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  until  his  death  in  June,  1904, 
alone  claimed  that  the  Gods  of  War  and  not  the  pe'kwln  went  for  the  Corn  maidens. 


56  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

choirs.  One  choir  .sat  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the  ki'wi'sine;  the 
other  was  grouped  in  the  northeast  corner.  These  choirs-had  been 
taught  appropriate  songs  for  the  occasion  by  Kow'wituma  and 
Wats'usi.  The  maidens  on  the  south  side,  holding  their  beautiful 
'hla'we  (a  number  of  white  stalks  covered  with  white  plume-like 
leaves),  danced  first  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  choir  in  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  ki'wi'sine.  Then  the  maidens  on  the  north  side  danced 
to  the  music  of  the  choir  grouped  in  the  northeast  corner. 

At  midnight  the  A'shiwanni,  Gods  of  War,  the  maidens,  and  the 
members  of  the  choirs  left  the,  ki'wi'sine  for  si'aa'  te'wita,  where  they 
sat  under  a  ham'pone  of  kia'la'si'lo  constructed  by  the  A'wan  t;l"chu, 
pe'kwin,  and  Pi''*lashiwanni  Ko'yemshi.  Near  the  west  side  in  the 
middle  of  the  ham'pone  a  meal  painting  of  clouds  had  been  made  by  the 
pe'kwin.  The  A'shiwanni,  carrying  their  mi'wachi  from  the  O'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine,  deposited  them  in  line  on  the  cloud  symbol.  U'yuyewi 
laid  upon  the  meal  painting  a  folded  white  cotton  embroidered  kilt 
having  a  broad  band  of  blue-green  painted  on  it,  symbolic  of  the  vege- 
tation of  the  world,  and  painted  at  each  end  of  the  band  was  the  game 
of  sho'liwe,  the  game  itself  being  tied  to  one  .corner  of  the  kilt  and 
a  game  of  ti'kwane  being  tied  to  another  corner.  The  pe'kwin  sat 
immediately  back  of  the  painting.  The  other  A'shiwanni  sat  in  line 
on  the  west  side  of  the  ham'pone.  The  Corn  maidens  took  seats  in 
the  ham'pone  corresponding  to  those  occupied  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  the 
a'wan  kiow'u  sitting  at  the  east  end  of  the  north  line,  and  the  Blue 
Corn  maiden  at  the  east  end  of  the  south  line,  these  two  being  the 
directors  of  the  other  maidens.  Their  te'likinawe  were  placed  by  their 
sides  next  to  the  meal  line. 

A  fire  made  by  a  man  of  the  Badger  clan  burned  in  the  plaza 
before  the  ham'pone  that  all  present  might  be  seen.  No  youths 
could  enter  the  ham'pone  where  the  beautiful  maidens  were,  and 
every  protection  was  thrown  around  them  that  they  might  not 
again  be  frightened  away.  The  Corn  maidens  slept  till  dawn,  the 
A'shiwanni,  Divine  Ones,  and  warriors  remaining  awake  to  protect 
them. 

At  daylight  the  Gods  of  War,  knowing  that  Pa'yatamu  lived  in 
the  midst  of  fog  and  cloud,  thought  it  would  be  well  to  seek  his  aid, 
and  visited  his  house  under  the  rainbow.".  Pa'yatamu  returned  with  the 
Gods  of  War  to  I'tiwanna,  going  at  once  to  the  house  of  the  Ma"ke 
'san'nakwe  (Little  Fire  fraternity),  where  he  was  joined  by  the  eight 
members  of  the  order  he  had  originated  some  time  before."  They 
went  together  to  the  plaza  at  the  northeast  corner  of  the  ham'pone, 
from  which  point  Pa'yatamu  had  previously  observed  the  Corn  maidens. 
The  flutes  given  them  by  Pa'yatamu  were  laid  across  a  large  and  beau- 
ti  This  bow  has  no  reference  to  the  celestial  bow.  *>See  Esoteric  fraternities. 


stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF    ANIMAL   FETISHES  57 

tiful  medicine  bowl  aud  covered  with  a  white  embroidered  cotton 
kilt. 

The  Corn  maidens  danced  from  daylight  until  night.  Those  on 
the  north  side,  passing  around  by  the  west,  joined  their  sisters  on  the 
south  side,  and,  leaving  the  ham'pone,  danced  in  the  plaza  to  the 
music  of  the  choir  at  the  southeast  corner  of  the  ham'pone.  After  they 
had  all  returned  to  their  places  the  maidens  on  the  south  side,  passing 
by  the  west,  joined  their  sisters  on  the  north  and  danced  in  the  plaza 
to  the  music,  not  only  of  the  choir  on  that  side,  but  also  of  the  group 
of  trumpeters  led  by  Pa'yatanm.  The  maidens  were  led  each  time  to 
the  plaza  by  either  their  elder  sister  Yellow  Corn  maiden,  or  the 
Blue  Corn  maiden,  and  they  held  their  beautiful  'hla'we  in  either  hand. 
The  Corn  maidens  never  appeared  again  to  the  A'shiwi,  for  soon  after 
the  dance  described  they  were  destroyed  by  the  great  fire  which  swept 
over  the  earth." 

Origin  of  Animal  Fetishes 

After  the  A'shiwi  settled  at  I'tiwanna,  U'j'uyewi  and  Ma*sai'lema 
lived  with  their  grandmother  at  Shop"hlua  yallakwi,  not  far  from 
I'tiwanna.  While  these  diminutive  Gods  of  War  were  great  in  heroic 
deeds  they  were  also  very  mischievous.  On  one  occasion  when  they 
appeared  in  I'tiwanna  U'3Tu}Tewi  took  his  position  on  the  east  and 
Ma'sai'lema  stood  on  the  west,  oj^posite  his  brother.  The  elder  held 
his  game  of  ko'kiamonne  close  to  his  breast  and,  calling  to  his  younger 
brother,  requested  him  to  catch  the  ball  of  the  game,  which  he  would 
roll  to  him.  After  Ma'sai'lema  received  the  ball  he  returned  it  to  his 
elder  brother  in  the  same  manner.  Ma'sai'lema  had  the  games  of  ti'- 
kwane  and  sho'liwe,  which  he  held  to  his  breast.  Each  one  had  a  tur- 
quoise rabbit  stick,  which  the  boys  of  the  village  observed  with  envy. 
U'yuyewi  threw  his  rabbit  stick  cutting  his  younger  brother  open 
from  throat  to  abdomen,  and  Ma'sai'lema  fell.  U'yuyewi  patted  his 
hand  over  his  mouth,  giving  the  war  whoop,  but  not  loud,  and  pressed 
his  hands  upon  his  brother,  and  Ma'sai'lema  rose  unharmed.  Then 
Ma'sai'lema  threw  his  stick  at  his  elder  brother,  cutting  him  across  the 
waist,  and  U'yuyewi  fell  as  one  dead.  Ma'sai'lema  hastened  to  him, 
repeated  the  war  whoop,  and  pressed  his  hands  to  his  elder  brother, 
and  he  arose  unharmed.  The  A'shiwi  }rouths  looked  on  amazed,  and 
begged  that  they  might  use  the  rabbit  sticks,  but  U'yuyewi  and  Ma'sai'- 
lema replied:  "The3r  are  for  us  alone;  these  are  our  games. "' 

a  The  'Hla'hewe  drama,  which  in  the  past  was  played  quadrennially  in  August  when  the  corn  was 
a  foot  high,  is  similar  to  the  myth  here  described,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  changes  made,  the 
ZuSissay,  by  the  pe'kwln  at  (he  first  production  of  the  drama.  This  drama  has  not  occurred  since 
1891,  when  the  writer  observed  it  in  all  its  details.  It  is  held  specially  sacred  by  the  Zufiis,  and  they 
prefer  not  to  enact  it  in  the  presence  of  strangers;  hence,  as  most  of  the  ceremonies  must  be  held  out- 
doors, it  is  not  likely  to  occur  again. 

b  See  Games. 


58  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

The  Gods  of  War  continued  throwing  the  rabbit  sticks  at  each  other, 
first  one  and  then  the  other  jumping-  up  unharmed.  Finally,  after 
much  persuasion  on  the  part  of  the  A'shiwi  youths,  the  gods  threw 
their  rabbit  sticks  at  them,  striking  one  at  a  time  until  many  lay  upon 
the  ground.  All  who  were  struck  were  immediately  killed.  The 
mothers  of  these  youths,  wondering  at  the  absence  of  their  children, 
went  in  search  of  them,  to  find  only  their  dead  bodies;  and  the  women 
were  greatly  enraged. 

The  gods  returned  to  their  home  as  though  nothing  unusual  had  hap- 
pened, and  their  grandmother  was  unaware  of  the  trouble  they  had 
caused  until  informed  by  the  parents  of  the  deceased  children,  where- 
upon she  whipped  the  gods.  They  afterward  told  her  that  she  had 
better  hurry  away,  for  they  intended  to  burn  I'tiwanna.  Very  early 
in  the  morning  the  grandmother  ran  to  Ma'kiaiakwi,  a  low  mountain 
not  far  south  of  the  present  Zuni,  leaving  the  Gods  of  War  alone  at 
the  house.  After  talking  together  U'j'uyewi  and  Ma'sai'lerna  decided 
that  their  grandmother  was  too  near,  for  they  were  very  angry  with 
the  A'shiwi  and  intended  to  destroy  everything  in  the  world  about 
them;  so  they  called  to  their  grandmother  to  go  farther,  and  she  has- 
tened to  the  place  now  occupied  by  Ma'we'sita  (Salt  Mother). 

The  gods  shot  lightning  arrows  with  their  rainbow  bows  into  the 
heart  of  the  shield  of  burning  ciwstal  carried  by  the  Sun  Father,  and 
immediatel}'  the  world  was  ablaze.  The  A'shiwi  were  not  destroyed 
by  the  tire  because  their  bodies  still  retained  the  hardness  of  iron,  the 
condition  in  which  the}'  were  when  they  came  from  the  underworlds 
to  this  world;  but  the  Corn  maidens  were  destroyed  and  man}'  animals 
were  burned  and  converted  into  stone,  some  of  them  becoming  diminu- 
tive. Thus  the  A'shiwi  account  for  the  size  of  many  of  their  animal 
fetishes,  which  they  believe  to  have  originally  been  living  creatures. 
Many  of  the  birds  were  also  burned.  'Ko'^oktakia  (sand-hill  crane) 
ran  to  Ko'tina  yal'lanne,  near  Ojo  Caliente,  but  was  burned  before  he 
could  reach  the  summit  of  the  mountain.  He  is  now  to  be  seen  on 
the  spot  where  he  was  overtaken  b}'  the  catastrophe,  converted  into 
stone. 

Origin  or  the  Zuni  Salt  lake 

Four  years  after  U'yuyewi  and  Ma'sai'lema  set  fire  to  the  world 
they  went  to  'Kia'nanaknana,  a  spring  at  the  black  rocks,  about  5 
miles  east  of  present  Zuni,  then  the  home  of  Ma'we'sita.  They 
had  lived  there  four  years  when  'Hli'akwa"  (Turquoise)  came  to  the 
black  rocks.  Ma'we  inquired  of  him:  "  Who  are  you?"  He  replied: 
"  I  am  'Hli'akwa,  from  Wehl"hluwalla  (Santo  Domingo).*    I  was  of  no 

«The  perfect  Dlue  is  the  male:  the  off-colored  is  the  female. 

fcThe  turquoise  mines  best  known  in  New  Mexico  are  about  15  miles  by  trail  from  the  pueblo  of 
Santo  Domingo.  Previous  to  their  being  possessed  by  white  men  they  were  the  resort  of  Indians  in 
quest  ot  turquoise.  , 


stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF    THE    ZUNI    LAKE  59 

value  there.  The  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  gave  me  to 
women  to  pay  them  for  granting  their  evil  desires,  so  I  came  awajr. 
After  I  left,  A'ne  'hlawi  (a  certain  bird)  'shot'  small  stones  from  his 
mouth  upon  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  and  the  women 
as  they  entered  my  home,  and  another  bird  caused  a  rock  to  fall  and 
cover  the  entrance,  leaving  but  a  crevice  through  which  thin  sheets  of 
he'we  (a  wafer-like  bread)  and  a  tiny  jug  of  water  were  passed  to  them. 
In  four  days  they  all  died.  When  the  rock  was  removed  from  the 
entrance  of  the  house  it  was  discovered  that  they  had  become  large 
rattlesnakes.  These  snakes  were  short,  and  their  bodies  were  thick." 
Ma'we  declared:  "I  also  am  too  near  my  people  to  be  of  value; 
I  will  go  far  away."  The  Gods  of  War,  hearing  the  remarks  of 
Ma'we,  said:  ''Mother,  if  }-ou  go  far  away  }rou  will  be  of  much  greater 
value,  and  we  will  go  with  you."  Together  with  'Hli'akwa,  the  Gods 
of  War  and  Ma'we  left  'Kia'nanaknana. 

Before  leaving  the  black  rocks  Ma'we  saw  a  jTouth,  who  in  answer 
to  an  inquiry  said  he  was  of  the  Ta'kiakwe  (Frog  clan).  "  Well,"  said 
she,  "in  four  years  I  wish  your  people  to  come  here  and  put  my  house 
in  good  order."  Since  that  time  the  people  of  the  Frog  clan  have 
taken  great  care  of  this  spring. 

'Kia'nanaknana  is  sacred  to  the  A'shiwanni.  The  basin  formed  by 
the  spring  is  about  15  by  20  feet.  Terraced  ledges  extend  around  it 
beneath  the  surface  of  the  water.  It  could  not  be  learned  whether 
these  ledges  were  produced  by  deposits  from  the  spring  or  were 
artificial. 

This  spring  is  cleaned  after  the  installation,  of  a  new  pe'kwin,  and 
at  such  other  times  as  majr  be  deemed  necessary,  by  members  of  the 
Frog  clan  and  their  immediate  families,  by  order  of  the  pe'kwin. 
He  commands:  "In  eight  days  the  water  shall  be  removed  from 
'Kia'nanaknana  and  the  spring  shall  be  well  cleaned.  Bowls  must 
be  made  for  dipping  the  water.""  On  the  eighth  day  after  this 
announcement  the  pe'kwin  awaits  a  short  distance  from  the  village  the 
coming  of  those  designated  to  clean  the  spring.  The  men  are  dressed 
in  cotton  trousers  and  shirts.  European  dress,  so  much  in  vogue  at 
the  present  time,  even  in  ceremonials,  must  not  be  worn  on  this  occa- 
sion. The  women  wear  their  ordinary  dress,  their  best  moccasins, 
many  necklaces,  and  white  cotton  blanket  wraps  bordered  in  blue  and 
red.  Each  person  carries  a  bowl  with  four  la'showawe  (one  or  more 
plumes  attached  to  cotton  cord)  and  four  te'likinawe  wrapped  in  corn 
husks.  The  la'showawe  are  carried  in  the  bowls.  All  these  plumes 
were  prepared  by  the  fathers  or  brothers  of  the  women  who  are 
present.  The  la'showawe  are  offered  to  the  deceased  A'shiwanni,  and 
the  te'likinawe  to  the  u'wannami,  of  the  four  regions. 

<if  emale  members  of  the  Frog  clan  and  women  closely  related  in  consanguinity  make  the  bowls, 
which  have  four  small  openings  equidistant,  near  the  rim. 


60  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ann.23 

The  pc'kwln  precedes  the  party  to  the  spring,  and,  when  all  are 
gathered  on  the  bank,  he  oners  a  prayer  for  rain  and  crops,  and  then 
directs  the  men  to  enter  the  water.  They  remove  their  trousers  and 
begin  at  once  to  till  the  vases,  which  they  hand  to  the  women,  who 
pa^s  other  rases  to  the  men  and  empty  the  water  contained  in  those 
received  by  them.  In  this  way  the  spring  is  cleaned,  the  men  descend- 
ing from  terrace  to  terrace. 

When  the  work  is  completed  each  person  attaches  la'showawe  to 
the  four  openings  in  the  howl,  and  the  pe'kwin,  receiving  one  bowl 
at  a  time,  deposits  it  on  one  of  the  terraces.  These  ledges  are 
literally  covered  with  bowls,  which  have  been  deposited  from  time 
immemorial.0 

When  the  pe'kwin  comes  from  the  basin  of  the  spring  he  receives 
the  four  te'likinawc  from  each  person  and  bunches  them  in  a  kia'et- 
chine  (a  number  of  prayer  plumes  wrapped  together)  and,  attaching  a 
stone  sufficiently  heavy  to  carry  this  to  the  bottom  of  the  spring,  easts 
it  into  the  center  of  the  water,  which  is  now  only  a  few  inches  in  depth, 
with  the  following  prayer:  "We  pray  that  the  u'wannami  will  work 
for  us,  that  our  crops  and  the  crops  of  all  the  world  may  be  watered 
and  be  plentiful,  that  our  people  and  all  people  may  be  happy,  that 
our  people  may  not  die  but  sleep  to  awake  in  Ko'thluwala'wa." 

On  leaving  Kia'nanaknana,  ]\Ia'\ve  and  'Hli'akwa  assumed  the  form 
of  birds,  and  in  their  flight  Ma'we,  striking  a  certain  projecting  point 
of  rock,  passed  through  the  rock,  leaving  an  opening.  Here  she 
dropped  the  eagle  plume  that  was  tied  to  her  hair;  it  petrified  as  it 
stood  perpendicularly  in  the  ground  and  became  a  monument  many 
feet  high.  This  monument  and  the  opening  in  the  rock  are  to  be  seen 
at  the  present  time. 

On  reaching  a  beautiful  lake,  about  -±5  miles  south  of  the  present 
Zuni,  the  Gods  of  War  decided  that  they  had  gone  far  enough,  and 
Ma'we  agreed  to  stop  with  them,  but  'Hli'akwa  declared  that  he  must 
go  farther.  Though  'Hli'akwa  endeavored  to  persuade  Ma'we  to 
journey  on,  she  refused,  and  finally  he  said:  "You  may  stop  here 
because  you  are  not  of  so  great  value  as  myself;  this  is  too  near  home 
for  me."  So  he  journeyed  on  to  the  southwest  and  made  his  home  in 
a  high  mountain  protected  by  many  angry  white  and  black  bears.'' 
Ma'we  made  her  home  in  the  lake,  and  the  Gods  of  War  selected  a 
mountain  rising-  from  the  lake  for  their  home. 

■•  These  sacred  objects  will  soon  be  scattered,  us  the  secret  of  burying  the  vases  beneath  the  water 
has  become  known  to  the  men  now  employed  in  constructing  the  Government  dam  tor  these  Indians. 
This  spring  will  be  in  the  bed  of  the  great  reservoir. 

'-The  writer  was  bound  to  secrecy  regarding  the  home  of  'Hli'akwa.  The  Zunis  make  pilgrimages 
thither  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  turquoise.  On  these  expeditions  they  are  always  provided  with 
te'likinawe  and  sacred  meal.  The  plumes  are  offered  to  the  angry  bears  who  guard  'Hli'akwa,  and 
the  meal  is  sprinkled  upon  the  beasts,  when,  the  Zunis  say,  they  become  friendly  and  allow  them  to 
approach. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD   ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.    XII 


VIEWS    OF    MOTHER     ROCK,    WEST    SIDE    OF    TO'WA    YAL'LANNE    (CORN     MOUNTAIN; 


Stevenson]  FLIGHT   AND   RETURN    OF   THE    A'SHIWI  6.1 

Flight  of  the  A'siiiwi  to  To'wa  yal'lanne  and  their  Return 

to  the  Valley 

The  A'siiiwi  wore  not  destined  to  remain  undisturbed.  They  were 
compelled  by  a  great  tlood  to  seek  refuge  on  a  mesa  near  by,  which 
they  named  To'wa  yal'lanne  (plate  xi)  from  the  quantity  of  corn  they 
carried  from  the  lowlands  to  the  mesa,  the  corn  occupying  much  room 
in  their  houses.  During  the  stay  of  the  A'shiwi  on  the  mesa  a  cave 
in  the  southwest  wall  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  took  the  place  of  He'patina  in 
symbolizing  the  Middle  of  the  world.  The  Zunis  claim  that  many 
sacred  objects  were  secreted  in  this  cave  during  the  Spanish  conquest 
(see  A  plate  l). 

Though  this  cable-land  stands  hundreds  of  feet  above  the  valley  the 
waters  rose  nearly  to  the  summit  and  caused  consternation  among  the 
A'shiwi.  who  feared  that  the  flood  would  sweep  them  from  the  face  of 
the  earth.  It  was  Anally  decided  that  human  sacrifice  was  necessary 
to  appease  the  angry  waters.  Consequently  a  son  and  a  daughter  of 
the  Kia'kwemosi a  were  dressed  in  their  most  beautiful  clothes,  adorned 
with  many  precious  beads,  and  then  cast  into  the  great  sea.  The 
waters  immediately  began  to  recede,  and  the  youth  and  maiden  were 
converted  into  stone.  This  columnar  rock,  known  as  the  "Mother 
rock,"  stands  for  all  time  as  a  monument  of  the  peril  from  which  the 
A'shiwi  were  happily  delivered  (plate  xn). 

The  A'shiwi  were  glad  to  descend  to  the  valley,  for  their  trials  were 
great  when  living  on  the  mesa  and  the  maidens  had  grown  weary 
carrying  water  up  the  steep  acclivit}^.  They  rebuilt  Ma"sakia, 
Hal'ona,  or  I'tiwanna,  and  a  number  of  other  villages.  The  most 
easterly  was  Kia'kiima,  and  Ha'wiku  was  the  most  westerly,  Ma"sakia 
being  the  center  of  priestly  power.  But  now  their  peace  was  disturbed 
by  the  Xavahos  and  Apaches,  who  made  repeated  attacks,  plundering 
and  killing  many  of  their  people.  Thrilling  stories  are  told  by  the 
present  Zunis  of  attacks  of  the  Navahos  upon  their  ancestors,  and  how 
the  women  and  children  were  brutally  murdered  during  the  absence 
of  the  men  from  their  homes.  But  the  Navahos  did  not  always  get 
the  better  of  the  community  dwellers.  The  Zunis  relate  one  instance 
when  their  people  let  it  be  known  that  they  were  to  have  a  great  dance 
in  the  si'aa'  te'wita,  and  so  induced  inanj'  of  the  enemy,  who  Were  ever 
ready  to  observe  the  ceremonials  of  the  A'shiwi,  to  be  present.  The 
plaza  was  crowded  with  the  Navahos,  when,  at  a  signal  from  one  of 
the  A'shiwi,  war  clubs  did  lively  work,  almost  every  Navaho  present 
being  clubbed  to  death. 

a  See  A'shiwanai  (Rain  priesthood). 


62  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [kth.  ant.  23 

ANTHROPIC  WORSHIP  AND  RITUAL 

Kl'Wl'siWE   AND   THEIR   FUNCTIONS 

The  Zuni  ki'wi'siwe  (chambers  dedicated  to  anthropic  worship)  are 
above  ground,  rectangular,  and  constructed  of  stone.  The  exterior 
walls  are  roughly  plastered,  but  the  interior  walls  are  smoothly  fin- 
ished like  those  of  dwellings.  The}r  are  entered  through  a  hatchway 
quite  different  from  that  found  in  the  roofs  of  other  buildings.  Each 
ki'wi'sine  has  a  couple  of  openings  in  the  front  wall  for  the  admission 
of  light;  in  early  days  these  were  never  closed,  as  those  not  privileged 
to  do  so  would  never  look  in  the  direction  of  the  ki'wi'sine  while  a  cere- 
monial was  proceeding  within.  At  present  these  openings  are  filled 
with  wads  of  cloth  to  prevent  the  intrusive  eyes  of  strangers.  There 
is  an  interior  door  leading  to  the  adjoining  dwelling.  The  fire  altar 
(see  plate  xx),  which  is  constructed  of  stone  slabs,  is  immediately 
beneath  the  hatchway,  so  that  the  smoke  can  readily  escape. 

As  has  been  stated,  the  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'yemshi  appointed  a  man 
of  the  Deer  clan  as  Ko'mosona"  director  of  the  Ko'tiliki  (mythologic 
fraternit}-)  and  director-general  of  the  ki'wi'siwe,  and  a  man  of  the 
same  clan  as  his  warrior,  and  he  selected  a  man  of  the  Badger  clan 
as  Ko'pekwin  (deputy)  to  the  Ko'mosona,  and  a  man  of  the  Badger 
clan  as  warrior  to  the  Ko'pekwin. 

There  is  a  great  variety  of  anthropic  gods  in  the  Zuni  pantheon, 
many  of  them  ancestral.  Certain  gods  are  allied  to  particular  ki'wi'- 
siwe,  their  dances  being  under  the  special  direction  of  the  o'taikia 
mo'sona  (dance  director)  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  to  which  the  personators  of 
these  gods  belong. 

There  are  six  ki'wi'siwe,  dedicated  to  the  six  regions.  The  one  for 
the  north  is  He'iwa  (building  up  wall,  so  named  because  the  people 
were  constantly  tearing  down  and  rebuilding  the  ki'wi'sine),  and  it 
stands  on  the  north  side  of  si'aa'  te'wita*  (sacred  dance  court),  though 
not  on  the  north  side  of  the  village.  The  one  for  the  west,  Mu'he'wa 
(manure  house;  this  ki'wi'sine  was  originally  built  of  blocks  of  manure), 
is  not  on  the  west  side  of  the  village,  but  stands  rather  to  the  center  of 
the  group  of  ki'wi'siwe.  Chu'pawa  (corn  house;  this  name  was  derived 
from  the  people  in  the  olden  times  popping  corn  in  the  ki'wi'sine)  is 
dedicated  to  the  south,  and  is  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  village,  but 
not  on  the  south  side.     As  it  is  south  of  the  main  group  of  houses  it 

a  The  fact  that  the  Deer  clan  is  almost  extinct  causes  much  anxiety  to  the  Zuflis.  The  present 
warrior  to  the  Ko'mosona  belongs  to  the  Bear  clan,  owing  to  their  inability  to  find  a  man  of  the  Deer 
clan  among  the  A'pi'lliishiwanni  (Bow  priesthood)  to  fill  the  place. 

b  Si'aa',  to  break  or  tear  apart.  This  te'wita  received  its  name  because  of  the  danger  of  the  sur- 
rounding walls  falling  because  of  the  large  crowds  of  spectators  who  gathered  on  the  roofs  to  observe 
the  ceremonies  in  the  court. 


btevenson]  Kl'wiTSIWE    AND   THEIR   FUNCTIONS  63 

may  originally  have  been  on  this  side  of  the  village.  The  one  for  the 
east  is  O'he'wa  (brains;  this  ki'wi'sine'  received  its  name  from  a  certain 
god  who  requested  the  people  of  his  ki'wi'sine  to  make  snowbird  traps 
and  catch  birds.  Upon  the  god's  return  the  birds  were  given  to  hhu, 
and  he  requested  the  people  of  the  ki'wi'sine  to  boil  the  birds  and  to 
crush  the  kernels  of  squash  seeds  with  water  on  a  stone  and  throw 
them  into  the  pot  with  the  birds.  When  the  seeds  boiled  they 
resembled  brains,  and  the  people  named  the  ki'wi'sine  after  the  squash 
seed,  calling  it  brains.  Another  version  gives  the  name  "brains  of 
game").  Up"sannawa  (few  people;  derived  its  name  from  its  mem- 
bers being  reduced),  which  is  dedicated  to  the  Zenith,  and  O'he'wa  are 
east  of  the  others,  but  they  are  hardly  east  of  the  center  of  the  present 
village.  Ile'kiapa  (back  wall,  referring  to  the  opposite  from  the 
east,  which  is  always  "the  before"  with  the  Zunis)  is  dedicated  to  the 
Nadir,  and  is  on  the  west  side  of  the  village.  When  possible,  all  cere- 
monial chambers  extend  east  and  west,  symbolic  of  the  daily  course  of 
the  Sun  Father. 

Each  ki'wi'sine  has  its  dance  director,  who  is  the  superior  of  his 
ki'wi'sine,  and  he  leads  the  songs  and  dances,  his  position  being 
always  midway  the  line  of  dancers,  and  a  corps  of  wor'we  (managers) 
who  are  appointed  for  life,  though  they  may  be  impeached  for  proper 
cause.  The  o'taikia  mo'sona  decides  when  the  dances  of  his  ki'wi'- 
sine shall  occur,  excepting  at  the  time  of  the  semiannual  ceremonies 
of  the  Kor'kokshi,"  which  are  controlled  by  the  Ko'mosona  (director- 
general)  of  the  ki'wi'siwe  after  consulting  with  the  first  body  of  A'shi- 
wanni  (rain  priests).  In  a  sense  the  o'taikia  mo'sona  controls  these 
also,  for  though  the  Ko'mosona  notifies  him  that  the  dances  must 
occur,  the  specific  time  is  decided  upon  when  he  communicates  his 
wish  to  one  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  that  his  people  will  dance 
for  him — that  is,  the  Kor'kokshi  of  his  ki'wi'sine  will  dance  in  connec- 
tion with  the  retreat  of  the  shi'wanni  for  rain.  Each  ki'wi'sine  has 
dances  in  association  with  one  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni.  The 
dual  system  so  complete  with  the  Zuiiis  is  expressed  in  the  coupling 
of  the  ki'wi'siwe. 

While  the  ki'wi'siwe  are  ordinarily  referred  to  in  the  following 
order — He'iwa  as  elder  brother  to  Mu'he'wa,  Chu'pawa  as  elder  brother 
to  O'he'wa,  and  Up"sannawa  as  elder  brother  to  He'kiapawa — 
they  are  differently  classified  for  the  Kor'kokshi  dances.  He'iwa 
is  elder  brother  to  O'he'wa,  Mu'he'wa  is  elder  brother  to  He'kia- 
pawa, and  Chu'pawa  is  elder  brother  to  Up"sannawa  when  the 
dances  are  produced  in  the  He'iwa,  Mu'he'wa,  and  Chu'pawa,  the 
younger  brothers,  according  to  the  above  relation,  supply  the  god- 
desses for  the  Kor'kokshi    This  order  is  reversed  when  the  O'he'wa, 

a  Kor'kokshi  (dancers  for  good)  are  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers J. 


64  THE    ZUSl    INDIANS  [bth.ahn.23 

He'klapawa,  and  Up"sannawa  take  up  the  dances.  Then  they  become 
the  elder  brothers,  the  younger  brothers,  as  before,  supplying  the 
goddesses. 

The  ki'wi'sine  which  is  to  furnish  the  Kor'kokshi  upon  the  return  of 
the  party  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  or  Kiap'kwena  at  the  summer  solstice 
(see  page  158)  begins  the  Ivor'kokshi  dances  of  winter.  If  a  request  is 
made  at  this  season  by  the  Ko'mosona,  Ko'pekwin  (deputy  to  Ko'tuo- 
sona),  or  A'shiwanni,  including  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow 
priests,  for  the  gods  to  repeat  these  dances  the  second  day  in  the 
plazas,  they  must  remain  during  the  night  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  may 
dance  if  they  choose,  but  they  do  not  visit  the  other  ki'wi'siwe  after 
the  first  night.  The  same  rule  is  adhered  to  if  they  dance  the  third 
and  fourth  days  in  the  te'witas.  Under  no  conditions  can  the  Kor'- 
kokshi  dance  more  than  four  days  in  the  winter.  They  must  never 
dance  but  one  night  and  day  in  the  summer,  for  so  the  gods  have  com- 
manded." The  first  dances  of  the  Kor'kokshi  in  summer  occur  when 
the  Ko'mosona  and  his  party  return  from  their  pilgrimage  to  Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa or  Kiap'kwena.  Each  ki'wi'sine,  including  the  one  to  which 
the  Ko'mosona  belongs,  takes  its  turn  sexennially  in  furnishing  dances 
for  this  occasion.  They  always  gather  in  the  ki'wi'sine  to  which  the 
Ko'mosona  is  allied  and  dance  here  and  in  the  house  of  the  Ko'pekwin 
during  the  night,  and  in  the  plazas  the  following  day. 

Those  who  are  to  personate  the  Council  of  the  Gods5  and  the 
Ko'yemshi  gather  in  the  Ko'pekwln's  house,  and  the  personators  of 
the  Sha'lako,  with  their  fellows  and  wor'we.  assemble  in  the  ki'wi'sine 
of  the  Ko'mosona.  except  when  the  Chu'pawa  takes  its  turn  in  fur- 
nishing the  Kor'kokshi;  then  the  Sha'lako  of  this  ki'wi'sine.  with  his 
younger  brother  or  alternate,  is  present  in  the  Ko'pekwln's  house,  and 
their  wor'we  go  to  the  ki'wi'sine. 

The  Great  Fire  fraternity  always  assembles  in  the  Ko'pekwln's  house 
for  the  summer  solstice  ceremonies,  but  the  Ko'mosona  may  select  the 
fraternity  he  wishes  to  have  perform  in  the  ki'wi'sine. 

No  other  dances  are  allowed  during  the  summer  dances  of  the 
Kor'kokshi.  The  Kor'kokshi  remove  their  masks  in  summer  when  in 
the  ki'wi'sine.  In  winter  they  go  over  the  western  road  to  remove 
their  masks  and  disrobe.  Dances  may  occur  at  any  time  from  the 
winter  solstice  to  the  summer  solstice  by  the  wish  of  the  dance 
director  of  a  ki'wi'sine. 

Dances  for  rain  sometimes  occur  at  the  farming  districts.  After 
dancing  one  or  more  days  the  dancers  usually  walk  to  Zuiii,  retire  to 
the  ki'wi'sine  of  the  o'taikia  mo'sona  who  has  charge  of  the  dance,  and 
dance  during  the  night.     The  dances  are  repeated  in  the  plazas  the 

a  Xai'uchi  had  the  dance  repeated  In  summer,  but  this  was  stopped,  as  it  is  against  the  old  custom 
of  the  Kor'kokshi  to  appear  more  than  one  day  in  the  te'witas. 
»See  p.  33. 


stevexson]  KTWrSIWE    AND    THEIR    FUNCTIONS  05 

following-  day.  Each  ki'wi'sine  has  a  dance  of  thanksgiving-  and  also 
for  rain  at  the  gathering-  of  the  crops,  the  dancers  departing  over  the 
western  road. 

All  male  children  must  be  received  into  the  Ko'tikili,  in  order  to 
enter  the  sacred  dance  house  of  Ko'thluwala'wa  after  death,  and  at 
the  time  of  involuntary  initiation  the  child  becomes  allied  to  one  of 
the  ki'wi'siwe. 

Women  may  join  a  ki'wi'sine  under  certain  conditions,  but  their 
initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili  is  rare.  Occasionall}'  when  a  woman  is  ill 
and  the  treatment  of  one  or  more  theurgists  fails,  her  family  may 
think  she  has  been  frightened  by  one  of  the  personators  of  the  gods, 
and  they  try  to  decide,  who  caused  the  trouble.  When  the  person  has 
finally  been  decided  upon  he  is  requested  to  appear  before  the  girl. 
He  visits  the  house  dressed  in  the  full  regalia  of  the  god  he  person- 
ated at  the  time  he  was  supposed  to  have  frightened  the  girl,  and 
proceeds  to  instruct  her  in  the  importance  of  the  religious  duties 
which  must  be  performed  by  her  should  she  become  a  member  of  the 
Ko'tikili.  At  the  next  involuntary  initiation  ceremonies  of  the 
Ko'tikili  the  girl  passes  through  the  rites  with  the  infant  boys.  She 
walks  back  of  the  one  who  is  supposed  to  have  frightened  her,  he 
becoming  her  ceremonial  father,  while  the  }roung  boys  are  carried  on 
the  backs  of  their  ceremonial  fathers.  The  voluntary  initiation  of 
the  girl  is  no  less  severe  than  that  of  the  boys. 

In  1902  there  were  four  female  members  of  the  Ko'tikili.  Two 
of  these  were  in  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  both  young  married  women. 
One  has  three  children,  the  other  none.  Chu'pawa  has  one  girl  who 
joined  the  Ko'tikili  at  the  time  of  the  last  involuntary  initiation  pre- 
vious to  the  writer's  visit  to  Zuni  in  1902;  she  is  not  married.  The 
O'he'wa  has  one  female  member;  she  is  the  eldest  of  the  female  mem- 
bers, is  married,  but  is  childless.  These  women  take  part  in  the 
masked  dances,  personating  the  goddesses. 

The  ki'wi'sine  to  which  the  child  shall  belong  is  decided  upon  at  his 
birth.  He  must  join  the  ki'wi'sine  of  the  husband  of  the  doctoress 
who  receives  him  at  his  nativity.  If  several  female  physicians  be 
present,  which  is  usually  the  case,  each  is  desirous  to  secure  the  child 
as  it  comes  into  the  world.  The  husband  of  the  fortunate  physician 
serves  as  godfather  in  both  the  involuntary  and  voluntary  initiation. 
If  the  doctoress  has  no  husband,  her  eldest  son  takes  his  place;  if  there 
is  no  son,  her  eldest  brother  acts. 

The  initiatory  ceremonies  are  supposed  to  be  performed  by  direct 
command  of  Pau'tiwa  (director-general  of  Ko'thluwala'wa),  who  sent 
'Kiaklo"  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  to  I'tiwanna  to  notify  the  A'shiwi  that 
the  gods  would  come  in  eight  days  to  give  to  the  children  the  sacred 

•nKiaklo  is  an  ancestral  god  and  deputy  to  Pau'tiwa. 
23  eth— CM 5 


66  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

breath  of  life,  so  that  after  death  they  might  enter  the  dance  house 
at  Ko'thluwala'wa  before  proceeding  to  the  undermost  world  whence 
they  came. 

Pau'tiwa  decided  that  one  of  the  gods  must  go  to  I'tiwanna  (site  of 
the  present  Zuiii)  to  relate  to  the  people  their  history  after  leaving 
the  undermost  world  and  to  prepare  them  for  the  coming  of  the 
gods  to  bless  the  male  children  with  the  sacred  breath  of  life  that 
they  might  enter  into  the  everlasting  happiness  of  the  sacred  dance 
house.  'Kiiiklo  was  chosen  as  a  sagacious  god  to  perform  this  service. 
Before  he  started  on  his  mission,  Pau'tiwa  gave  him  a  duck  skin 
tilled  with  seeds,  with  shells  about  its  neck,  to  be  used  as  a  rattle.  He 
was  carried  to  I'tiwanna  by  the  ten  Ko'yemshi,  who  sang  to  him  as  they 
proceeded,  each  Ko'yeuishi  taking  his  turn  at  bearing  'Kiiiklo  on  his 
back. 

A  body  of  four  men  have  this  history  myth  in  their  keeping.  Two 
of  them  must  be  of  the  Dogwood  clan  and  the  two  others  must  be  chil- 
dren of  the  same  clan — that  is,  their  paternal  parents  must  belong  to 
this  clan.3  The  men  of  the  Dogwood  clan  ma}'  belong  to  either  the 
Parrot  or  the  Raven  division  of  the  clan.*  Upon  the  death  of  a 
member  of  this  organization  a  successor  is  chosen  by  the  first  body  of 
A'shiwanni  and  the  director  of  the  organization.  Death  is  the  pun- 
ishment for  betrayal  of  the  trust  reposed  in  these  men.  This  organi- 
zation meets  four  consecutive  nights  until  midnight  in  the  months  of 
February  and  March  to  rehearse  the  iliad  of  their  race.  They  meet 
one  month  in  the  house  of  a  member  of  the  Dogwood  clan,  and  the 
next  month  in  the  house  of  a  child  of  the  Dogwood  clan.  The  first 
body  of  A'shiwanni  holds  meetings  simultaneous  with  those  of  this 
organization.  Plume  offerings  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  et'towe 
(see  page  163)  are  prepared  at  these  meetings. 

The  drama  occurs  quadrennially,  beginning  in  April,  by  direction, 
as  is  supposed,  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  when  a  member  of  the 
organization  takes  his  turn  in  personating  'Kiiiklo,  the  performance 
being  an  exact  representation  of  the  visit  of  'Kiiiklo  and  the  other 
gods  of  I'tiwanna. 

The  ceremonial  begins  with  the  ten  Ko'yemshi  and  the  persona  tor 
of  'Kiiiklo  visiting  their  shrines,  located  at  the  base  of  the  knoll  upon 
which  the  shrines  dedicated  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  stand.  At 
the  rising  of  the  morning  star  the  personators  of  the  Ko'yemshi,  well 
laden  with  food  collected  from  the  people  of  the  village,  go  to  their 
shrine,  where  thev-  deposit  te'likinawe.  After  making  a  fire  they 
group  themselves  about  it  and  enjoy  their  feast.  The  personator 
of  'Kiiiklo,  following  a  little  later,  deposits  plumes  at  his   shrine, 

I'  At  the  time  the  writer  secured  this  myth  the  director  of  the  body,  a  man  about  30  years  of  age. 
was  a  member  of  the  Parrot  division  of  the  Dogwood  clan.  The  other  keeper  from  this  clan,  who  is 
much  older,  belonged  to  the  Raven  division  of  the  clan.  The  two  remaining  were  respectively 
members  of  the  Corn  and  Frog  clans. 


steve.nson]  KI'WITSIWE    AND   THEIR   FUNCTIONS  67 

which  is  but  a  short  distance  from  the  other,  and  joins  the  Ko'yemshi 
in  the  feast.  Here  the  ordinary  dress  is  replaced  by  religious  para- 
phernalia. 

The  personator  of  'Kiiiklo  has  his  body  painted  with  the  pinkish 
clay  found  near  Ko'thluwala'wa.  lie  wears  buckskin  trousers  fringed 
on  the  outside  and  reaching  to  the  feet,  a  white  cotton  shirt,  and  a 
white  embroidered  Hopi  kilt,  across  which  a  hand  of  blue-green  is 
painted,  with  a  conventional  design  of  the  game  sho'liwe  at  each  end 
of  the  band.  The  blue-green  of  the  band  symbolizes  the  vegetation  of 
the  world.  The  kilt  is  held  on  by  an  embroidered  sash  and  a  red  belt, 
and  a  fox  skin  is  pendent  at  the  back.  A  folded  mi'ha  (sacred  em- 
broidered blanket)  is  worn  over  the  shoulders.  Dance  moccasins  com- 
plete the  costume.  The  mask,  which  is  of  hide,  covers  the  head;  it  is 
painted  white,  the  back  being  decorated  with  a  frog  or  toad  and  several 
tadpoles  in  black.  A  rainbow  extends  over  the  upper  portion  of  the 
front  of  the  mask,  which  has  circular  eye  and  mouth  holes.  Three 
lines,  symbolic  of  rain,  radiate  from  the  lower  portion  of  each  eyehole. 
A  fox  skin  finishes  the  base  of  the  mask.  The  personator  carries  a  duck 
skin  tilled  with  seeds,  with  a  string  of  shells  around  the  neck,  which  he 
uses  as  a  rattle.  The  Ko'yemshi  also  have  their  bodies  painted  with 
the  pinkish  clay  universally  used  by  the  personators  of  the  anthropic 
gods;  their  masks  are  freshlj'  colored  with  the  same  pigment;  the}r 
wear  the  black  kilt  and  pieces  of  the  same  material  tied  around  the 
base  of  the  mask. 

The  drama  begins  with  the  Ko'yemshi  carrying  "Kiaklo  on  their 
backs  to  the  village,  just  as  the  god  is  supposed  to  have  traveled  from 
Ko'thluwala'wa  to  l'tiwanna,  and  the  song  of  the  personators  of  the 
Ko'yemshi  is  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  that  sung  by  the  gods  at  that 
time.  The  song  is  begun  as  soon  as  they  start  for  the  village  and  con- 
tinued until  'Kiiiklo  has  taken  his  seat  in  the  ki'wi'sine. 


68  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

Free  Translation  of  Ko'yemshi  Song 

I 

We  come  out  from  the  fourth  world;  we  cany  our  grandchild  on  our 
backs.     We  come  out. 

A ha' i.  .  ..hi' a ha' i hi'. 

He  remains  on  our  backs  and  looks  to  the  six  regions,  my  poor  grand- 
child. 
Hurry  and  call  for  rains,  my  poor  grandchild,  you  whom  I  cany  on 
my  back. 

II 

We  come  out  from  the  fourth  world;  we  carry  our  grandchild  on  our 
backs.     We  come  out. 

A  .  .-ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 

He  remains  on  our  backs  and  looks  to  the  six  regions,  my  poor  grand- 
child. 

Hurry  and  call  for  seeds,  my  poor  grandchild,  you  whom  I  cany  on 
my  back. 

Song  of  the  Ko'yemshi 

I 

A'witen    te'hula    honB    u'kwai'i;    yam    nana   se'topa;    hon  u'kwai'i. 

Fourth  world  we  come  out;  our        grand-       carry  on  We       come  out. 

child  backs. 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 

Le.s'si       te'kwin       tu'nawa       Iu'chupachi,       i'yo       ho'ma        nana. 

To  the  six  regions  look:  remains  on  our  backs,      poor  mv  grand- 

child. 

Ha'nate    'kia'shima    we'atina,    i'yo    ho'ma    nana,     to'o   ho'o   se'toye. 

Hurry,  rains  call  for,  poor  my  grand-         you  I         carry  on 

child,  my  back. 

II 

A'witen    te'hula    hon    u'kwai'i:     yam     nana     se'topa;    hon  u'kwai'i. 

Fourth  world  we  come  out:         *  our        grand-       carry  on  we       come  out. 

child  backs; 

A ha' i hi'_   . .. a.'.  ..ha' i hi'. 

Les'si       te'kwin       tu'nawa       lu'chupachi,        i'yo         ho'ma        nana. 

To  the  six  regions  look;  remains  on  our  backs,        poor  mv  grand- 

child. 

Ha'nate    to'shona   we'atina,    i'yo    ho'ma     nana,     to'o     ho'o     se'toye. 

Hurry,  seeds  called  for,        poor  my  grand-         you  1  carry  on 

child,  my  back. 

a  Hon  is  a  contraction  of  hono,  we  (two  or  more). 


stevenson]  SONG    OF   THE    KO'YEMSHI  69 

III 

We  reach  the  last  spring-  on  the  road  carrying  our  grandchild  on  our 
hacks. 

A ha' i hi'..  ..a ha'.. .  .i.  ...hi'. 

We  reach  the  middle  spring  on  the  road  with  our  grandchild  on  our 
backs. 

A..  ..ha' i hi'....a....ha'....i....hi'. 

IV 

We  see  the  prairie-dog  girls  and  the  prairie-dog  women  enter  their 
place  below. 

A... .ha' i_._.hi'  ...a ha' i hi'. 

V 

Ha'aiyu,  ha'aiyu;  we  will  reach  there  in  one,  two,  three,  four  steps. 
Call  for  rains,  our  poor  great-grandchild,  continue  to  call  for  rains.     It 
is  beautiful,  beautiful  here." 

A.... ha' i_._.hi'____a....ha'.._.i....hi'. 


III 

'Kia'na 

pal'to     o'nakona      yam      nana 

se'topa, 

hon 

a'wiya; 

Spring 

last                   road                our           grand- 
child 

carry  on 
backs 

we 

come  to; 

A ha'..  ..i hi' a... 

.ha'....i. 

....hi'. 

'Kia'na 

i'tiwa       o'nakona       yam       nana 

se'topa 

hon 

a'wiya. 

Spring 

middle                 road                  our           grand- 
child 

carry  on 
backs 

we 

come  to. 

A ha' i hi' a 

ha'         i 

hi'. 

IV 

'Ku'shi 

e'washtokii      'ku'shi      a'makii 

i'ami      a' 

hakwi 

te'maian 

Prairie- 
dog 

girls,                    prairie-            women 
dog 

their 

stone 
place 

see 

pia' 

kwa'to. 

below 

enter. 

A ha' i hi' a 

_ha'...-i 

..hi'. 

V 

Ha'aiyu,        ha'aiyu;        to'pa.      kwil'li,        hai'i,      a'witen       i'techuna 

one,  two,  three,  four  steps 

ye'liyu'hlau' 

reach  there. 

I'yo       ho'nawa       a'wan       nana       'kia'shima;      we'atina,       te'hatou. 

Poor  our  great-  grand-  rains  callfor,  continue    to 

child  call  for. 

E'lu     e'lu     li"la. 

Beau-      beau-       here, 
rjtul,        tiful 

A ha' i hi'....  a....  ha'.  ...i hi'. 

al'tiwanna  (the  old  Zuni). 


70 


THE    ZTTNI    INDIANS 

VI 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


Ha'aiyu,  ha'aiyu;  we  reach  there  in  one,  two,  three,  four  steps. 
Call  for  seeds,  our  poor  great-grandchild,  continue  to  call  for  seeds. 
Beautiful,  beautiful  here.™ 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 

VII 

Our  poor  great-grandchild,  our  poor  great-grandchild,  carried  on  our 

backs. 
You  wish  to  go  about  carried  on  our  backs. 

A._..ha'---.i---.hi'-_--a.---ha'----i---.hi'. 

VIII 

Our  great-grandfather  duck  came  out  a  short  time  since  from  the  old 
dance  village6  by  the  mountains.'' 


VI 

Ha'aiyu,       ha'aiyu;       to'pa,      kwil'li,      hai'i, 

a'witen 

i'techuna 

one,                  two,             three, 

ye'liyu'hlau'. 

reach  there. 

four 

steps 

I'yo       ho'nawa      a'wan        nana        to'shona 

we'atina, 

te'hatou. 

Poor                   our                  great-             grand-                 seeds 

child 

E'lu,     e'lu     li"la. 

call  for, 

continue    to 
call  for. 

Beau-        beau-       here, 
tiful,          tiful 

I'yo 

Poor 


ho'nawa 


.ha' 


a  wan 

great- 


.i.   ..hi' 


VII 


nana. 

grand- 
child. 


.ha'. 


ho'nawa 


hi'. 


Se'towi    hon'te. 

Carried  on  my  back. 

A. 


To'o    a'lu'.sema, 

You  wish  to  go  about, 

. .  ha' i hi' . 


i'yo       Ho'nawa      a'wan       nana, 

poor  our  great-  grand- 

child, 

se'towi    ho'ma,    se'towi  ho'ma. 

carried  on  my  back,       carried  on  my  back. 

_.a  ..    ha'      .  i hi'. 


VIII 


I'Svayusha',''      i"wayusha',      i"wayusha',      huna',      i"wayn     huna'. 
A ha'.  .  _-i hi'_.  ..a.,    .ha' i hi'. 


La'lekho'li     i'yokwi     we'nima      yal'laa' 

ho'nawa 

a'wan 

liana1 

There                [referring  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  the 
two  mountains  near  by] 

our 

great- 

grand- 
father. 

iwayusha'        kwai'i       ko'wa/ 

duck                  come  out        short  time. 

"I'tiwanna. 

6  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

c  Referring  to  the  two  mountains  near  Ko'thluwala'wa,  sacred  to  the  ancestral  gods. 

d  Referring  to  the  duck  rattle  given  to  'Kiuklo  by  Pau'tiwa  (director-general  of  Ko'thluwala'wa). 

<•  Nana  is  used  both  for  grandfather  and  grandchild. 

/The  first  eight  stanzas  are  sung  on  the  way  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  see  pi.  xa. 


STEVENSON] 


SONG    OF    THE    KO'yEMSHI 


71 


IX 

You  have  reached  the  ki'wi'sine;  ascend  the  ladder. 

You  will  enter  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  here  you  will  sit  down.     Hasten  and 

enter;  hasten  and  stand. 
Inside  you  will  see  your  fathers"  all  seated  calling-  for  rains. 
A ha' i hi'.-    .a ha' i hi'. 

X 

Our  great-grandfather  duck  came  out  a  short  time  since 
From  the  old  dance  village  by  the  mountains. 

XI 

You  have  reached  the  ki'wi'sine;  ascend  the  ladder. 
You  will  enter  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  here  you  will  sit  clown. 
Hasten  and  enter;  hasten  and  stand. 

Inside  you  will  see  your  fathers  all  seated  calling  for  seeds. 
A.  .  ..ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 


IX 
Li"la    to'o     i'ya;     li"la    to'o    ye'maku. 

Here  you        come;        here         you  go  up. 

Li'la    to'o    kwa'to;     li'la    to'o    i'mu. 

Here  you  enter;  here         you      sit  dowD. 

A'uthluwa'la     kwa'to;      a'uthluwa'la    ye'li. 

Hasten  enter;  hasten  stand. 

Te"laku     i'yam     to'o     a'ta'chu      a'wunatikia; 

Inside  your  you  fathers  will  see; 

Ti'nanuliye    yam     to'o    'kia'shima    we'atina. 

All  sitting  down       your        you  rains  calling  for. 

A ha'_.   _i hi' a ha' i hi'. 


La'lekho'li 

There 


i'vokwi      we'nima 


X 

yal'laa' 


[referring  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  the 
two  mountains  near  by] 


ho'nawa 

our 


a  wan 

great 


hvavusha'     kwai'i     ko'wa. 

duct  came  out     short  time. 


XI 


Li'la     to'o     i'ya;     li"Ia    to'o    ye'maku. 

Here         you        come;       here         you  go  up. 

Li"la     to'o     kwa'to;    li"la    to'o     i'mu. 

Here         you  enter;  here         you  sit 

down. 

A'u'hluwa'la     kwa'to;      a'u'hluwa'la      ye'li, 

Hasten  enter  hasten  stand, 

Te"laku    yam     to'o    a'ta'chu       a'wunatikia; 

Inside  your        you  fathers  will  see; 

Ti'nanuliye    yam    to'o     to'shona    we'atina. 

All  sitting  down       your        you  seeds  calling  for. 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i...   hi'.6 


nana 

grand- 
father 


a  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests). 


^Stanzas  IX,  X,  and  XI  are  sung  on  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine. 


72  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ank.23 

XII 

Hasten,  hasten,  a'haya,  hasten,  hasten,  a'haya. 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 

A'haya.  hasten,  hasten,  hasten,  hasten,  hasten,  hasten,  hasten. 

XII 
Iku'.       iku'.       a'haya;       iku',       iku',       a'haya. 

Hasten,        hasten,  a'haya;  hasten,        hasten,  a'haya. 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 

A'haya,       iku',       iku',       iku',       iku',       iku',       iku',       iku'. 

A'haya,  hasten,        hasten,       hasten,       hasten,        hasten,       hasten,        hasten. 

Ascending  to  the  roof  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  the  Ko'yemshi,  who 
is  carrying-  'Kiaklo,  seats  him  upon  a  blanket.  Before  'Kiaklo  enters 
the  ki'wi'sine  the  following  dialogue  takes  place  between  him  and  the 
Ko'yemshi: 

'Kiaklo.  'Kiaklo,  'Kiaklo,  'Kiaklo,  Ho'o  kwa'to  (I  enter). 

Ko'yemshi.  Klu'u  (Good-by). 

'Kiaklo.  Ton  o'tiptu  (You  will  dance). 

Ko'yemshi.  Eh  Si,  hon  o'tipshe  (Yes,  we  will  dance). 

'Kiaklo.  Ho'o  sham'li  kwai'i  (In  the  morning  I  will  come  out). 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mosona,  the  Ko'pekwin,  and  the 
people  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine  are  assembled  to  receive  'Kiaklo. 
The  pe'kwiu  (sun  priest)  and  the  three  members  of  the  organization 
to  which  the  personator  of  'Kiaklo  belongs  sit  in  line  on  the  north 
ledge.  A  line  of  meal  extends  from  the  base  of  the  ladder  to  the  ledge 
on  the  north  side  of  the  ki'wi'sine  and  is  crossed  by  four  equidistant 
lines  of  meal.  When  'Kiaklo  descends  into  the  ki'wi'sine  he  stands 
at  the  base  of  the  ladder  while  the  Ko'yemshi,  who  remain  on  the  roof, 
repeat  the  twelfth  stanza  of  the  song  four  times.  He  now  steps  upon 
the  first  cross  line  and  remains  while  the  same  stanza  is  again  repeated 
four  times,  and  this  repetition  occurs  as  'Kiaklo  stands  on  each  cross 
line.  On  reaching  the  end  of  the  line  'Kiaklo  takes  his  seat  and  repeats 
the  history  myth,  which  is  begun  at  sunrise." 

n  This  most  sacred  of  myths  was  secured  first  from  the  director  of  the  body  of  men  who  have  it  in  their 
keeping  and  afterward  from  a  second  man  of  the  body,  neither  one  knowing  that  the  other  had  recited 
the  myth.  The  only  difference  in  these  two  recitations  was  the  addition  of  two  words  by  the  second 
man.  This  is  the  only  instance  where  the  writer  has  not  had  all  oral  information  verified  by  three  or 
more  priests  or  theurgists. 


stevenson]  HISTORY    MYTH  73 

History  Myth  of  the  Coming  of  the  A'shiwi  as  Narrated  by 

'Kiaklo 

The  following-  are  the  principal  characters  and  objects  which  appear 
in  this  history. 

Pi'"liishi\vanni  te'yona,]  elfler  ,lnd  younger    KTa'kwemosi,  director  of  the   house  of 
_,.,.„     ,  .  .      ,"  )    brother     B o w 

PVlasmwanm  te'yona,|    priestsoftheplace.         houses. 

Pau'tiwa,    director-general    of    Ko'thlu-     Pe'kwln,  deputy  to  the  Sun  Father. 

wala'wa.  Eftowe,0  fetishes  for  rains  and  fructifi- 

'Kiiiklo,  deputy  to  director-general.  cation. 

A' wan  tii'chu  Ko'yemshi,  great  father  of 

the  ancestral  gods. 

[Free  translation] 

Narrator.  Now  we  (the  Zunis)  come  through  the  hole  which  is  emptied 
of  water  for  our  passage  and  afterward  fills  with  water,  and  we 
inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona.6  While  we  are  in  the 
fourth  world,  the  blackness-of-soot  world,  our  great  fathers,  Bow 
priests  of  the  place,  work  for  us.  The  elder  brother  does  not 
care  to  perform  the  mysteries  alone,  but  wishes  his  younger 
brother  to  join  him  in  his  wonderful  work. 

EhJ>  r  brothe):  This  light  (pointing  above)  is  what  we  are  looking  for. 
I  have  thought  it  all  over.  I  want  my  younger  brother  of  the 
place  very  much. 


[Text  and  interlinear  translation.] 

Narrator. 

No'mihlte  hon  ji'mi'kianapkiatea.0 

Now  we  Ji'mi'klanapkiatea. 

A'witen     te'hula,    an'nociyan     te'hula.     Ho'no     li"la     a'teyaye'. 

Fourth  world,        blackness-of-soot        world.  We  here  remain. 

Ho'nawa  a' wan  a'ta'chu         a'piulashiwanni  te'yona, 

Our  great  fathers,  Bow  priests  of  the  place, 

I'matieltla,rf  yam  yu'yanamonakla/ 

Do  not  wish,  possessing  all  knowledge,  fearing  nothing  to  gain  the  end. 

Elder  brother. 

Lu'kia         te'kohannan     teshuna'kia.     Zem'akwiwe     ya'kiakia. 

This  light  of  day  looking  for.  Mind  finished./ 

[pointing  above] 

Yam       suwe  te'yona     an'teshema     ti'kia. 

Mv      younger  brorher         of  the  place  want  very  much. 

a  See  p.  163. 

*See  p.  2-2. 

c  Referring  to  water  disappearing  for  the  time  being  from  the  opening  in  the  earth  through  which 
the  A'shiwi  came  to  this  world  (see  p.  26). 

d  Referring  to  the  Divine  Ones  not  wishing  the  A'shiwi  to  remain  in  the  undermost  world. 

c  The  term  is  applied  to  one  possessing  all  power  and  using  the  power  only  for  good.  It  is  in 
this  reference  the  term  is  applied  to  the  Pi'-'lashiwanni  te'yona.  The  elder  brother  did  not  wish  to 
perform  the  mysteries  alone,  but  desired  that  his  younger  brother  should  join  him  in  his  wonderful 
work. 

/Referring  to  having  thought  a  matter  over. 


74  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Leth.  ann.  32 

Narrator.  The  younger  brother  hastens. 

Younger  brother.  Now,  do  you  want  me  very  much  ?  What  do  you 
wish?  What  do  you  wish  to  say?  Do  you  wish  a  great  talk? 
All  right;  let  me  know  what  you  wish  to  talk  about. 

Elder  brother.  I  am  thinking  all  the  time  of  one  thing;  for  many  days 
I  have  concentrated  my  thoughts  on  the  one  thing;  I  am  think- 
ing seriously  that  I  will  remain  here  for  a  time  to  aid  my  people. 

Narrator.  The  elder  and  younger  brothers  of  the  place  talk  to  one 
another. 
The  two  cut  clown  the  pine  tree  of  the  North  (Pinus  ponderosa);  the 
two  cut  down  the  spruce  (Pseudotsuga  douglassii)  of  the  West; 
the  two  cut  down  the  aspen  (Populus  tremuloides)  of  the  South; 
the  two  cut  down  the  silver  spruce  (Picea  pungens)  of  the  East." 

Elder  brother.  Over  there  in  the  fourth  (undermost)  world,  we  sit 
down  to  talk  together  on  serious  subjects. 

Narrator. 

A'nanamei'kiashetikiakia. 

He  hastened. 

Younger  brother. 


E'mala  kiiima, 

ho'mo       to'o      an'teshema      ti'kia;        ma'imati? 

Now 

me               you                   want                    very                what  do  you 

much;                     wish? 

Chaup  hincho'li 

pe'nane  te'yu'hlanna     te'aklana? 

What  do  you  wish 
to  say 

talk  big                               have? 

Te'wunau'sona, 

ho'mo     to'o     yu'yaklakia. 

All  right, 

me            you             let  know. 

Elder  brother. 

Ho'o     u'sona  i'semaku'na.         Ho'o     te'wanane  te'yakiana. 

I          thinking  alwi 

lys  of  one  thing.                I           many  days  one  place  think  on 

one  thing  done. 

Narrator. 

An  su'we    te'yona  le'achi  iyantikwa'kia. 

His  younger  brother  of  the  place       they  b  talk  to  one  another. 

A'shekia  a'chi     kia'wulkwikia; 

Pine  tre3  of  north      the  two  cut  down; 

Kia'la'silo  a'chi     kia'wulkwikia; 

Spruce  tree  of  the  west     the  two  cut  down; 

'Hlitn'ilkoha  a'chi         kia'wulkwikia; 

Aspen  of  south  the  two  cut  down; 

Lo'kwimo  a'chi  kia'wulkwikia. 

Silver  spruce  of  the  two  cut  down, 

the  east 

Elder  brother. 

Thlo'kwa    a'witen     te'hula    ho'no     ti'nan     'la'kiye. 

Over  there  fourth  world  we  sat  down  together  to  talk 

on  serious  subjects. 

a  It  is  understood  by  the  narrator  and  others  that  the  trees  of  the  four  regions  were  used  as  a  means 
of  ascent  from  the  lower  worlds, 
b  Referring  to  the  elder  and  younger  brothers. 


STEVENSON] 


HTSTORY    MYTH 


75 


Over  there  in  -water-moss  (third)  world,  we  sat  down  to  talk  tog-other 

on  serious  subjects. 
Over  there  in  mud  (second)  world,  we  sat  down  to  talk  together  on 

serious  subjects. 
Over  there  in  wing  (first)  world,"  we  sat  down  to  talk  together  on 

serious  subjects.     Over  there  our  fathers*  are  near  by.     We  see 

all  of  our  children;  they  are  not  happy  there.     It  is  dark  inside; 

we  can  not  see  one  another. 
We  step  on  one  another's  toes.     We  are  looking  for  the  light;  all 

must  look  for  it;  this  light  (pointing'  above)  we  are  looking-  for. 

I  have  thought  it  over;    this  is  what  you  want  very  much;    all 

wish  our  rain-priest  father  of  the  North. 
Narrator.  They''  talked  to  one  another.     The  two  wished  the  rain  priest 

of  the  North  very  much. 


Thlo'kwa 

a'wisho 

te'hula 

ho' no 

ti'nan     l]a'kiye. 

Over  there 

water-moss 

world 

we 

sat  down  together  to  talk 
on  serious  subjects. 

Thlo'kwa 

pa'nula 

te'hula 

ho'no 

ti'nan     *la'kiye. 

Over  there 

mud 

world 

we 

sat  down  together  to  talk 
on  serious  subjects. 

Thlo'kwa 

la'tow" 

te'hula 

ho'no 

ti'nan     la'kiye. 

Over  there 

Thlo'kwa 

sunbeam 

le'witea 

world 

yam 

we 

a'tacchu 

sat  down  together  to  talk 
on  serious  subjects. 

Over  there 

near  by 

our 

fathers. 

A'wa     ho'nawa     te'apkunan     u'natikiakia. 

All  our  children  see. 

Elth'kwa    e'lutea     te'amme. 

Not  happy  there. 

Ko'wi     te'kwin     u'lia;     elth'kwa     ho'no     i'yunawame. 

Little  dark  inside;  can  not  we  see  one  another. 

Ho'no     i'yachu'sble  nan'nule. 

We  step  on  one  another. 

Lukia  te'kohannan     te'shunakia;     zem'akwiwe  yakiakia. 

This  light  [pointing  above]  looting  for;  mind  finished. 

Le'nakla     to'o     thlo     an'teshema     ti'kla. 

That  is  what       you  all  want  very  much. 

Ternta'i     pish'le  shi'wanni     ho'nawa  ta'ehu     i'likiana. 

All  want  north  rain  priest  our  father  have'. 

Narrator. 

Le'achi0  i'j-antikwakla.    A'chi  pishle  shi'wanni  an'teshema  tikia; 

They  talked  together.        The  two,         north  rain  priest  .     want  very 

much: 

'•  Wing;  in  this  world  was  seen  the  first  glimpse  of  sunlight,  the  beams  penetrating  through  the 
opening  in  the  earth.  Sunbeams  are  called  the  sun'sla'towwe  (wings).  All  this  is  distinctly  under- 
stood by  those  versed  in  the  'Kiiiklo  myth. 

b  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests). 

c  Elder  and  younger  brother  (Divine  Ones). 


76 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


lie  hastened,  carrying  his  precious  things"  clasped  to  his  breast. 
Eld,  r  brotht  r.   All  wish  our  rain-priest  father  of  the  West. 
Narrator.  They  talked  together.     The  two  wished  the  rain  priest  of 

the  West  very  much.     He  hastened,  carrying  his  precious  things 

clasped  to  his  breast. 
jblder  brother.  All  wish  our  rain-priest  father  of  the  South. 
Narrator.  They  talk  together.     The  two  wish  the  rain  priest  of  the 

South   very   much.     He   hastens,    carrying  his  precious  things 

clasped  to  his  breast. 
EhL  i-  brother.  All  wish  our  rain-priest  father  of  the  East. 


An'anamei'kiashetikiakia,     yam      el'leteliwe    yam      'kiaettowe,0 


He  hastens, 


his 


precious  things,        his 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


yam  chu'ettowe,   yam     mu'ettowe,   yam   'hle'ettowe   'hle'iyan 


his 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


rain  and  crop  carries 

fetishes 


te'chikianapkla. 

at  his  Dreast. 

El <1<  r  brother. 

Temta'i    kal'ishi  shi'wanni     ho'nawa     ta'chu     i'likiana. 

All  want  west  rain  priest  our  father  have. 

Narrator. 

Le'achi  i'vantikwakia.    A'chi  kalishi  shi'wanni  an'teshema  tikia. 


They 


talked  together.        The  two, 


west  rain  priest 


very 

much. 


An'anameikiashetikiakia,      yam    el'leteliwe,      yam     chu'ettowe, 


He  hastened. 


his         precious  things, 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


yam     mu'ettowe,      yam  'thle'ettowe 

his 


his  rain  and  crop 

fetishes, 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes 


'hle'iyan  te'ehikia'napkia. 

carries  at  his  breast. 


Etder  brotlu  r. 

Tem'ta'i     ala'ho  shi'wanni     ho'nawa 

All  want  south  rain  priest  our 

Narrator. 

Le'achi  i'vantikwakia.    A'chi  alaho  shi'wanni  an'teshema   ti'kia. 


ta'chu     i'likiana. 

father  have. 


They 


talked  together. 


south  rain  priest 


A'nanamei'kiashetikiiikia,     yam     el'leteliwe, 

He  hastens,  his         precious  things, 


yam 

his 


chu'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes. 


yam 

his 


mu'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


yam 

his 

yam 

his 


t  very 

much. 

'kia'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 

'hle'ettowe 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes 


'hle'iyan  te'chi  kia'napkia. 

carries  at  his  breast. 

Elder  hrotJu  r. 

Temta'i    te'makoha     shi'wanni     ho'nawa     ta'chu     i'likiana. 

All  want  east  rain  priest  our  father  have. 


«  Fetishes  to  bring  rains  and  crops. 


STEVENSON] 


HISTORY    MYTH 


77 


Narrator.  They  talk  together.  The  two  wish  the  rain  priest  of  the 
East  very  much.  He  hastens,  carrying  his  precious  things  clasped 
to  his  breast.  They  stoop  over  and  come  out  through  the  place0 
which  was  tilled  with  water,  the  water  disappearing  for  the  time 
being  to  permit  the  A'shiwi  to  pass.    The  two  meet. 

Eldt  r  brother.  All  wish  the  Middle  place;  we  must  look  for  the  Middle 
of  the  world;  we  are  on  the  road.  Our  great  fathers  and  our 
people  stop  here  together. 

Narrator.  Our  great  fathers  talked  together.  Here  they  arose  and 
moved  on.  They  stooped  over  and  came  out  from  the  fourth 
world,  carrying  their  precious  things*  clasped  to  their  breasts. 


Narrator. 

Le'achi    i'yantikwakia.    A'chi 

They  talk  together.         The  two, 

ti'kia. 

very  much. 

A'nanamei'kiashetikiakia,    yam 


te'makoha  shi'wanni 

east  rain  priest 


an'teshema 

want 


his 


yam 

his 


chu'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


yam 

his 


el'leteliwe, 

precious  things, 

mu'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


yam 

his 

yam 

his. 


'kia'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 

'hle'ettowe 

rain  anil  crop 
fetishes 


'hle'iyan  te'chi  kia'napkia. 

carries  at  his  breast. 

Yam  'kiashima     te'litokwi"     i'tinakna, 

Our  water  inside  place  stoop, 

A'chi    i'onaellatekia. 


kwai'ikla. 

come  out. 


The  two 

Elder  brother. 

Tem'ta'i 

All  want 

Ho'nawa 

Our 


i'tiwannan        te'shuna       ho'no       a'wona       i'likiana. 

middle  •  looking  for  we  road  have. 

a'wan      a'ta'chu      yu"lakitina. 

great  fathers  stop  together. 

Temis'kon '.     ho'nawa    yu'lakltina. 

All  here?  we  stop  together. 

Narrator. 

Ho'nawa      a'wan      a'ta'chu      le'achi      i'yantikwakia. 

Our  great  fathers  they  talked  together. 

Is'ko     thlu' walemaku;     a'witen     te'hula0"     i'tinakna,      kwai'ikla. 

they  arose;  fourth  world  stoop,  come  out. 


Here 

Yam 

Their 


el'leteliwe,     yam     lkiaettowe,      yam 

precious  things,        their         rain  and  crop  their 

fetishes, 


chu'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


yam 

their 


mu'ettowe,     yam     hle'ettowe     hle'iyan  te'chi  kia'napkia. 

rain  and  crop  their        rain  and  crop  carry  at  their  breasts. 

fetishes,  fetishes 

a  Referring  to  the  A'shiwi  (Zufiis)  coming  through  Ji'mi^klanapklatea  to  this  world  (see  p.  26). 

bEt'towe.  fetishes  to  bring  rains  and  crops. 

c  The  elder  brother  precedes  the  younger  to  this  world,  and  they  are  followed  by  many  people. 
The  younger  one,  following  later,  joins  his  brother,  and  the  others  come  after  him;  hence  the 
expression. 

dThe  narrator,  after  mentioning  the  arrival  of  the  A'shiwi  in  the  outer  world,  goes  back  and 
relates  their  coming  through  the  inner  worlds. 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[F.TH.  ANN.  23 


They  stooped  over  and  came  out  from  moss  world,  carrying  their 
precious  things  clasped  to  their  breasts. 

They  stooped  over  and  came  out  from  mud  world,  carrying  their 
pi-ecious  things  clasped  to  their  breasts. 

They  stooped  over  and  came  out  from  wing  or  sun  rays  world,  car- 
rying their  precious  things  clasped  to  their  breasts. 

They  stooped  over  and  came  out  and  saw  their  Sun  Father  and  inhaled 
the  sacred  breath  of  the  light  of  day. 

Second-world  place,  third-world  place,  fourth-world  place/' 

Following  their  road  of  exit,  they  stooped  over  and  came  out. 

They  walked  this  way. 

They  came  to  the  gaming-stick  spring. 

They  came  to  the  gaming-ring  spring. 

They  came  to  the  Ne'wekwe  *  baton  spring. 

They  came  to  the  spring  with  prayer  plume  standing. 

They  came  to  the  cat-tail  place. 

They  came  to  the  moss  spring. 

They  came  to  the  muddy  spring. 

The}7  came  to  the  sun-ray  spring. 

They  came  to  the  spring  by  man}7  aspens. 

The}7  came  to  shell  place. 


1'tinakna,  kwai'ikia. 

Stoop,                 come  out.                   Moss  world 

Pa'nanula  te'hula     i'tinakna,  kwai'ikia 

Mud                 world                 stoop,  come  out. 


A'wisho     te'hula     i'tinakna,     kwai'ikia. 

stoop,  come  out. 


Latow     te'hula    i'tinakna,     kwai'ikia. 

Wing  world  stoop,  come  out. 

Yam    ya'tokia     tii'chu     an'tekohannane     u'natikianapkia. 

Their  sun  father  light  of  day,  inhale  the  sacred  breath. 

Kwil'li  kiana'na     hai'i  kiana'na    a'witen  kiana'na. 

Second-world  place,  third-world  place,  fourth-world  place. 

Yam  o'neva'hlan  kwai'ina  i'tinakna,  kwai'ikia.     Kia"la  a'wakia 

Their         great  road  exit  stoop,  come  out.  This  way 

Ya'mune      'kiai'akwi      a'wikia.      'Si'kon      'kiai'akwi 

Gaming-stick  spring  come  to.        Gaming-ring  spring 

Ta'nin       'kiai'akwi      a'wikia.       Ta'melan      'kiai'akwi 

Ne'wekwe 

baton 

Ke'vatiwa 

Cat-tail 

Pa'nanulin 

Muddy 

•Hlan'ihlkoha 

Aspen 


spring 


come  to. 


spring 


come. 

a'wikia. 

come  to. 

a'wikia 

come  to. 


Prayer  plume 
standing 

kwi     a'wikia.     A'wisho      'kiai'akwi     a'wikia. 

place        come  to.  Moss  spring  come  to. 

'kiai'akwi     a'wikia.     La'tow     'kiai'akwi     a'wikia. 

spring  come  to.  Sunbeam  spring-  come  to. 

'kiai'akwi      a'wikia.     U'pu'lema      kwi      a'wikia. 

Shell  place 


spring 


come  to. 


come  to. 


<■  Referring  to  passing  through  the  interior  wuiid*. 
&  Galaxy  fraternity. 


STEVENSON] 


HISTORY    MYTH 


79 


They  came  to  dragon-fly  place. 

They  came  to  flower  place. 

They  came  to  the  place  of  trees  with  drooping  limbs. 

They  came  to  fish  spring. 

They  came  to  young-squash  spring. 

They  came  to  listening  spring." 

Our    great  father  old    dance    man;    our    great   mother  old    dance 

woman.'' 
They  possess  much  knowledge;  they  finished  the  rivers/' 
They  possess  much  knowledge;  they  made  Ko'thluwala'wa  moun- 
tain. 
F.hh  r  iroth(  /■.    All  wish  our  great  fathers,  the  TOa'ettowe,  Chu'ettowe, 

Mu'ettowe,  'Hle'ettowe  (rain  and  crop  fetishes.) 
Narrator.  They  passed  between  the  mountains.''    It  is  far  to  the  Mid- 
dle of  the  world. 


Pii'si'     shi'na     kwi 

Dragon  fly     name        place 

Ta'piliyanku        kwi 

Trees  with  droop-  place 

ing  limbs 

Mo'lan/       'kiai'akwi 

Young  squash  spring 

Ho'nawa       a'wan 

Our 

Yam 

Thcy 

A'chi 

rivers 

£o'thluwala 

Ko'thluwala'wa 


a'wikia.     U'teyan     m'kwi     a'wikla. 

come  to.  Flower  place  come  to. 

a'wikia.       Kash'ita      'kiai'akwi 

come  to.  Fish  spring  place 

kiai'akwi 

spring 

a'wan       'si'ta. 

great  mother. 


a'wikia. 

come  to. 


Ha'tin  " 

Listen 


a'wikia. 

come  to. 

a'wikia. 

come  to. 


hona'wa 


The  two, 

A'chi 

The  two 

EUi  r  brother 
Tem'ta'i 

All  want 


ta/'chu 

great  father,  our 

tinikwa        nan'nakkia. 

know  many  things. 

Hviap'ya^lanne       3^a'kiakia; 

made; 

yaTlanne 


yam  anikwa 

they       know 

an'ninmkia. 

made. 


hona'wa 


a  wan 

great 


a'taVhu 

fathers 


i'likiana 

have 


chu'ettowe,      mu'ettowe,       lhle'ttowe. 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes. 


rain  and  crop 
fetishes. 


Narrator: 
Kia'la 

Come 


a'wimpikwaiikia 

passed  between, 


kwai'ikia. 

come  out. 


La'lekho'li 

There  where 


nan'nakkia. 

many  things. 


'kia'ettowe, 

rain  and  crop 
fetishes, 


i'tiwanna. 

middle. 


a  Hu'tin  means  to  listen,  to  hear,  and  is  the  name  for  the  waters  of  Ko'thluwala'wa.  The  expres- 
sion has  reference  to  the  hearing  of  voices  in  the  depths  of  the  water- 

b  The  two  original  ancestral  gods  (see  p.  33). 

c  The  brother  makes  the  beds  of  the  rivers  (Zufii  and  Little  Colorado)  by  drawing  his  foot  through 
the  sands,  and  the  sister  follows  in  the  path  (see  p.  32). 

(1  References  to  the  tft'towe  being  carried  by  the  A'shiwanni  between  Kor'kokshi  and  Ko'yemshi 
mountains,  which  are  near  Ko'thluwala'wa,  as  the  A'shiwi  proceed  in  their  quest  for  the  Middle 
place. 

«Palsi  is  archaic  for  shu'makolowa  (plural  shu'makolowe),  dragon  fly,  one  of  the  rain  symbols  of 
the  A'shiwi. 

/This  spring  is  associated  with  the  Ko'yemshi  gods  (see  p.  33). 


80  THE    ZDKI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

Our  great  fathers!"  our  great  mothers!'' 

Here  we  will  sit  perfectly  still  for  days,  which  will  be  precious,  and 

our  hearts  will  speak  with  the  gods  of  the  inside  water  place; c  all 

wish  to  meet  together. 
Sun  priest  (deputy  to  Sun  Father).  Here  we  will  sit  perfectly  still, 

not  moving  bod}-  or  limb;  where  can  we  talk  together? 
Kla'tewemosi  (Director-general  of  the  House  of  Houses).  Sun  priest  of 

the  Dogwood  clan  knows. 
Sunpriext.  Much  thought  has  been  given  to  finding  a  place;  one  has 

been  found;  give  no  further  thought  to  it. 
Narrator.  Our  great  fathers a  sit  perfectly  still.     There  we  can  talk 

with  them.     Now  all  my  children  are  happy  together. 

Hona'wa       a'wan       a'ta'chu*      hona'wa       a'wan       a"sita, 

Our  great  fathers,  our  great  mothers, 

Li'la       ho'no       yu'lakit'ikia,       a'wante'wananne       a'kia/ 

Here  we  sit  perfectly  still,  precious  days  continue. 

Yam  'kia'shima  te'litokwi.     Tem'la  iin'teshema  ti'na  i'wokwikia. 

Our  water  inside  place.  All  wish  meet  together. 

Pe'hoin: 

Lilla  ho'no  yu'lakitikia.    Ho"li  ko'na  te'kwiyashuwan  te'yakia'na? 

Here         we       sit  perfectly  still.      Where       can         talk  to  one  another  together? 

Kla'Tcwemosi: 

Pi'chikwe      a'nota      pe'kwin^     shi'wanni      lu'kon      a'nawakia. 

Dogwood  elan  sun  priest,  he  knows. 

Pd  Teuton.: 

An"seman  a'ninena;  kia'me  ton  an"seman  a'ninenawe.* 

A  place  has  been  found;  give  no  further  thought  to  it. 

Narrator: 

Hona'wa      a'wan      a'ta'chu''      yu'lakitikia. 

Our  great  fathers  sit  perfectly  still. 

Ma'leko"    ya'shuwan     te'yakiana. 

There  we  can  talk  together. 

La'ki      ho'ma     a'wan      te'apkunan      kets'anishi     a'teyakia'na. 

Now  my  all  children  happy  together. 

a  'Kla'Cttowe  (see  p.  163). 

schu'cttowe  (see  p.  163). 

c  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

"'The  gods  of  Ko'thuluwala'wa. 

eThe  'klaettone  ( lkla  from  tkWwe,  water)  is  referred  to  as  father,  the  chu'fittonfi  (chu  from 
chuwe,  seeds)  as  mother. 

/The  unexpressed  idea  is  that  one  will  remain  perfectly  quiet,  not  moving  the  body  or  limbs, 
during  the  days  of  retirement.  The  expression  is  used  for  the  retreat  of  the  A'shiwanni  (see  Rain 
priesthood).  After  a  period  of  fasting  and  continence,  perfect  repose  of  body,  and  concentration  of 
thought,  the  physical  and  grosser  nature  becomes  separated  from  the  spiritual  nature,  leaving  it 
free  to  commune  with  A'wonawil'ona  (see  p.  22)  and  the  gods. 

ffThe  literal  translation  of  the  word  pe'kwln  is  deputy,  and  in  the  above  case  the  reference  is  to 
the  deputy  of  the  Sun  Father.  This  priest,  however,  is  referred  to  simply  as  the  sun  priest  or  priest 
of  the  Zenith. 

'i  This  expression  is  not  translated  literally.  The  meaning  is  that  much  thought  has  been  given  to 
rinding  a  place  for  the  retreat  of  the  rain  priests. 


stevenson]  HISTORY    MYTH  81 

Here  we  finish  our  prayer  plumes. 

There"  our  fathers  the  Council  of  the  Gods  will  receive  them. 
Pau'tiwa.  Our  great    fathers,    'Kia'ettowc,    Chu'ettowe,    Mu'ettowe, 
'Hle'ettowe,  passed  between  the  mountains  to  tind  the  Middle  of 
the  world,  where  they  sit  perfectly  still. 
Who  is  a  good  man?     Who  possesses  much  wisdom? 
^1  m,  mbt  r  of  the  ( 'ouncil  of  the  Gods.  Over  there,  in  the  room  above, 
sitting  in  the  hatchway.     Everybody  knows  'Kiaklo  of  the  place; 
this  man  knows  much. 
Pau'tiwa.  Now,  I  wish  some  one  to  tell  him  to  come. 
Narrator,   lie  hastens,  comes  in,  and  sits  down. 

Li"la    ho'nawe     te'likinawe    a'yakianap'kia. 

Here  our  prayer  plumes  finished. 

La'lek     la'ki     ho'nawe    a'ta'chu     i'likiana. 

There         now  our  fathers  have. 

Yam      'kia'shima      te'litonan'kwi      i'anteshema. 

Our  water  inside  place  wish. 

Te'likinawe    a'yakianap"kia,  la'lekho'li  ho'nawa  Kok'ko  A'wan. 

Prayer  plumes  finished,  there  our  Council  of  the  Gods. 

Te'likinawe      i'tiuhl'la,      kianapkia.6 

Prayer  plumes        placed  together,  finished. 

Pau'tiwa: 

Ho'nawe  .  a'wan     a'tii'chu    'kia'ettowe,    chu'ettowe,    mu'ettowe, 

Our  great  fathers 

'hle'ettowe,     a'wimpikwekia,     kwai'ikia;c 

passed  between,  come  out; 

La'lekho'li     i'tiwanna     le'anakla'nankwi     yu"lakitikia. 

There  middle  name  place  sit  perfectly  still. 

Li"la    ko'leho'li    'se'manapkia.    Chaup    'se'mak  anikwa    kian'na. 

Here  how  think.  What  man  knows  much. 

A  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods: 
'Hlo'kwa     te'koskwa    im'koskwi. 

Over  there  room  above         sitting  in  hatchway. 

E"sakianna    'Kiiiklo   te'3Tona;     lu'kon    'se'mak   anikwa     kian'na. 

Everybody  knows     'Kiiiklo       of  the  place;         this  man  knows  much. 

Pau'tiwa: 

Te'wuna     an'teshema     ti'nawe. 

Now  wish  tell  him  to  come. 

Narrator: 

A'nanamei'kiashetikiakia,''     ikia,     imite'la'kukia. 

He  hastened,  came,  sat  down. 

a  Referring  to  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

b Referring  to  planting  prayer  plumes,  which  are  afterward  received  by  the  gods  of   Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa. 
c  Referring  to  the  et'towe  passing  between  the  mountains  near  Ko'thluwala'wa 
d  Referring  to  'Kiiik'lo. 

23  BTH— 04 6 


117^3 


82  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

'Kiiillo.  I  am  here.     What  do  you  wish  of  me?     You  wished  me  to 

come.     What  do  you  wish  to  say  ?     Do  you  wish  to  talk  much 

together? 
Puii'tiira.  There  in  I'tiwanna  (Middle  name  place)  our  great  fathers 

sit  perfectly  still. 
You  will  tell  the  great  ones  to  count  the  days  one  by  one,  and  in 

eight  days  the  gods  will  go  over  the  road  and  meet  all  our  fathers. 

We  will  go  over  the  road  and  meet  them;  we  will  meet  all  our  fathers. 
Now,   think  of   some.     Perhaps  all  are  gathered.     Good!     No,  I 

have  not  my  North  father  of  the  place,  the  god  with  the  scapula 

of  the  3-ellow  deer  of  the  North;  the  god  with  the  scapula  of  the 

tKmklo: 

Li"la,     kon  iyanteku'nakia? 

Here,  what  do  you  wish  of  me? 

E'malakiama     ho'o     to'o     an'teshema    ti'napkia. 

Now  I  you  wish  come  here? 

Ma'imati     chaup     hln'cho'li     pe'nane    teyu  'hlanna? 

Now  what  wish  talk  big? 

'Hlan'na     pe'nan     te'yaklana? 

Big  talk  together? 

Pau'tiwa: 

La'lekho"li     i'tiwanna     le'anakia'nankwi 

There  middle  name  place 

Ho'nawa     a'wan     a'ta'chu"    yu'^akitikia.6    A'wona  ellatekia'na/ 

Our  great  fathers  sit  perfectly  still.  Road  meet. 

A'wa     yal'lenan     pi'lakiana. 

All  count  days  one  by  one, 

La'lekho'li    }ram     a'ta'chu     to'no     a'wona     el'latekia'na. 

There  your  fathers  you  road  will  meet. 

A'wati     tela'ma     to'no     i'techuna     i'ku     kia'tekwi.'' 

Four  steps  you  will  take        hasten       reach  place. 

Les'si    te'wanna,     hin'choli     hai'elikkia     te'wakia. 

So  many  days,  wish  eight  days. 

Te'aan'na     tem'lamo     yiim     a'ta'chu     a'wona     el'latekia'na. 

After  all  our  fathers  road  meet. 

Yiim     a'taV.hu*     tem'lamo     ho'no     a'wona     el'letekia'na. 

Our  fathers  all  of  them  we  road  meet. 

E'malakiama,  i'yantesemanawe/    Ho'lou  tem'la  ha'pona  kok'shiye. 

Now,  think  of  some.  Perhaps        all         gathered,  good. 

Elth"la,  kwali'wan  em'pishlankwinta'na  ho'o  ta"chu  i'li  te'j'ona. 

No,  not  this  way  north  my        father      have  of  the  place. 

Kok'ko       thlup'tsina      kiai  salimon       'hlup'sina       il'ona; 

God  yellow  deer  scapula  yellow  got; 

ft  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests). 

bA'shiwi  (the  Zunis)  have  found  the  Middle  place  and  ceased  their  journeying. 

c  Referring  to  the  A'shiwi  meeting  the  gods  from  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

''Present  site  of  Zufii. 

eThe  A'shiwi  (Zunis). 

/Reference  to  thinking  of  men  who  will  serve  the  purpose. 


STEVENSON] 


HISTORY    MYTH 


83 


blue  deer  of  the  West;  the  god  with  the  scapula  of  the  red  deer  of 
the  South;  the  god  with  the  scapula  of  the  white  deer  of  the  East; 

the  god  with  the  scapula  of  the  oven-colored  deer  of  the  Zenith; 

the  god  with  the  scapula  of  the  black  deer  of  the  Nadir. 
I  wish  the  god  with  wood  ears  on  his  mask  very  much. 
I  wish  the  god  with  the  wool  cap  very  much. 
I  wish  the  god  possessing  many  deer  very  much. 
I  wish  the  god  A'nahoho"  very  much. 
I  wish  the  god  Shu'laawi'si  very  much. 
1  wish  the  gods  who  carry  reed  staffs  ornamented  with  twigs  of  the 

spruce  tree  of  the  west4  very  much. 
1  wish  the  shaker,  the  great  director,  who  goes  about,  very  much. 
I  wish  all  of  the  gods  with  blue-horned  masks  very  much. 


Kok'ko 

God 

Kok'ko 

God 

Kok'ko 

God 

Kok'ko 

God 

Kok'ko 

God 

Au'teshema 

Want 

U'poyona 

Won]  cap 

Na'wisho 

Deer 


'hli'anna 

blue 

a'hona 

red 

ko'hanna 

white 

'si'lipana 

every  color 

shikian'na 

black 

ti'nakia. 

very  much. 

iin'teshema 

want 

an'teshema  ti'nakia. 

want  verv  much 


kiai  salimon 

deer  scapula 

klai'  salimon 

deer  scapula 

kiai'  salimon 

deer  scapula 

kiai'  salimon 

deer  scapula 

kiai'  salimon 

deer  scapula 


'hli'anna        il'ona; 

blue  got; 

a'hona       il'ona: 


red 

ko'hanna 

white 

'si'lipana 

every  color 

shikianna 

black 


got; 

il'ona; 

got; 

il'ona; 
got; 
il'ona; 

got; 


'Hle'lashoctipona 

Wood  ear 

ti'nakia. 

very  much. 

A'nahoho 

Anahoho 


an'teshema 

want 


ti'nakia. 

very  much. 


an'teshema  ti'nakia. 

want  very  much. 


Shu'laawi'si 

Deputy  to  the  Sun  Father 
in  Ko'thluwala'wa 


iin'teshema 

want 


'Si'tonne 

Spruce  of 
the  west 

Ha'shi' 

Shaker 

Sa'ya'hlia 

Horn  blue 


'hle'onna  (/ 

held  in  hand 


iin'teshema 

want 


ti'nakia. 

very  much. 

ti'nakia. 

very.  much. 


ati'nakwe       a'wan      mo'sona      iin'teshema 

goes  about  great  director  want 

a'wa      iin'teshema      ti'nakia. 

all  want  very  much. 


ti'nakia. 

verv  much. 


a  This  mask  is  white  with  a  black  hand  over  the  face. 

bMu'luktakla  (tall  thin  gods). 

c  So  named  because  this  god  possesses  many  deer. 

•'The  name  which  is  usually  applied  to  the  "Si'tonne  gods  is  Mu'luktakia  (tall  thin  god).  A  frog 
decorates  the  back  of  the  mask.  The  personators  of  these  gods  carry  long  reed  staffs  with  spruce 
twigs  attached  in  the  middle.    These  staffs  have,  feather  ornamentation  of  a  variety  of  bird  plumes. 

e  This  name  is  applied  to 'Kiiiklo,  as  he  continually  says  "hashi"  and  shakes  his  body  as  he  pro- 
ceeds and  sprinkles  meal  when  he  comes  at  sunrise  following  the  appearance  of  the  gods  on  the 
eighth  day  (see  p.  96).  He  comes  from  Ku'shilowa,  and  after  visiting  the  four  te'witawe  (plazas) 
departs  while  it  is  still  early  day  over  the  western  road. 


84  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

1  wish  the  Plumed  Serpent  very  much. 
1  wish  the  god  Suti"ki"  very  much. 
I  wish  the  suckling-  very  much. 
I  wish  the  old  dance  men*  very  much. 
Great  fathe?'  of  the  Ko'yemshi.  Now,  do  you  want  me  very  much? 
Pau'tiwa  (addressing  great  father  Ko'yemshi).   You  will  go  over  the 
road  with  'Kiaklo  and  meet  our  fathers  at  the  Middle  place. 
You  will  cany  this0  for  your  rattle  when  yov\   go  to  meet  your 
fathers. 
Narrator.  'Kiaklo  comes  out''  and  sits  down.     He  looks  to  the  six 
regions   and    calls:    '"Kiaklo,   'Kiaklo,   'Kiaklo,   'Kiaklo    grand- 
fathers;'' where  are  you?     Carry  me  on  your  backs." 

Ko'loowisi-''    an'teshema  ti'nakia.     Su'ti'ki    an'teshema    ti'nakia. 

Plumed  Serpent  want  very  much.      A  small  bird  want  very  much. 

'Si"sikiar/  an'teshema  ti'nakia.     Ko'yemshi''  an'teshema  ti'nakia. 

Suckling  want  very  much.        Old  dance  man  want  very  much. 

Great  father  of  the  Ko'yemshi: 

E'malakiama     ho'ma     to'o     an'teshema     ti'nakia? 

Now  me  you  want  very  much? 

Pau'tiwa  (addressing  'Kiaklo): 

L'alekho'li     i'tiwanna     kwi     yam     a'ta'chu. 

There  Middle  place        our  fathers. 

To'no     a'wona    eTlatekia'na. 

You  road  will  meet.    - 

Lu'kia    to'o     i'leyanac  yam    a'ta'chu    to'o    a'wona    ellatekia'na. 

This,  you  hold  your  fathers  you  road  will  meet. 

Narrator: 

'Kiaklo     imuna     kwai'ikia.2     Les'si     te'kwi     tu'natikia. 

'Kiiiklo      sits  down,        comes  out.  To  the  six  regions  looks,  and  calls: 

'Kiaklo,     'Kiiiklo.     'Kiaklo,     'Kiaklo. 

A'nana,''      hop      tona'wakia?        Horn  i'seto'nawe.' 

Grandfathers,    where  are  you?  Me  carry  on  backs., 

a  A  small  bird. 

("Ko'yemshi  (see  p.  33.) 

c  Referring  to  a  duck  skin  filled  with  seeds  and  having  o  string  of  beads  about  the  neck  to  serve 
as  a  rattle. 

rf  Referring  to  the  coming  of  'Kiaklo  from  the  depths  of  the  lake  to  the  shore. 

eThe  Ko'yemshi. 

/Ko'loowisi  came  from  the  waters  of  the  west,  appearing  to  the  A'shiwi  for  the  first  time  when 
they  went  to  To'wa  yallane  to  escape  the  great  flood  which  swept  over  the  earth.  The  impression 
of  his  head  is  still  to  be  seen  on  the  mountain  side  where  he  stopped  to  rest.  Ko'loowisi  did  not 
return  to  the  western  waters,  but  went  to  Ko'thlnwala'wa,  becoming  the  seed  bearer  of  the  gods  to 
the  A'shiwi. 

a  <Si''sikla  names  the  infants  at  involuntary  initiation;  hence  the  appellation  "suckling." 

/'The  Ko'yemshi,  who  were  in  their  mountain,  heard  as  one  hears  from  lightning,  and  the  A'wan 
ta''chu  (great  father  Ko'yemshi)  went  at  once  to  the  lake  by  the  inner  road  through  the  mountain. 

I  'Kiaklo  ascends  the  ladder  to  this  world  from  the  abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and 
sits  on  the  bank  of  the  lake. 

jThe  Ko'yemshi,  hearing  in  their  mountain  home,  come  to  the  borders  of  the  lake,  and  'Kiiiklo 
mounts  the  back  of  the  pe'kwln  (deputy  to  the  great  father  Ko'yemshi). 


STEVENSON] 


HISTORY    MYTH 


85 


The  old  dunce  men,  hearing  'Kiaklo  call,  come  from  their  mountains 

to  the  lake.     'Kiaklo  mounts  the  back  of  the  deputj'  to  the  great 

father  of   the   old   dance   men,  and   looks   to   the  six   regions^ 

'Kiaklo,  looking  to  the  east,  sees  four  roads  close  together. 

'Kuil'lo.    We  will   take   the   middle  road.     "We   will  come  this  way. 

Grandfathers,  you  will  sing 
Nwrrator.  'Kiaklo  now  recounts  the  travels  of  the  ancients  to  the 

Middle  of  the  world. 
'Knil-lo.   We  come  this  way.     We  come  to  a  large  lake;  here  we  get  up 
and   move   on.     We   come  to  a  valle}'   with   watercress  in   the 
middle;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  the  stealing  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  houses  built  in  mesa  walls;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  the  last  of  a  row  of  springs;  here  we  get  up  and  move 

on. 
We  come  to  the  middle  of  a  row  of  springs;  here  we  get  up  and 
move  on. 


Lessi     te'kwi     te'tuna    cho'kia. a 

To  the  six  regions  looks. 

'Kiaklo  te'luwankwi     ta'na     a'witen 

'Kiaklo  east  looks  this  way  four 

wo'kiapa      u'natikia. 


ana 

separate 


o  neya 

roads 


hlawe 

close 


together 


tSxaMo: 
I'tiwa 


o'neya'la'kowa 

Middle  road 

A'nana.       te'nanawe.6 

Grandfathers  sing. 

'Kiatu      hlan'na  kwi 

Water  big  place 

Te'wul'la    i'tiwa  pi"kiaia  kwi 

Valley  middle      watercress      place 

Han'tlipinkia       kwi''       a'wikia; 

Stealing  place  come  to; 


kiathl     ho'no 

come 

Kiathl 

Come 

a'wikia; 

come  to; 


a'wonakia. 

we  this  road. 

ho'no       a'wonakia/ 

we  this  road. 

is'ko     ^iluwal'emaku. 

here  get  up;  move  on. 

a'wikia;     is'ko      ^iluwal'emaku. 

come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

is'ko     tkluwal'ernaku. 

here  get  up;  move  on. 


He'ipachi     kwie     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Wall-built         place         come  to;            here 

get  up;  move  on. 

tKlaia'  palto      kwi      a'wikia;     is'ko 

thluwal'emaku. 

Last  -eries  of           place          come  to;             here 

get  up;  move  on. 

springs. 

tKiaia'  i'tiwa     kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko 

thluwal'emaku. 

Middle  series  of        place       come  to;          here 

get  up;  move  on. 

springs. 

i  Referring  to  lKiakio. 

&  The  song  of  the  Ko'yemshi  is  begun  when  the  gods  start  for  I'tiwanna.  Whenever  the  Ko'yemsbi 
cease  singing,  vKiaklo  strikes  the  one  who  carries  him  with  his  rattle  and  calls  for  more  singing. 

c^Kiliklo  now  recounts  to  the  A'shiwi  the  travels  of  the  ancients  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  to  I'tiwanna. 

dSo  named  from  plume  wands,  deposited  for  rain,~which  were  stolen  by  a  witch,  thus  causing  the 
rains  to  cease.  The  plume  wands  were  afterward  secured  by  a  shi'wanni  (rain  priest),  thus  averting 
calamity. 

e  Cliff  dwellings. 


86  THE    ZUNI'  INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

We  come  again  to  the  middle  of  a  row  of  springs;  here  we  get  up 

and  move  on. 
We  come  to  the  house  of  Ko'loowisi;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  watercress  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  a  small  spring;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  a  spring  in  a  hollow  place  in  a  mound,  hidden  by  tall 

bending  grasses;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  ashes  spring;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  high-grass  spring;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  rainbow  spring;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  place  of  the  Sha'lako;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We   come  to  the  place  with  many  springs;"  here  we  get  up  and 

move  on. 
We  come  to  mess  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 

I'tiwa     'ldaia'6     kwi    a'wikla;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Middle  series  of  place  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

springs 

Ko'loowisi     'kiakwe     kwi     a'wikla;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Plumed  Serpent  house  place         come  to;  here         get  up;  move  on. 

Pi'kiaia     kwi     a'wikla;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Watercress      place         come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Kiatsi     'kiaia'     kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Small  spring       place         come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Po'showa''        kwi        a'wikia        is'ko        thluwal'emaku. 

Spring  in  cavity         place  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

in  a  mound 

Lu'kiana     'kiaia'kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Ashes  spring  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

To'seluna''     'kiaia'     a'wikia;     is'ko    thluwal'emaku. 

High-grass       spring  place     come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

A'mitolan     'kiaia'kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Rainbow  spring  come  to:  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Sha'lako     'kiaia'kwi''     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Sha'lako  spring  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

'Kiap'kwena     kwi-''    awi'kla;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Many-springs  place  come  to;  here  get  up,  move  on. 

r'hana-'7     kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Moss  place        come  to;  here  get  up,  move  on. 

a  Named  by  the  Spaniards  Ojo  Caliente. 

6  The  two  springs  are  called  the  middle  springs,  as  they  are  supposed  to  be  centrally  situated  between 
the  others  mentioned. 

f  A  spring  so  covered  by  bending  grasses  from  all  sides  as  to  leave  but  a  small  opening,  which  can 
be  seen  only  when  one  is  very  near.    The  spring  referred  to  is  sacred  to  the  gods  of  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

rfThe  largest  of  the  springs  at  Ojo  Caliente. 

e  During  the  A'shiwi  migrations  the  Sha'lako  gods  appeared  to  them  through  this  spring;  hence 
the  name.  The  places  here  mentioned  were  named  by  the  A'shiwi  as  they  stopped  from  time  to  time 
in  their  quest  of  the  Middle  place.  'Kiaklo  relates  to  those  of  I'tiwanna  the  places  named  by 
their  fathers. 

/*Kiap'kwenakwi  or  'Kiapkwena  is  the  Zuni  name  for  Ojo  Caliente. 

g  U'hana  is  another  name  for  a'wisho  (moss) ;  it  is  also  the  Zuui  name  for  wool. 


Stevenson]  HISTORY    MYTH  87 

We   coine  to   stone-lodged-in-a-cleft   place;  here   we   get   up   and 

move  on. 
We  come  to  stone-picture  place;"  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  poison-oak  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
Wo  come  to  a  spring  in  a  mesa  wall;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  rush  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We   come  to  a  place  of  bad-smelling  water;  here  we  get  up  and 

move  on. 
We  come  to  the  place  of  sack  of  meal  hanging;6  here  we  get  up 

and  move  on. 
We  come  to  the  blue-jay  spring;''  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  Corn  mountain;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  the  spring  at  the  base  of  the  mesa;''  here  we  get  up 

and  move  on. 
We  come  to  the  ant-entering  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  vulva''  spring;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 

A'^apii'si  kwi  a'wikia;  ls'ko  thluwal'emaku. 

Stone  held  between      place  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

two  other  stones 

A^sina'kwi        a'wikia;        ls'ko        thluwal'emaku. 

Stone-picture  place       come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Pi'shu'kiaia'kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Poison-oak  spring  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

'Kia'nuhl'hla'kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Mesa  wall  spring  place         come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

To'loknana     kwi       a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Rushes  place  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

'Kia'techi     kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Bad-smelling       place        come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

O'pompia4     kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Sack  of  meal  place       come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

hanging 

A'yaya"     'kiaia'kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Blue-jay  spring  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

To'wa     yal'la     kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Corn      mountain      place        come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

I'te'la'kup     'kiaia     a'wikia;''     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

At  the  base  of         spring  come  to;  here'  get  up;  move  on. 

mesa 

HaTon     kwa'ton     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Ants  entering  come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

A'sha*     'kiaia      a'wi'kia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Vulva  spring  come  to;  here  get  tip;  move  on. 

a  Rocks  with  pictographs. 

bo  from  owe, flour  (corn  or  wheat);  pompia,  hanging. 
— "  mimed  from  the  blue  jays  gathering  about  the  spring  to  drink. 
rfCorn  mountain. 
e  So  named  because  the  rock  from  which  the  water  flows  resembles  the  vulva. 


88 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


We  come  to  a  spring  high  in  the  mountain;  here  we  get  up  and 

move  on. 
We  come  to  Apache  spring;"  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  coyote  spring;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  salt  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  a  place  with  fumes  like  burning  sulphur;  here  we  get 

up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  ant  place;  here  we  get  up  and  move  on. 
We  come  to  the  Middle  place. 
'K'iillo  (addressing  the  A'shiwi).  In  a  short  time  ury  fathers,  whom  I 

have  there,6  will  meet  you  on  the  road.     You  will  meet  together. 

They  will  come,  and  will  give'  to  all  your  children  more  of  the 

great  breath;  the  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona;  the  breath  of  the  light 

of  day. 


'Kia'navaltokwi     a'wikia;     Is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Spring  in  high  place         come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Wila"su'kiaa    *kiaia     a'wikia;     Is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Apache  spring         come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Sum      'kiaia     a'wikia;     Is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Coyote  spring         come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Ma"sakia''     kwi     a'wikia;     is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 

Salt  place       come  to;  here  get  up;  move  on. 

Ko'lin        'klaia'kwi*'    a'wikia;     Is'ko     thluwal'emaku. 


Odor  of  burn-  spring  come  to; 

ing  sulphur 

Hal'ona"     kwi     a'wikia;     Is'ko 

Ant  place         come  to;  here 

I'tiwanna^      kwi      a'wikia. 

Middle  place  come  to. 

tKldMo  (addressing  the  A'shiwi). 
We"simte'nalapa    la'lek     ho'na 

In  a  short  time  here  my 


here  get  up;  move  on. 

thluwal'emaku. 

get  up;  move  on. 


To'no 

You 

To'ma 

Your 

To'no 

You 


a'wona       el'latena'wa 

road  will  join  you. 

a'wa      te'apkunawe 


all 


children 


te'kohanna 

light  of  day 


a'tii'chu 

fathers 

To'no 

You 

a'wan      pi'nan 

great  breath 

yan'ichij'anap'tu.5' 

inhale. 


i'lona. 

have. 


a  won  a 

road 


el'latekia. 

meet  together. 

teiiyana'wa. 

we  give  more. 


« So  named  because  it  resembles  certain  springs  of  the  Apache  Indians.  'Kluki'ma  is  another 
name  for  this  spring,  which  is  near  a  ruin  of  the  same  name. 

('  Ko'lhluwiihi'u.i. 

cMa''saki!a— ma — from  mawe  (salt),  is  so  named  from  a  man  having  visited  the  Salt  Mother  before 
she  left  her  home  a  few  miles  east  of  I'tiwanna  and  returned  with  a  small  quantity  of  salt  to  this 
place. 

''The  shrine  symbolizing  the  Middle  of  the  world,  the  spot  upon  which  He'patina  stands.  It  is 
Claimed  that  this  place  received  the  name  of  Ko'lin  from  a  tuft  of  grass  pulled  up  by  the  ancients 
exposing  black  water  having  the  odor  of  burning  sulphur.  The  shrine  is  a  few  hundred  yards 
southwest  of  Zuni. 

<*  Halona  is  the  village  which  was  occupied  by  the  A'shiwi  previous  to  their  settling  at  I'tiwanna. 
The  two  are  separated  by  the  Zuni  river. 

/Supposed  t<>  occupy  the  middle  of  the  world. 

</T)k-  body  of  one  wearing  a  mask  becomes  the  abode  of  the  god  he  impersonates;  he  blows  from 
his  heart  the  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona  upon  the  plumes  or  the  hand  and  carries  these  to  the  mouth 
of  another,  that  the  sacred  breath  may  be  inhaled.  The  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona  is  everywhere; 
it  is  life  itself. 


btevenson]  RABBIT    HUNT    WITH    THE    GODS  89 

As  the  narrator  docs  not  remove  his  mask,  and  as  he  speaks  very 
rapidly,  much  that  is  said  is  lost  to  the  hearers.  Though  it  is  sup- 
posed that  this  iliad  is  recited  for  the  express  purpose  of  instilling-  the 
history  into  the  minds  of  the  people,  it  is  really  intended  that  the 
people  shall  be  informed  about  it  but  vaguely.  The  statement  that 
this  narration  is  begun  in  one  ki'wi'sine  and  continued  through 
'Kiaklo's  visit  to  the  other  live  is  erroneous.  It  is  repeated  in  full  in 
each  ki'wi'sine. 

When  it  becomes  necessary  to  quench  his  thirst,  'Kiaklo  takes 
popcorn  water  (made  by  grinding  popped  corn  and  mixing  it  with 
cold  water)  through  a  reed  which  is  passed  through  the  mouth  hole  of 
the  mask.     This  is  his  only  nourishment  during  his  visit  to  I'tiwanna. 

The  directors  and  laymen  of  each  ki'wi'sine  are  assembled  to  receive 
'Kiaklo,  who  goes  directh'  from  one  to  the  other  in  the  following  order, 
aud  in  each  repeats  the  sacred  stoiy  from  beginning  to  end.  He  goes 
from  Chu'pawa  to  Mu'he'wa  at  noon,  O'he'wa  at  sunset,  Up"sannawa 
at  midnight,  He'iwa  at  rising  of  the  morning  star,  and  He'kiapawa  at 
dawn,  each  move  being  made  on  the  back  of  a  Ko'yemshi.  He  leaves 
the  He'kiapawa  in  the  morning  about  7  o'clock,  and  departs  over 
the  western  road  to  return  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  He  talks  more  rapidly 
in  the  He'iwa  and  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'siwe  than  in  the  others,  because 
the  time  is  limited. 

Rabbit  Hunt  with  the  Gods. 

The  rabbit  hunt  in  which  personators  of  the  gods  take  part  occurs 
quadrennially  after  the  visit  of  *Kiaklo  to  the  village,  but  may  occur 
oftener  in  times  of  great  drought. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  including  the  elder  and  younger 
brother  Bow  priests  meet  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  latter, 
where  they  spend  the  night,  and  at  sunrise  the  warrior  of  the  frater- 
nity of  Hunters  who  is  either  the  elder  or  younger  brother  Bow  priest, 
notifies  the  fraternity  that  a  hunt  by  the  Kok'ko  (anthropic  gods)  will 
occur  in  four  days.  Those  who  are  to  personate  the  gods  in  the  hunt 
prepare  te'likinawe  the  day  following  this  announcement.  They  meet 
the  same  night  in  their  ki'wi'siwe,  rehearse  their  songs,  and  smoke. 

'Si^sikia  (the  suckling)  and  the  Ko'yemshi  go  about  the  village  on 
the  fourth  day  inquiring  for  the  boys  to  be  initiated  into  the  Ko'tikili. 
The  male  children  four  or  five  years  of  age  are  brought  forward  by 
their  mothers,  who  declare  that  their  little  ones  have  no  name,  and 
request  that  they  be  named  by  the  Ko'3remshi  and  'Si^sikia,  who  have 
the  naming  of  the  children.  They  name  girls  only  when  they  are  to 
join    the  Ko'tikili.     Pregnant  women  visit  the  'Cha'kwena"  (who  is 

"The  'Cha'kwena  is  the  deceased  Ku'yapali'sa  (female  warrior)  of  the  Kla'nakwe,  who  carried 
her  heart  in  her  rattle  as  she  walked  to  and  fro  before  her  army  during  the  engagement  with  the 
A'shiwi.  She  was  also  keeper  of  all  game  (see  Destruction  of  the  Kla'nakwe  and  songs  of 
thanksgiving). 


90  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

personated  by  a  man)  in  the  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine  the  same  da\T,  and 
wash  off  the  pinkish  paint  which  covers  her  limbs.  The  dress  of  the 
'Cha'kwena  at  this  time  bangs  from  both  shoulders  and  fastens  up  the 
front.  The  Zufiis  say:  "In  the  olden  time  dresses  were  worn  in  this 
fashion/'  The  'Cha'kwena  gives  te'likinawe  to  the  women,  to  be 
offered  to  the  A'wan  'Sita  (Great  Mother)  of  the  children  of  To'wa 
yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain).  These  te'likinawe  are  deposited  at  the 
mother  rock  (see  plate  xn)  below  the  summit  of  this  mesa.  The  hus- 
bands of  the  women  frequently  accompany  them  on  this  pilgrimage, 
which  means  much  to  them. 

Later  in  the  day  the  'Cha'kwena,  wearing  her  mask,  which  covers  the 
face  only,  passes  through  the  village  telling  the  people  she  will  give  to 
them  the  game  of  the  world.  At  this  time  'Cha'kwena  and  the  other 
gods  receive  many  donations  of  food.  The  Sal'imobiya  (warriors  and 
seed-gatherers)  of  the  six  regions  announce  that  they  will  bring  all  seeds 
to  the  people.  After  sunset  these  gods  go  over  the  western  road  and 
deposit  the  collected  corn  in  the  river  for  the  gods  at  Ko'thluwala'wa, 
but  the  remainder  of  the  food  is  brought  back  to  the  village  and  eaten. 
The  'Cha'kwena  on  the  following  day  plants  the  te'likinawe  given  her 
by  the  personators  of  the  gods  who  are  to  take  part  in  the  hunt. 

The  'San'iakiakwe  assemble  in  their  fraternity  chamber  on  the  night 
previous  to  the  hunt,  and  the  personators  of  the  gods,  including  the 
'Cha'kwena,  wearing  the  masks  and  other  paraphernalia,  go  from  the 
He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine  to  the  fraternity  chamber  of  the  'San'iakiakwe 
and  dance  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle,  drum,  and  song  of  the 
fraternity. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  meet  the  same  night  in  their  ceremonial 
chamber.  At  sunrise  on  the  following  morning  the  'San'iakiakwe 
join  the  A'shiwanni.  'Cha'kwena  leaves  the  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine 
and,  passing  by  the  north  side  of  the  village,  enters  Si'aa'  plaza  from 
the  east  side.  Proceeding  to  the  center  of  the  plaza,  she  passes  to 
the  north,  west,  south,  and  east,  starting  each  time  from  the  center, 
and  then  makes  a  circle  from  left  to  right  four  times  around  the 
plaza,  that  the  rain-makers  of  the  four  regions  and  those  of  the 
world,  the  circle  symbolizing  the  world,  ma}'  cause  the  rains  to  fall 
upon  Zuiii.  She  then  ascends  a  ladder  and  enters  the  ceremonial 
chamber  of  the  A'shiwanni  and  sits  on  a  sacred  embroidered  blanket 
spread  upon  a  box  and  crossed  with  sacred  meal,  indicative  of  the 
four  cardinal  points.  The  priest  of  the  Zenith  (sun  priest)  places 
a  hand  on  each  shoulder  and  motions  her  to  the  six  regions,  the 
Zenith  and  Nadir  being  indicated  by  a  sort  of  raising  and  lowering  of 
the  shoulders,  and  attaches  a  fluffy  eagle  plume,  colored  red,  to  the 
scalp  lock.  The  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  make  lire 
with  the  tire  sticks  in  the  chamber  of  the  A'shiwanni,  and  torches 
of   cedar  fiber  are   ignited.     The  'Cha'kwena,  accompanied    by  two 


stevenson]  RABBIT    HUNT    WITH    THE    GODS  91 

Ko'yemshi  carrying  the  lighted  torches,  and  the  younger  brother  Bow 
priest  follow  the  'San'iakiakwe,  who  leave  the  chamber  for  the  western 
road,  carrying  bread  made  by  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  first  body 
of  A'shiwanni.  The  Ko'yemshi  set  fire  to  the  grass  and  other  vegeta- 
tion as  they  proceed.  The  Sal'imobiya  of  the  six  regions,  'Hle'lashok- 
tipona  (Wood-ears),  U'poj7ona  (Wool-cap),  and  Na'wisho  (Owner  of 
many  doer),  pass  over  the  road,  following  the  'Cha'kwena,  and,  after 
reaching  a  certain  point,  the  yellow  Sal'imobiya  of  the  North  halts;  the 
others  proceed  some  distance,  when  the  blue  Sal'imobiya  of  the  East 
stops;  and  so  these  gods  take  their  positions  in  file  at  about  equal 
distance  apart. 

A  Sa'ya'hlia  (blue  horn),  who  deposits  a  reed  cigarette  in  'kiawiyu 
l'aknakwi  (a  deep  place  in  the  river  bed  some  distance  west  of  the  vil- 
lage), returns  and  joins  his  three  associates,  who  go  through  the  village 
with  other  gods,  notifying  the  people  that  the  hour  for  the  hunt  has 
arrived  and  calling  on  them  to  prepare  for  it.  They  use  their  giant 
yucca  on  all  who  are  not  fortunate  enough  to  get  out  of  the  wajT.  All 
hasten  to  have  their  hair  done  up,  it  having  been  washed  in  yucca 
suds.  No  one  can  take  part  in  a  religious  ceremonial  without  first 
having  the  hair  washed.  Many  are  mounted  and  others  are  on  foot. 
Should  a  personator  of  a  god  wish  to  mount,  he  steps  to  one  side 
with  a  member  of  his  ki'wfsine,  the  equestrian  dismounts  and  puts 
on  the  mask,  and  the  other  takes  the  saddle.  Maidens  ride  behind 
their  fathers  or  brothers.  The  Sa'j'a'hlia  follow  separately,  each  with  a 
party  of  pedestrians,  and  when  they  reach  the  Sal'imobiya  of  the  North, 
this  god  chases  the  party  to  where  the  Sal'imobiya  of  the  West  stands, 
and  returns  to  a  point  a  few  yards  in  advance  of  his  former  place.  The 
same  party  is  then  chased  to  the  next  god  b}'  the  Sal'irnobij'a  of  the 
West,  who  returns  to  a  point  some  3rards  in  front  of  his  former  posi- 
tion. In  this  way  the  party  passes  all  the  gods,  and  the  gods  at  the 
same  time  advance  some  yards.  This  plan  is  pursued  with  each 
Sa'ya'hlia  and  his  party.  Finally  all  reach  the  'San'iakiakwe,  who  are 
waiting  in  the  timbered  country. 

A  low  tree  is  fired  near  the  base  with  a  burning  torch,  and  the 
fraternity,  gods,  and  others,  with  prayers,  cast  bread  into  the  flames 
as  food  for  the  gods.  Those  offei*ed  b3'  the  'San'iakiakwe  are  invoca- 
tions to  the  deceased  members  of  the  fraternity  to  aid  them  in  the 
hunt.  The  'Cha'kwena  prays  to  the  goddess  whom  she  personates, 
imploring  her  to  send  manj^  of  her  children  (rabbits)  to  the  Zuiiis. 
The  others  address  the  gods  in  general,  praying  that  they  will 
influence  the  mother  of  game  to  send  her  children  to  them  and  that 
the  rain-makers  will  water  the  earth.  All  excepting  the  gods  pass 
their  rabbit  sticks  through  the  flames  for  success  in  the  hunt.  A 
large  circle  is  formed  around  the  preserve  by  starting  in  opposite 
directions.    The  'Cha'kwena  and  'Sani'akiakwe  remain  within  the  circle 


^2  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

and  with  the  firebrands  drive  the  rabbits  out  from  their  hiding  places 
among  the  trees.  The  rabbits  are  killed  by  the  gods  and  othei's 
with  the  rabbit  stick.  The  gods  never  take  up  the  rabbits  thejr  kill, 
but  the  women  run  from  their  places  to  collect  them  and  return  again 
to  the  circle.  When  a  god  fails  to  kill  a  rabbit  which  runs  between 
himself  and  another  man,  and  the  man  kills  it,  the  latter  strikes  the 
god  over  each  arm  and  leg;  but  should  the  god  slay  the  rabbit 
he  whips  the  man:  if  both  fail,  they  whip  one  another.  The  women 
endeavor  to  catch  the  rabbits  with  their  hands  as  they  pass  by,  but  are 
not  often  successful.  The  unsuccessful  one  receives  four  strokes  across 
the  back  from  the  gods. 

The  first  rabbit  killed  has  its  nose  cut  and  is  banded  to  the  'Cha'- 
kwena  by  a  maiden,  and  the  'Cha'kwena  rubs  the  bleeding  nose  down 
her  legs  on  the  inner  sides,  that  the  A'shiwi  (Zuni)  girls  may  hasten 
to  arrive  at  the  age  of  puberty  and  that  they  may  be  prolific  in  child- 
bearing. 

After  the  first  hunt  is  finished  the  circle  is  broken,  and  the  women 
who  have  charge  of  the  slain  rabbits  carry  them  to  the  mo'sona  (director) 
and  pe'kwin  (deputy)  of  the  'San'iakiakwe,  who  stand  facing  the  east, 
each  holding  a  firebrand.  They  pick 'off  a  bit  of  fur  from  the  tip  of 
the  tail  of  each  rabbit  and  place  this  fur  in  the  firebrands,  for  future 
success  in  the  hunt.  The  rabbits  are  laid  on  their  sides  on  the  ground, 
with  their  heads  to  the  east  and  facing  south,  and  all  draw  near,  pray, 
and  sprinkle  them  with  meal. 

All  the  rabbits  that  are  secured  in  the  hunt,  except  the  one  carried 
by  'Si^sikia  to  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  are  conveyed  by  the  director  of  the 
'Siin'iakiakwe  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  first  body  of  A'shi- 
wanni  and  presented  to  them.  The  rabbits  are  laid  on  the  floor,  with 
their  heads  to  the  east,  and  an  ear  of  corn  is  placed  between  the  fore 
paws  of  each  rabbit  (see  plate  cvi  b).  All  present,  including  the 
members  of  the  household,  gather  around,  offer  up  a  prayer,  and 
sprinkle  meal.  A  feast  is  then  enjoyed,  and  some  of  the  food  is  car- 
ried from  this  chamber  to  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine  by  the  women  of  the 
house.  The  rabbits  presented  to  the  first  IxkIv  of  A'shiwanni  are 
stewed  in  vessels  used  exclusively  for  ceremonial  cooking,  and  at  sun- 
rise the  meat  is  cast  into  the  fire,  with  a  prayer  to  the  gods  to  eat: 
"My  fathers,  my  mothers,  my  children,  eat."  Wsikia  flays  his 
rabbit  and  fills  the  skin  with  cedar  bark.  A  pinch  of  meal  is  placed 
in  the  filling,  symbolic  of  the  heart,  a  hollow  reed  is  run  from  the 
mouth  through  the  filling,  and  g_ypsum  is  placed  in  the  e^ye  sockets. 

After  the  return  of  the  gods  from  the  hunt  they  pass  about  the 
village  before  entering  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine.  There  is  dancing  in 
the  six  ki'wi'siwe  throughout  the  night.  During  the  evening  the 
(Cha'kwena,  led  by  the  Ko'mosona,  encircles  the  village,  and  on 
reaching  a  point  on  the  north  side  she  leaves  the  Ko'mosona,  proceeds 
some  distance  north  of  the  village,  and  deposits  food  offerings  in 


stevenson]  RABBIT    HUNT    WITH    THE    GODS  93 

an  excavation  made  for  the  purpose,  that  the  A'shiwi  women  may 
pass  safely  through  parturition;  that  the  children  may  live  and  grow- 
to  maturity,  and  that  the  women  may  be  prolific.  The  'Cha'kwena 
repeats  her  prayer  on  the  three  following  evenings  at  the  three  other 
cardinal  points.  The  gods  appear  for  three  successive  evenings  for 
a  time  in  the  streets  of  the  village,  and  dance  during  the  night  in 
lle'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine  and  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  'San'ia- 
kiakwe.  The  'Cha'kwena  spends  the  four  days  following  the  last 
deposition  of  food  in  the  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine  lounging  on  her  bed, 
suggestive  of  a  woman  after  accouchement.  Any  woman  having  lost 
children  may  remain  in  the  ki'wi'sine  at  this  time,  the  'Cha'kwena 
preparing  a  sand  bed  for  her." 

The  first  morning  the  woman  is  in  the  ki'wi'sine  she  bathes  the 
goddess  and  dresses  her  in  a  new  gown  with  embroidered  sash  and  a 
woman's  belt  tied  at  the  left  side;  a  pair  of  moccasins  of  fine  white 
deerskin  and  elaborate  necklaces  and  bracelets  of  precious  beads  are 
put  on,  and  blue  yarn  is  attached  to  the  right  wrist  and  a  bow  wristlet 
to  the  left;  the  mask  is  then  placed  over  the  face.  The  goddess  is 
supplied  with  a  gourd  rattle,  which  she  carries  in  her  right  hand, 
and  a  bunch  of  te'likinawe  is  carried  in  the  left  hand.  A  fawn  skin 
hangs  below  the  breast.  In  this  regalia  the  'Cha'kwena  follows  the 
Ko'mosoua  from  the  ki'wi'sine,  with  the  four  Sa'ya'hlia  behind  her 
and  after  them  the  Ko'pekwm  and  two  Ko'pi"lashiwanni.  The  last 
three  stand  off  a  distance  while  the  others  approach  the  house  south 
of  the  ki'wi'sine.  The  'Cha'kwena,  standing  in  the  doorway,  extends 
the  te'likinawe  she  carries  into  the  room  four  times,  and  the  four 
Sa'ya'hlia,  who  are  close  to  her,  extend  their  bows  in  the  same  manner. 
Afterward  the  matron  of  the  house  comes  forward  and  hands  various 
kinds  of  bread  to  the  'Cha'kwena,  who  hands  the  larger  pieces  to  the 
Ko'mosona  or  Ko'pekwm,  to  be  deposited  in  a  blanket  that  is  spread 
on  the  ground,  and  places  the  small  jjats  in  the  fawn  skin  she  wears, 
to  be  afterward  given  to  the  gods.  The  family  of  the  house  now 
sprinkle  the  'Cha'kwena  and  Sa'ya'hlia  with  meal.  Many  houses  are 
visited,  and  food  is  collected  in  the  manner  described. 

Men  who  participate  in  the  hunting  of  large  game  give  te'likinawe 
to  the  'Cha'kwena,  Ku'yapali'sa  having  been  the  original  owner  of  all 
game,  for  success  in  the  hunt.  The  first  hodj  of  A'shiwanni  and  such 
women  as  wish  to  become  mothers  make  offerings  of  te'likinawe  to 
Ku'yapali'sa.  Long  prayers  are  repeated  with  each  presentation. 
This  goddess  is  soon  laden  with  plume  offerings,  which  she  carries 
attached  to  a  string.  Every  house  on  the  ground  floor  is  visited 
by  'Cha'kwena  and  her  party.  Those  living  above  descend  to  make 
their  offerings  of  food.  When  a  sufficient  quantity  has  been  gath- 
ered the  blanket  is  removed  by  the  Ko'pi''lashiwanni  and  carried  to 

a  Zuiii  women  are  confined  on  sand  beds. 


94  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine.  When  the  fawn  skin  can  no  longer  hold  the 
contributions  its  contents  are  emptied  by  a  Ko'pi"lashiwanni  into  a 
sack  which  is  carried  for  the  purpose.  After  Cha'kwena  has  con- 
cluded her  visits  through  the  village,  she  passes,  with  her  associates, 
over  the  western  road,  led  by  the  Ko'mosona  for  a  distance,  and  the  food 
collected  in  the  fawn  skin  is  deposited  with  te'likinawe  and  pra)Ter 
meal  in  an  excavation  in  the  river  bank  made  by  wor'we  (managers) 
from  the  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine.  Long  prayers  are  offered  by  all 
present.  The  opening  is  afterward  covered,  Cha'kwena  removes 
her  mask,  and  the  ceremony  in  which  she  figures  is  concluded. 

Coming  of  Ko'loowisi  (Plumed  Serpent)  and  Involuntary 
Initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili 

Those  who  are  to  personate  the  gods  at  the  coming  of  Ko'loowisi 
spend  the  greater  portion  of  their  time  in  the  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine 
during  the  eight  days  preceding  the  appearance  of  the  fetish.  The 
first  seven  mornings  the}'  go  to  collect  wood,  which  they  bring  on 
the  backs  of  burros.  On  the  sixth  morning  the  Sal'imobiya  from  the 
other  ki'wi'siwe,  each  with  his  younger  brother,  or  fellow,  meet  in 
He'kiapawa  to  decide  upon  the  fraternities  that  are  to  be  invited  to 
the  ki'wi'siwe  to  participate  in  the  coming  ceremonies,  each  Sal'imobiya 
except  the  one  in  He'kiapawa  being  privileged  to  have  a  fraternity  of 
his  choice  in  his  ki'wi'sine.  The  Great  Fire  fraternity  must  always  be 
in  He'kiapawa  for  this  occasion. 

Each  personator  of  a  god  who  is  to  accompany  Ko'loowisi  to  the 
village  selects  a  young  man  and  provides  him  with  a  gourd  jug  with 
which  to  visit  To'seluna,  a  sacred  spring  at  Ojo  Caliente,  and  get  water 
and  the  tall  grass  which  grows  in  the  spring.  The  party  of  young- 
men  returns  in  the  evening  in  time  to  join  the  personators  of  the  gods, 
who  have  gathered  at  a  certain  point  some  distance  west  of  the  village, 
ready  to  accompany  the  Ko'loowisi,  which  has  been  taken  to  this  point, 
entirely  secreted  by  its  priest,  or  keeper. 

The  figure  of  Ko'loowisi,  which  is  constructed  of  deerskin,  is  about  5 
feet  long  and  8  inches  through  the  thickest  part  of  the  body.  The 
under  portion  is  painted  white  and  the  back  is  black,  covered  with 
duplicate  curves  in  yellow  and  blue-green  to  designate  the  scales  of  the 
serpent.  A  rod  of  cottonwood  extends  through  the  fetish,  symboliz- 
ing the  spinal  column.  A  miniature  stick  with  plumes  attached,  rep- 
resenting the  heart,  is  secured  at  the  middle  of  the  rod.  Hoops  of 
slender  pieces  of  cottonwood,  representing  the  ribs  of  the  serpent, 
extend  from  the  neck  to  the  lower  end.  A  deerskin  tongue,  colored 
red,  hangs  from  the  mouth,  which  is  provided  with  teeth.  Plumes 
stand  from  the  top  of  the  head,  which  is  made  of  a  gourd.  The  throat 
is  wrapped  with  a  fox  skin°  (see  plate  xiu).     The  procession  as  it 

«  An  exact  model,  made  for  the  writer  by  a  priest  associated  with  the  fetish,  is  in  the  United  States 
National  Museum. 


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stevenson]  COMING    OF   KO'LOOWISI  95 

enters  the  village  is  impressive.  The  head  of  the  fetish  passes  through 
a  tablet  ornamented  with  cloud  symbols  (see  plate  xiv),  which  is  sup- 
ported on  each  side  by  a  man  of  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.  Two  other 
men  carry  on  each  side  a  spruce  tree  which  so  covers  the  Ko'loowisi 
that  only  the  head  is  distinctly  seen.  The  tail  of  the  fetish,  which  is 
held  by  the  left  hand  of  the  priest,  or  keeper,  and  the  'su"hlan'na 
(great  shell),  on  which  he  constant^  blows,  are  hidden  from  view  by 
the  trees. 

The  Ko'loowisi  is  accompanied  by  Pau'tiwa  (director-general  in 
Ko'thluwala'wa),  the  Sal'imobiya  (warriors  and  seed-gatherers)  from 
the  six  regions,  many  other  gods,  and  a  number  of  men  from  Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine.  Su'ti'ki,  a  bird  fetish,  follows  after  Ko'loowisi.  The  gods 
are  grouped  at  the  side  and  back  of  the  fetishes.  The  Ko'loowisi 
is  carried  to  each  ki'wi'sine  in  the  order  visited  by  'Kiiiklo.  On 
entering  He'kiapawa  the  Ko'loowisi  is  deposited  north  of  the  altar, 
with  its  head  to  the  east,  and  the  two  trees  are  so  placed  as  to  quite 
cover  the  fetish  except  the  head.  The  tablet  through  which  the 
head  was  thrust  is  deposited  back  of  the  altar,  the  gourd  jugs  of 
water  brought  from  To'seluna  spring  are  placed  before  the  fetish 
north  of  the  meal  line,  which  extends  from  the  altar,  and  the  grass 
from  the  spring  is  laid  upon  the  jugs.  The  ki'wi'sine  is  decorated 
with  two  pictures  of  Ko'loowisi,  which  extend  along  the  north  and 
south  walls,  the  heads  almost  meeting  at  the  altar.  The  priest  of 
the  Ko'loowisi  and  Pau'tiwa  remain  with  the  fetish.  The  former  con- 
stantly blows  the  shell,  making  it  appear  that  the  serpent  is  keeping  up 
a  continuous  roaring.  The  other  personators  of  the  gods  go  to  their 
respective  ki'wi'siwe,  where  the  members  are  assembled  to  receive 
them.  The  Ko'yemshi,  who  are  supposed  to  be  returning  after  car- 
rying 'Kiaklo  back  to  Ko'thluwala'wa,  come  to  the  village  after  the 
others  and  proceed  to  their  ceremonial  chamber.  The  gods  dance 
throughout  the  night,  visiting  one  ki'wi'sine  after  another,  observing 
the  order  in  which  the  regions  are  named — North,  West,  South,  East, 
Zenith,  and  Nadir. 

At  the  rising  of  the  morning  star  the  gods  who  accompanied  the 
Ko'loowisi  gather  in  the  He'kiapawa  from  their  ki'wi'siwe,  and  make 
offerings  of  grains  of  corn  and  other  seeds,  which  are  received  by 
the  director  and  deputy  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity.  The  j^ellow 
Sal'imobiya  of  the  North  has  yellow  corn,  that  of  the  West  blue  corn, 
that  of  the  South  red  corn,  that  of  the  East  white  corn,  that  of  the 
Zenith  multicolored  grains  of  corn,  that  of  the  Nadir  black  corn;  the 
Ko'yemshi  native  squash  seeds,  An'nahoho  gourd  seeds,  Shu'laawi'si 
corn  of  all  colors,  and  Na'wisho  sweet  corn.  Each  one  presents  a 
plume  wand  with  his  offering.  These  wands  are  afterward  planted  at 
the  apexes  of  sand  mounds  in  the  Chu'pawa  and  O'he'wa  ki'wi'siwe. 
The  gods  now  leave  the  ki'wi'sine  and  go  over  the  eastern  road,  which 


96  THE   ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

leads  to  Pescado,  one  of  the  farming  districts.  After  proceeding 
about  a  mile  they  remove  their  masks  and  take  from  their  hair  a 
la'showanne  (plume  attached  to  a  cotton  cord),  consisting  of  a  single 
feather  of  a  woodpecker,  and  attach  it  to  a  sprig  of  coyote  weed. 
"This  feather  is  used  because  the  woodpecker  ascends  and  descends 
the  trees  headforemost  and  can  peck  into  the  hardest  wood."  The 
masks  are  replaced,  and  the  gods  return  to  their  respective  ki'wi'siwe 
and  await  the  coming  of  'Kiiiklo  at  daylight. 

'Kiiiklo,  who  on  the  present  occasion  is  called  Hii'shi  (shaker), 
accompanied  by  two  Mu'luktakia,  two  Kia'nakwe,  director  and  warrior, 
two  or  three  Sal'imobiya,  two  or  three  Sa'ya'hlia,  and  usuall}-  one  or  two 
'Cha'kwena  gods,"  comes  over  the  eastern  road  to  Si'aa'  te'wita.  The 
two  Mu'luktakia  dance  in  the  center  of  the  te'wita,  while  Hii'shi  tramps 
about  sprinkling  a  line  of  meal  after  him  and  calling  to  the  others  to 
follow.*  When  the  gods  reach  He'kiapa  te'wita  the  Mu'luktakia  dance 
immediately  before  the  opening  in  the  wall  of  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine 
through  which  the  head  of  Ko'loowisi  has  been  thrust,  the  tablet  being 
attached  to  the  opening  of  the  outer  wall.  The  head  of  the  serpent 
protrudes  at  intervals,  touching  the  Mu'luktakia  while  they  dance. 
Hii'shi  now  repeats  the  running  about  and  sprinkling  of  meal  behind 
him,  calling  to  the  others  to  follow.  After  a  short  time  Hii'shi,  with 
his  followers,  departs  over  the  western  road,  while  the  Ko'yemshi  and 
Sal'imobiya,  and  others  of  the  six  ki'wi'siwe  who  may  have  been 
spectators,  return  to  their  respective  ki'wi'siwe. 

Later  in  the  morning  the  directors  of  the  different  ki'wi'siwe  and 
some  six  or  eight  others  go  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  where  members 
of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  have  already  carried  materials  for  a 
sand  or  dry  painting.  A  disk  is  formed  of  sand,  which  may  be 
gathered  from  any  place,  but  usually  from  the  creek.  A  deep,  small- 
necked,  archaic  bowl,  greatly  prized  by  the  Zunis,  decorated  with 
toads,  tadpoles,  and  dragon  flies,  is  placed  by  the  director  of  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity  in  the  center  of  the  disk  of  sand.  This  bowl  is 
referred  to  as  the  spring.  The  water  in  it  must  have  been  brought 
from  'Kia'nanaknan'na  (a  spring  sacred  to  the  rain  priests),  and  must 
contain  mosses,  such  fishes  as  may  be  found,  frogs,  and  also  a 
water  snake,  if  one  can  be  secured  in  this  particular  spring.  The 
water  is  dipped  by  a  member  of  the  Frog  clan.  A  ground  color 
of  white  covers  the  sand,  and  one  of  the  artists  of  the  fraternity, 
chosen  by  the  director,  delineates  upon  it  pictures  of  the  Sal'imobiya, 
'Kiiiklo,  and  other  gods.     There  must  be  as  many  gods  represented 

"These  'Cha'kwena  bear  no  relation  to  the  •Cha'kwena  (Ku'yapiili'sa)  before  mentioned. 

bThe  man  who  personates  Hii'shi  is  not  the  same  as  he  who  represents  'Kiiiklo  when  he  recites  the 
iliad,  though  he  wears  the  same  mask  and  regalia;  nor  are  those  who  accompany  him  the  men  who 
are  to  personate  the  gods  when  the  children  are  initiated  into  the  Ko'tikili.  These  are  now  present 
as  spectators  only. 


stevenson]  COMING    OF   KO'LOOWISI  97 

in  this  painting-  as  there  are  children  to  be  initiated.  The  director  of 
the  Great  Fire  fraternity  remains  constantly  by  this  painting,  leaving 
it  only  occasionally  to  observe  the  progress  of  the  work  done  by 
members  of  his  fraternity  in  Chu'pawa  and  O'he'wa  ki'wi'siwe. 

There  are  fifteen  sand  mounds  made  in  each  of  these  ki'wi'siwe  for 
the  fifteen  gods  who  are  personated."  The  men  who  make  the  mounds 
remain  to  look  after  them.  The  gods  for  whom  the  mounds  are  made 
in  the  Chu'pawa  are  the  six  elder  brothers  Sal'imobiya,  two  elder 
brothers  Na'wisho,  elder  brother  'Hle'laskoktipona,  elder  brother 
U'povona,  two  elder  brothers  An'nahoho,  Shu'laawi'si,  *Si"sikia,  and 
A  wan  ta"cb.u  (Great  Father)  Ko'yemshi.  The  younger  brothers  of  the 
gods,  except  Shu'laawi'si,  'Si"sikia,  and  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'yemshi, 
visit  the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine.  Shu'laawi'si,  'Si"sikia,  and  Awan  ta"chu 
Ko'yemshi  go  from  one  ki'wi'sine  to  the  other. 

As  soon  as  members  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  leave  for  the  two 
ki'wi'siwe  to  make  the  sand  mounds  Shu'laawi'si,  led  by  his  ceremonial 
father,  leaves  the  Up"sannawa  to  visit  the  O'he'wa,  where  he  is  joined 
by  the  two  An'nahoho,  and  the  four  proceed  to  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  where 
the  director  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  dips  water  from  the  "spring" 
with  an  ancient  shell  attached  to  a  long  stick  of  cottonwood  and  gives 
to  each  a  drink.  At  this  point  the  choir  of  the  fraternity  sing  to  the 
accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and  drum.  The  water  is  drunk  to  make 
the  gods  angry,  and  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest)  says:  "Those  of  you 
who  drink  this  water  are  privileged  to  strike  all  men  and  women  you 
may  meet,  except  those  that  you  find  lying  down,  standing  close  to 
the  wall  or  by  a  ladder  or  under  one,  or  carrying  an  ear  of  corn  or  a 
vase  of  water;  or  pregnant  women,  men  wearing  plumes  in  the  hair  or 
buckskin  around  them,  officers  of  the  fraternity  who  take  part  in  the 
ceremonies,  or  those  who  have  worked  on  the  sand  painting  and 
mounds.'"  The  gods  and  others  who  had  previously  visited  the  ki'wi'- 
sine and  partaken  of  the  water  also  received  instructions  from  the 
pe'kwin  to  whip  the  people.  These  gods  break  large  quantities  of 
pottery,  and  as  each  piece  is  thrown  to  the  ground  they  cry:  "Pa'chu 
a'shetu  (Death  to  the  Navaho)."  Baskets  are  broken  by  the  other 
gods  and  burned  by  the  lighted  brand  of  Shu'laawi'si,  and  they  cry: 
"Le'na  Pa'chu  an  ham'pone  cha'pitu  (In  this  way  burn  the  Navaho 
camp.)"  The  populace  and  Sal'imobiya  give  the  war  whoop  during  the 
destruction  of  pottery  and  baskets. 

The  Ko'yemshi  ascend  to  the  roof  of  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  and  listen 
to  'Si"sikia,  who  has  not  left  the  ki'wi'sine  and  is  now  on  the  ladder 
which  passes  through  the  hatchway.  He  holds  the  stuffed  rabbit  skin 
with  gypsum  eyes,  previously  referred  to,  near  his  mouth,  and  the 

a  niustrations  of  these  sand  paintings  maybe  found  in  "The  Eeligious  Life  of  the  Zufii  Child, " 
Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  p.  539-555. 

23  ETH— 04 7 


98  .THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

rabbit  is  supposed  to  be  saying:  "Your  little  grandfather  is  hungry; 
he  wishes  something  to  eat;  bring  him  some  food."  The  Ko'yemshi, 
in  obedience  to  the  little  grandfather's  request,  go  to  the  homes  of 
the  children  who  are  to  be  initiated  and  have  been  previously  named 
by  'Si"sikia and  the  Ko^ernshi.  The  first  boy  visited  gives  an  eating 
bowl  full  of  cooked  37ellow  beans,  the  next  gives  a  bowl  of  blue  beans, 
the  next  a  bowl  of  red  beans,  the  fourth  a  bowl  of  white  beans,  the  fifth 
a  bowl  of  beans  of  all  colors,  the  sixth  a  bowl  of  black  beans.  The 
other  children  give  dried  peaches,  stewed  meat,  etc.  The  bowls  of 
food  are  carried  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  by  the  Ko'yemshi,  who  hand 
them  through  the  hatchway  to  persons  inside.  'Si"sikia  does  not  receive 
the  bowls  himself.  Wor'we  (managers)  from  the  other  ki'wi'siwe 
go  to  He'iwa  and  carry  off  their  share  of  the  food,  each  party  partaking 
of  the  feast  in  its  own  ki'wi'sine  after  the  gods  have  finished  their  tour 
of  destruction.  About  this  time  each  godfather  carries  a  la'showanne 
to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  giving  it  to  the  director  of  the  Great  Fire 
fraternity,  who  places  it  on  the  head  of  one  of  the  pictures  of  the  sand 
painting. 

The  godfathers  of  the  boys  who  donate  beans  have  their  la'showawe 
placed  on  the  heads  of  the  Sal'imobiya  of  the  six  regions,  each  la'sho- 
wanne being  placed  on  the  head  of  the  god  associated  with  the  region 
of  the  color  of  the  beans,  the  color  of  the  figures  having  nothing  to 
do  with  the  ki'wi'sine  the  boy  is  to  enter;  but,  apart  from  the  feathers 
of  the  godfathers  of  the  bo3Ts  who  have  donated  the  beans  of  the  colors 
of  the  six  regions,  the  feathers  are  placed  on  the  heads  of  the  figures 
as  the  director  may  decide.  As  soon  as  each  father  is  informed  upon 
which  figure  his  plume  is  placed  he  leaves  the  ki'wi'sine  to  prepare  for 
the  involuntary  initiation  of  his  godchild. 

The  pe'kwin  leads  the  gods  from  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine,  where  they 
assembled  after  their  feasts  in  their  respective  ki'wi'siwe,  to  Si'aa' 
te'wita.  Entering  by  the  eastern  covered  way,  he  sprinkles  a  line  of 
meal  from  the  entrance  of  the  plaza  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  and  forms 
a  circle  of  meal  at  the  base  of  the  ladder  which  leads  to  the  roof  of  the 
ki'wi'sine.  He  crosses  the  main  line  of  meal  at  equal  intervals  with 
lines  of  meal  of  the  different  colors  associated  with  the  six  regions, 
beginning  at  the  east  entrance,  to  indicate  the  positions  the  gods  are  to 
take.  He  again  returns  to  the  east  entrance  and  places  the  Ko'pekwin, 
deputy  to  the  Ko'mosona,  the  Ko'mosona,  and  the  gods  in  proper  order, 
standing  each  one,  with  a  hand  on  each  shoulder,  on  a  cross  line  of  the 
meal;  thc\T  all  face  north.  The  position  of  the  gods  is  as  follows:  The 
Sal'imobiya  of  the  North  stands  next  to  the  Ko'mosona,  then  follow  in 
order  the  Sal'imobiya  of  the  West,  Sal'imobiya  of  the  South,  Sal'imo- 
biya of  the  East,  Sal'imobiya  of  the  Zenith,  Sal'imobiya  of  the  Nadir, 
'Hle'lashoktipona,  U'poyona,  An'nahoho,  Shu'laawi'si,  'Si"sikia,  and 
Great  Father  Ko'yemshi.     The  other  Ko'yemshi  mark  a  place  with 


stevenson]  COMING    OF   Ko'LOOWISI  99 

the  feet  for  each  god  to  place  his  extended  foot  while  striking  the 
children. 

The  child,  who  is  carried  on  the  back  of  his  godfather,  wears  a 
cotton  shirt  and  two  blankets,  and  is  held  on  the  back  by  two  addi- 
tional blankets  and  a  piece  of  canvas  which  take  the  place  of  the  bison 
robes  used  in  olden  times.  As  the  godfathers  pass  before  the  gods 
the  children  arc  struck  four  times  bjr  each  god  with  bunches  of  giant 
yucca.  The  Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwm  take  no  part  in  the  whipping. 
After  the  godfather  passes  the  line  of  the  gods,  he  steps  into  the  meal 
circle  and  ascends  the  ladder  to  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  where  the 
child  is  stood  at  the  hatchway  if  he  is  old  enough  to  walk  down  the 
ladder,  otherwise  the  godfather  carries  him  into  the  ki'wi'sine.  He 
removes  the  la'showanne  from  the  proper  sand  figure  and  ties  it  to 
the  child's  head,  and  the  director  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternit}'  gives 
the  child  a  drink  from  the  "spring."  The  water  is  dipped  with  the 
old  shell  referred  to.  After  all  the  children  have  the  plumes  tied  to 
the  hair  they  are  told  to  step  upon  the  sand  painting,  their  breasts 
and  other  portions  of  their  bodies  being  touched  with  the  sand.  The 
children  are  now  carried  on  the  backs  of  their  godfathers  to  the 
plaza  and  seated  on  the  ledges  that  extend  around  the  square,  the 
godfathers  standing  behind  them.  The  wife  and  daughter  of  each 
godfather  stand  on  each  side  of  the  child,  who  now  has  only  three 
blankets  over  him,  holding  a  piece  of  canvas  which  secretes  the  child. 
After  the  godfathers  leave  the  ki'wi'sine  the  director  of  the  Great 
Fire  fraternity  ascends  with  the  spring  bowl  and,  dipping  water  with 
the  shell,  gives  those  who  are  assembled  on  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine 
drafts  of  the  sacred  water. 

A  square  formed  by  four  crosses  of  meal,  symbolizing  the  four 
regions,  each  cross  with  its  four  points  symbolizing  the  same,  is  made 
in  the  plaza  by  the  Ko'mosona.  Four  Sa'ya'hlia,  selected  by  the 
Ko'pi"lashiwanni  from  some  one  ki'wi'sine,  stand  each  on  a  cross. 
The  one  on  the  northeast  cross  faces  north,  the  one  on  the  northwest 
faces  west,  the  one  on  the  southwest  faces  south,  and  the  one  on  the 
southeast  faces  east.  After  a  time  the  four  gods  turn,  facing  the 
points  directly  to  their  left,  and  in  this  way  thejr  make  a  circuit  of 
the  four  regions,  after  which  the  Ko'mosona  leads  the  Sa'ya'hlia 
from  the  northeast  cross  past  the  children,  beginning  with  the  child 
nearest  the  east  entrance.  The  god  endeavors  to  locate  the  child  under 
the  canvas  by  touching  it  with  his  foot.  Each  child  is  struck  once; 
then  the  Sa'ya'hlia  from  the  northwest  cross  passes  by  the  children 
and  strikes  each  one  twice.  Three  strokes  are  given  each  child  by  the 
Sa'ya'hlia  from  the  cross  at  the  southwest  point,  and  four  strokes  are 
given  by  the  one  from  the  southeast  cross. 

The  four  Sa'ya'hlia  now  iorm  a  line,  facing  north,  and  the  child 
nearest  the  east  entrance  is  carried  on  the  back  of  the  godfather; 


100  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Teth.  ann.  23 

the  little  one,  now  having  but  two  blankets  and  the  canvas  over  him, 
is  struck  four  times  by  each  Sa'ya'hlia.  Each  child  is  carried  in  turn 
by  these  gods.  After  passing  the  gods,  the  godfather  continues  to 
his  home,  where  he  and  the  godchild  join  in  a  feast,  after  which  they 
go  to  either  the  O'he'wa  or  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.  When  the  gods 
leave  the  plaza  they  repair  to  the  He'kiapawa,  where  all  the  other 
gods  are  assembled;  there  they  have  a  light  repast,  and  then  arrange 
the  corn  to  be  delivered  by  the  Ko'loowisi  in  the  ki'wi'siwe.  When  all 
who  are  privileged,  including  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mo- 
sona  and  others,  are  gathered  in  Chu'pawa  and  O'he'wa  ki'wi'siwe  the 
gods  in  He'kiapawa  separate  into  two  bodies,  going  to  the  two  ki'wi'siwe 
in  the  order  before  described.  All  but  one  of  the  gods  enter  the  hatch- 
way headforemost;  facing  the  north,  and  catching  the  rung  of  the 
ladder  with  one  foot,  then  the  rung  below  by  the  bended  knee,  they 
descend  the  ladder  in  this  manner  to  the  fire  altar;  and  with  head  on 
the  slab  of  the  altar  make  a  somersault  into  the  room. 

A  sacred  embroidered  blanket  is  attached  to  the  wall  at  the  west 
end  of  the  room,  one  is  placed  on  the  ledge  immediately  below,  and 
many  strings  of  precious  beads  and  an  old  red,  black,  and  green  yarn 
belt  hang  on  each  side  of  the  blanket  on  the  wall.  U'poyona,  who  is 
the  first  god  to  euter  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  who  walks  down  the  ladder 
instead  of  going  headforemost,  takes  his  seat  before  the  blanket.  As 
each  god  makes  a  somersault  into  the  room  he  hops  like  a  frog  past 
the  mounds  on  the  south  side,  and  then  around  on  the  north  side. 
As  'Hle'lashoktlpona  (Wood-ears)  passes  U'poyona  this  god  leaves  his 
seat  and  hops  on  all  fours  after  him.  As  each  god  reaches  the  appro- 
priate mound  he  halts  on  all  fours  to  the  north  of  it,  and  when  all  are 
in  position  they  simultaneously  jump  on  their  mounds,  remove  the 
plume  wands,  and,  jumping  off  in  the  same  fashion,  pass  to  the  children 
who  are  between  the  extended  knees  of  their  godfathers.  Each  god- 
father sits  on  the  ledge  between  his  wife  and  daughter. 

Each  god  blows  four  times  upon  the  plume  wand  he  carries,  each 
time  passing  it  before  the  child's  lips,  giving  to  him  the  sacred  breath 
of  the  god.  After  this  ceremony  all  the  gods  except  Shu'laawi'si, 
^r'sikia,  and  Great  Father  Ko'vemshi  depart  by  the  western  road. 
The  three  last  named  proceed  to  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  and  there  join  the 
younger  brother  gods  in  similar  ceremonies.  Later  in  the  evening 
Su'ti'ki.  the  bird  fetish  which  announces  the  coming  of  Ko'loowisi, 
is  carried  from  the  He'kiapawa  ki'wi'sine  to  the  roof  of  Chu'pawa. 
The  pole  is  projected  through  the  hatchway,  and  by  an  ingenious 
arrangement  of  cord  the  bird  is  made  to  run  back  and  forth,  while  a 
second  man  uses  a  whistle  of  most  curious  workmanship"  that  is 
hidden  under  his  blanket.     The  bird  is  supposed  to  chirp  and  warble, 

a  This  whistle  was  secured  for  the  United  States  National  Museum. 


stevbnson]  COMING    OF   KO'LOOWISI  101 

notifying  those  in  the  ki'wi'sine  of  the  coming-  of  Ko'loowisi.  Finall}' 
the  bird  halts  at  the  far  end  of  the  pole,  and  all,  including  the  children 
in  the  ki'wi'sine,  draw  their  hands  to  their  mouths,  inhaling  the  breath 
from  the  sacred  fetish.  While  this  is  being  done  the  man  with  the 
whistle  blows  out  his  breath  four  times. 

This  ceremony  with  the  bird  is  repeated  at  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  and 
afterward  the  two  men  with  the  bird  fetish  pass  out  over  the  western 
road."  Ko'loowisi  is  the  next  to  visit  the  ki'wi'siwe,  going  first  to 
Chu'pawa.  The  serpent  is  carried  now  just  as  it  was  brought  to  the 
village.  The  slab  is  held  firmly  while  the  head  is  projected  through 
the  hatchway  into  the  ki'wi'sine.  Water  from  the  To'seluna  spring  is 
secretly  emptied  from  a  gourd  jug  into  the  body  of  Ko'loowisi,  and  it 
pours  from  his  mouth  into  bowls  held  by  the  Ko'mosona,  the  Ko'pek- 
win.  and  two  Ko'pi'lashiwanni.  The  grains  of  corn  of  different  colors, 
which  are  now  mixed,  are  afterward  put  into  the  serpent  and  received 
in  baskets  from  its  mouth  by  those  who  receive  the  water.  The  to'selu 
(long  grass)  from  the  spring  is  thrown  through  the  hatchwa3r,  while  the 
children's  eyes  are  covered  in  order  that  they  may  not  know  that  it 
does  not  come  from  the  mouth  of  the  serpent. 

Ko'loowisi  is  now  carried  to  the  hatchway  of  O'he'wa,  where  the 
offering  of  seeds  and  water  is  repeated.  Each  child  receives  a  bowl, 
which  is  a  present  from  the  g'odfather  made  by  a  female  member  of 
his  family,  containing  sacred  water  from  the  Ko'loowisi.  The  Ko'pek- 
win  gives  a  handful  of  the  mixed  corn  to  each  boy  and  to  each  god- 
father, and  a  roll  of  the  long  grass  is  also  handed  to  each  child.  Should 
there  be  an  oversupply  of  the  grass  it  is  given  to  the  godfathers.  As 
soon  as  these  distributions  have  been  made  to  the  children  in  Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine  the  Ko'mosona,  Ko'pekwln,  and  two  Ko'pi"lashiwanni  proceed 
to  the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  and  take  part  in  similar  ceremonies.  After 
receiving  the  gifts  of  the  gods  the  children  are  carried  to  their  homes 
by  their  godfathers.  The  water  is  drunk  by  the  boy  and  his  immedi- 
ate family  and  is  also  used  to  sprinkle  the  stacked  corn.  The  long 
grass  is  deposited  with  the  stacked  corn,  and  the  seeds  are  planted 
separate  from  the  others  in  the  field  in  the  coming  spring. 

After  the  ceremonies  in  the  ki'wi'siwe  the  gods  dej)osit  the  plume 
wands  from  the  mounds  and  food  in  a  large  excavation  west  of  Zuni, 
which  is  afterward  covered.  They  then  return  to  the  village,  with  their 
masks  secreted  under  blankets,  each  going  to  the  house  where  his  mask 
is  kept  and  returning  it  to  the  keeper  with  appropriate  prayers.  As  a 
a  number  of  masks  are  often  kept  in  one  house,  several  personators 
of  the  gods  meet  there  and  are  served  with  an  elaborate  feast.  Previ- 
ous to  the  feast,  however,  each  personator  of  a  god  removes  all  of  his 
clothing  but  the  breechcloth  and  is  bathed  by  the  women  of  the  family. 

a  The  two  men  mentioned  have  entire  charge  of  the  bird  fetish  and  the  whistle,  and  their  office  is 
for  life. 


102  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

At  sunrise  the  morning  after  initiation  the  child  goes  to  the  house 
of  his  godfather,  where  the  plume  is  removed  from  his  hair  and  the 
head  is  bathed  by  the  wife;  then  the  godfather  returns  the  plume  to 
its  place  and  gives  the  boy  four  ears  of  corn  and  te'likinawe,  after 
which  the  child  has  his  morning  meal  at  the  house  of  his  godfather. 
After  the  meal  the  godfather  carries  the  child  to  Ku'shilowa  (red  earth), 
a  short  distance  east  of  the  village,  removes  from  his  hair  the  plume, 
and  plants  it  in  the  earth,  and  the  child  deposits  his  te'likinawe.  He 
plants  the  corn  the  coming  3rear  in  his  fields. 

Thus  closes  this  curious  involuntaiy  ceremonial  of  initiation  of  the 
Zuni  bo}7  into  the  Ko'tikili,  an  initiation  for  which  the  godfather  is 
mainly  responsible.  The  boj7  must  take  upon  himself  the  vows  as  soon 
as  he  is  old  enough  to  fully  understand  the  requirements  resting  upon 
a  member  of  this  fraternity. 

Voluntary  Initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili 

Voluntary  initiation  occurs  when  the  bo}7  is  12  or  13  years  of  age. 
He  decides  for  himself,  but  the  elders  do  not  fail  to  have  him  under- 
stand the  importance  of  the  step. 

The  initiation  described  was  witnessed  in  1891.  By  1  o'clock  in  the 
day  the  He'iwa  k'iwi'sine  (see  plate  xv)a  contains  a  large  number  of 
people,  including  several  boys  to  be  initiated.  Each  boy  sits  by  the 
side  of  his  godfather  (the  same  godfather  acting  for  involuntaiy  and 
voluntaiy  initiation)  on  the  south  or  east  ledge  of  the  room.  The  first 
bodj7  of  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests),  the  Ko'mosona,  and  the  Ko'pekwln 
sit  on  the  south  ledge,  to  the  west.  Four  Sa'ya4hlia  stand  on  the  north 
side  of  the  ki'wi'sine  and  west  of  the  center  of  the  floor,  facing  south. 
The  long  goat's  wool  used  for  hair  on  these  masks  is  tied  with  yucca 
ribbons,  so  that  the  eyeholes  of  the  mask  maj7  not  be  covered.  The 
Ko'yemshi  (see  plate  v  a),5  who  have  charge  of  the  bunches  of  giant 
yucca,  hand  a  bunch  to  each  Sa'yalilia  (see  plate  xvi). 

One  of  the  boys  is  a  Sia  37outh,  who  is  included  in  the  number  to  be 
initiated  in  order  that  the  Sia  Indians  may  use  the  Ko'yemshi  masks 
which  the}7  possess,  all  who  formerly  had  this  privilige  being  now 
dead.  This  bo}7  is  accompanied  to  Zuni  by  one  of  the  principal  rain 
priests  and  two  theurgists  of  his  tribe.  The  director  of  the  Shu'- 
maakwe  fraternity  was  chosen  as  his  godfather.  As  this  youth  has 
not  received  involuntary  initiation  in  Zuni,  he  must  pass  through 
a  more  extended  ceremonial  than  the  others.  He  is  the  first  one 
brought  forward. 

"In  the  plate  the  He'iwa  ki'wl'sing  occupies  only  the  left-hand  portion,  reaching  nearly  to  the 
window. 

l>  Although  the  masks  of  the  ten  Ko'yemshi  are  similar,  each  one  has  its  special  knob  and  mouth 
forms. 


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stevexson]  VOLUNTARY    INITIATION    INTO   Ko'TIKILI  103 

The  godfather  folds  four  large  blankets  separately  into  squares 
and  two  women  lay  them  over  the  Sia  boy's  back  while  he  bends  for- 
ward. A  large  piece  of  double  canvas  is  now  thrown  over  the  bo}r, 
completely  covering  him.  His  back  is  bent  until  one  could  sit  upon 
it.  The  godfather,  who  leads  the  novice,  holds  the  canvas  together 
under  the  chin  so  that  the  boy  can  scarcely  see.  The  women  who 
place  the  blankets  walk  on  either  side  of  the  boy,  who  stops  before 
the  Sa'ya'hlia  at  the  east  end  of  the  line.  This  god  strikes  the  boy 
four  times  with  all  his  strength  across  the  back  with  the  yucca.  The 
four  strokes  are  repeated  by  each  Sa'ya'hlia  in  turn,  the  novice  being 
led  by  his  godfather  from  one  to  the  other  and  then  to  the  northwest 
corner  of  the  room  where  he  stands  facing  north.  The  Sa'ya'hlia  now 
stand  in  line  north  and  south  and  face  east.  The  boy  is  again  led 
before  the  gods  to  be  whipped  with  the  3rucca.  The  one  at  the  north 
end  of  the  line  strikes  him  first.  He  passes  four  times  before  the 
Sa'ya'hlia.  and  each  time  the  gods  give  him  one  stroke  each  with  the 
yucca.  The  blows  are  counted  aloud  by  the  Ko'yemshi,  who  stand  by 
and  furnish  the  gods  with  fresh  bunches  of  yucca  as  needed.  One 
of  the  women  who  accompan}'  the  boy  is  now  led  by  the  godfather 
before  the  gods.  She  bends  forward  and  receives  on  her  back  one 
stroke  of  the  yucca  from  each  Sa'3Ta'hlia,  they  having  resumed  their 
position  on  the  north  side  of  the  room.  Two  blankets  are  removed 
from  the  boy's  back  and  he  is  again  led  before  the  gods,  each  one 
striking  him  with  force  four  times  across  the  back.  Judging  from 
the  smothered  groans,  the  strokes  are  keenly  felt  by  the  boy.  After 
the  third  whipping  the  boy  and  the  godfather  each  take  meal  from  a 
cornhusk  held  by  the  godfather  and  sprinkle  the  Sa'ya'hlia,  and  after 
the  blankets  are  removed  the  godfather  attaches  a  fluffy  eagle  plume 
to  the  hair  of  the  boy,  who  again  appears  in  his  calico  shirt  and 
trousers. 

A  blanket  of  ordinaiy  thickness  and  a  deerskin  are  used  for  vol- 
untary initiation.  The  novices  pass  but  once  before  the  Sa^'a'hlia, 
receiving  from  each  of  these  four  gods  four  strokes  with  giant  yucca 
delivered  with  all  their  strength,  and  though  everjr  effort  is  made  by 
the  novices  to  keep  silent,  their  smothered  groans  are  pitiable  to 
hear.  When  all  of  the  novices  have  received  their  chastisement 
they  return  to  their  seats,  each  one  going  to  the  side  of  his  god- 
father, who  places  his  hands  over  the  eyes  of  the  boy  while  the  four 
Sa'ya'hlia  gods  remove  their  masks.  The  Ko'yernshi  do  not  take  off 
theirs.  After  the  boys  are  whipped  the  two  Ko'yemshi  go  to  the 
roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine  to  see  that  no  one  intrudes  while  the  masks 
are  being  removed.  Every  initiate  has  a  rain-maker's  mask  given 
him  by  his  godfather,  which  becomes  his  personal  property,  and  is 
buried  after  his  death.     When   the  godfathers  remove  their  hands 


104  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  akn. '23 

from  the  eyes  of  the  boys,  the  novices  discover  for  the  first  time 
that  the  supposed  gods  are  but  men.  Four  of  the  boys  stand  before 
the  four  Sa'ya'hlia,  each  god  placing  a  mask  on  the  boy  before  him 
and  handing  him  his  yucca.  The  novices  now  pass  down  the  line 
of  gods,  the  first  boj*  striking  the  first  god  once  over  the  right  arm 
and  then  the  left,  the  right  ankle  and  then  the  left.  He  repeats  the 
strokes  with  each  god,  the  other  bo}^s  doing  the  same.  Passing  on, 
they  afterward  form  into  line  and  again  approach  the  gods,  each  boy 
being  vis-a-vis  to  the  god  whose  mask  he  wears.  Each  god  removes 
his  mask  from  the  boy's  head  and  the  novices  return  to  their  seats, 
when  four  others  pass  through  the  same  ceremony. 

After  all  the  boys  have  been  initiated  the  gods  replace  the  masks 
over  their  own  heads  and  the  godfathers  are  struck  by  each  god  over 
the  limbs,  as  heretofore  described.  Afterward  each  shi'wanni  is  struck 
in  the  same  manner.  The  Ko'mosona  informs  the  boys  that  if  they 
divulge  the  initiatory  secrets,  especial^  those  associated  with  the 
masks,  their  heads  will  be  cut  off  with  a  stone  knife. 

After  the  initiation  a  feast  is  served  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  the  food  being 
brought  to  the  hatchway  in  the  roof  by  the  families  of  the  Sa'ya'hlia. 
After  the  feast  the  boys  pass  out  one  by  one  with  their  godfathers. 
The  Sa'ya'hlia  go  to  the  plaza  while  the  Kor'kokshi  are  dancing  and 
run  up  the  ladder  and  over  the  housetops,  using  their  j'ucca  freely. 
Women  are  whipped  to  cure  them  of  bad  dreams. 

As  the  writer  was  closeted  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  she  could  not  observe 
the  ceremonies  in  the  plaza  at  this  time;  but  on  a  similar  occasion 
she  remained  in  the  plaza  instead  of  going  into  the  ki'wi'sine,  and 
the  scenes  observed  at  that  time,  which  are  virtually  the  same  each 
year,  are  here  given. 

There  are  thirty-one  Kor'kokshi  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  dancers 
in  the  plaza.  Seven  are  goddesses.  Those  representing  women  wear 
the  ordinary  black  woven  dress  and  white  blanket  wraps,  bordered 
top  and  bottom  in  blue  and  red,  blue  knit  leggings,  man}'  necklaces, 
and  turquoise  earrings.  Their  hands  and  arms  are  colored  pink  and 
their  feet  yellow.  The  hair  is  parted  over  the  top  of  the  head  and 
down  the  back,  and  done  up  on  either  side  over  forms  made  of  wood 
and  wrapped  with  native  blue  yarn.  After  one  side  is  wrapped,  the 
person  whose  hair  is  being  dressed  holds  the  yarn  tightly  until  the 
hairdresser  rolls  the  rest  of  the  hair,  when  it  also  is  wrapped  with 
vain.  A  bang  of  goat's  wool  ±  inches  deep  passes  around  the  head. 
The  woman's  mask,  which  covers  only  the  face,  is  white,  with  a  black 
beard  about  6  inches  long.  Each  personator  of  a  woman  has  a  large 
white  fluffy  eagle  plume  tied  to  the  forelock,  except  one  who  has  two 
plumes,  which  are  somewhat  smaller  than  those  worn  by  the  others. 
They  carry  spruce  twigs  in  both  hands. 

Those  personating  the  male  gods  have  their  legs  and  arms  painted 


stevenson]  VOLUNTARY    INITIATION    INTO    KO'TIKILI  105 

yellow  to  the  knees  and  elbows;  yellow  lines  run  from  the  elbow  up 
the  arm  and  down  the  back  and  breast  on  each  side.  They  wear  the 
conventional  dance  moccasins,  with  porcupine  anklets,  white  cotton 
embroidered  kilts  fastened  at  the  right  side,  a  white  fringed  cotton  sash, 
and  a  Zuni  woman's  belt  which  is  carried  around  the  waist  and  looped 
at  the  right  side.  A  fox  skin  is  pendent  at  the  back.  Bunches  of  native 
blue  yarn  with  sleigh  bells  are  worn  below  the  knee,  thej'arn  hanging 
in  tassels.  A  tortoise-shell  rattle  hangs  at  the  calf  of  the  right  leg. 
Blue  yarn  is  wound  around  the  right  wrist  and  a  bow  wristlet  is  worn 
on  the  left.  In  addition  to  the  elaborate  necklace,  each  dancer  wears 
a  hank  of  blue  yarn  around  the  neck.  Spruce  twigs  stand  out  from 
the  belts,  and  also  from  the  leather  armlets,  which  are  cut  in  points 
colored  blue-green,  and  a  banded  turkey  feather  is  suspended  from 
each  point  by  a  buckskin  thong  several  inches  long.  The  hair,  which 
has  been  plaited  to  make  it  wavy,  falls  over  the  back,  and  three 
white,  equidistant,  fluffy  eagle  plumes  are  attached  to  a  string  hanging 
down  the  back.  A  bit  of  cylindrical  wood  about  1£  inches  long  and  one- 
fourth  inch  in  diameter  is  tied  to  the  lower  end  of  the  string  to  keep  it  in 
place.  A  bunch  of  yellow  parrot  plumes  stands  on  the  fore  part  of  the 
head  at  the  line  from  which  the  bang  falls.  The  masks,  which  are 
rectangular  and  shaped  to  fit  the  face,  are  blue-green,  blocked  at  the 
base  in  black  and  white,  symbolic  of  the  house  of  the  clouds,  and 
have  a  black  beard.  The  gods  carry  gourd  rattles,  colored  pink,  in 
the  right  hand  and  small  spruce  twigs  in  the  left. 

The  dancers  are  led  by  a  man  of  the  ki'wi'sine  dressed  in  velveteen 
knee  breeches  with  a  line  of  silver  buttons  on  the  outer  sides,  buckskin 
leggings,  red  garters,  moccasins,  a  black  native  wool  shirt  trimmed 
with  red  and  green  ribbons  over  a  white  shirt,  and  a  yucca  ribbon 
around  the  head.  A  white  fluff}7  eagle  plume  and  a  small  bird  plume 
are  attached  to  the  forelock;  a  buckskin  folded  lengthwise  hangs  over 
the  left  shoulder.  This  man  carries  a  mi'li  (see  page  416)  and  a  meal 
basket  in  the  left  hand  and  sprinkles  meal  with  the  right. 

The  dancers  enter  the  Si'aa'  te'wita  from  the  western  way  and  leave 
it  by  the  eastern  covered  wa}\  One  personating  a  goddess  walks  by 
the  side  of  the  foremost  dancer.  All  personating  the  gods  form  in  line, 
facing  north.  The  leading  goddess  stands  vis-a-vis  to  the  dancer  she 
accompanies,  while  the  other  six  personators  of  goddesses  face  the 
dancers  in  the  middle  of  the  line.  The  leader  of  the  song  and  dance 
always  stands  midway  down  the  line.  The  god  at  the  east  end  of  the 
line  and  his  vis-a-vis  turn  to  face  the  man  who  precedes  the  dancers, 
and  dance  a  moment  or  two,  while  the  others,  except  those  person- 
ating women,  continue  the  dance,  facing  north.  The  six  women  face 
the  men.  In  a  short  time  the  two  at  the  end  of  the  line  resume  their 
former  position,  and  the  leader,  who  is  not  a  dancer,  passes  down 


106  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.ih 

the  line  in  front  of  the  dancers  to  the  group  of  Ko'yemshi  standing 
north  and  near  the  west  end  of  the  line  of  dancers.  The  leader  prays 
and  sprinkles  each  Ko'yemshi  with  meal.  The  dancers  continue  the 
song  and  dance  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle.  After  a  time  they 
turn,  forming  into  single  tile  facing  the  east,  and  so  they  reverse  sev- 
eral times.  The  step  in  the  dance  is  of  dull  uniformity,  the  balancing 
being  done  with  the  left  foot,  while  the  right  is  raised  slightly  above 
the  ground  and  put  down  squarely  with  a  stamp. 

After  the  Kor'kokshi  dance  once  they  retire  for  a  time  to  the 
ki'wi'sine  whence  they  came.  They  are  soon  followed  to  the  plaza  bjr 
four  Sa'ya'hlia,  who  remain  a  short  time,  brandishing  their  huge 
bunches  of  giant  yucca,  causing  men,  women,  and  children  to  get  out 
of  their  way.  They  retire  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  where  they,  with 
two  Ko'}Temshi,  pass  the  boys  assembled  there  through  voluntary 
initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili. 

Eight  of  the  Ko'yemshi  remain  in  the  plaza,  where  they  are  joined  by 
members  of  the  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy)  fraternity,  who  have  their  entire 
bodies  painted  ash-color,  with  curves  of  black  under  each  eye  and  over 
the  upper  lip.  Their  heads  and  ears  are  covered  with  ash-colored 
cotton  skullcaps  ornamented  on  the  top  and  over  the  ears  with  rib- 
boned corn-husk  rosettes.  Native  black-wool  breechcloths  are  worn. 
A  bunch  of  unspun  black  3*arn  hangs  about  the  neck  and  a  string  of 
it  is  tied  around  the  left  ankle.  One  man  has  his  bodj^  and  limbs 
encircled  by  bands  of  white  paint.  Each  is  provided  with  a  large 
blanket,  which  is  worn  most  of  the  time,  for  the  day  is  extremely 
cold,  and  each  carries  his  baton  (see  plate  xv,  Group  of  Ne'wekwe), 
the  harlequin's  bauble  (see  plate  xvn).  Throughout  the  afternoon 
during  the  interval  of  the  Kor'kokshi  dancing  the  Ko'yemshi  and 
Ne'wekwe  hold  high  carnival,  delighting  the  hundreds  of  spectators 
with  their  buffoonery. 

Women  of  the  higher  rank  gather  inside  the  houses  or  on  elevated 
galleries  to  witness  the  ceremonials  in  Si'aa'  te'wita.  Others  sit  on 
the  house  tops  or  on  blankets  spread  on  the  south  side  of  the  plaza. 
The  return  of  the  dancers  is  always  the  signal  for  the  cessation  of  all 
nonsense,  and  these  clowns,  with  great  seriousness,  attend  to  the  wants 
of  the  Kor'kokshi,  some  portion  of  their  regalia  not  infrequently 
requiring  attention.  The  warrior  of  the  Ko'yemshi  whirls  the  rhombus 
during  the  dancing,  calling  upon  the  rain-makers  to  gather,  the  Kor'- 
kokshi being  their  personators. 

After  the  fifth  dance  a  bowl  of  food  is  brought  to  the  plaza,  and 
after  the  food  is  eaten  by  the  Ne'wekwe  one  of  them  brings  a  bowl  of 
urine  and  drinks  and  gargles  his  throat  with  it,  and  places  it  in  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  plaza  when  the  dancers  are  seen  advancing. 
It  is  drunk  after  the  dancers  leave  the  plaza. 


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stevexson]  VOLUNTARY    INITIATION    INTO    KO'TIKILI  107 

After  the  sixth  dance  t  lie  Ko'yemshi  and  Ne'wekwe  gather  in  the 
northeast  portion  of  the  plaza,  the  latter  having  laid  aside  their 
batons.  One  Ne'wekwe  beats  a  drum,  while  the  others  burlesque  the 
dancers  who  are  now  absent  from  the  plaza.  The  scene  becomes 
hilarious  when  a  Ne'wekwe  ascends  a  ladder  and,  entering  a  house,  soon 
emerges  with  a  urinal  tilled  to  the  brim,  which  he  brings  to  the  plaza 
and  passes  to  his  three  fellows,  each  one  drinking  from  the  bowl." 
"When  the  vessel  is  empty  he  places  it,  inverted,  over  his  head,  and  a 
fellow  hastens  to  lick  the  drops  which  fall  from  the  bowl  to  the  ground. 
The  man  with  the  urinal  finally  falls  to  the  ground  and  smashes  the 
bowl.  The  four  Ne'wekwe  play  at  being  intoxicated  from  the  draft, 
their  antics  exceeding  an3rthing  before  observed  by  the  writer.  They 
come  nearer  falling  to  the  ground  without  so  doing  than  could  be 
imagined.  One  man,  tumbling  into  the  arms  of  another,  exclaims: 
'"Father,  why  am  I  crazj'?  "  One  of  the  four  is  a  peerless  harlequin. 
They  hold  a  regular  drunken  dance,  throwing  their  arms  up,  and 
with  the  Ko'yemshi  sing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  drum.  A 
man  falling  from  a  ladder,  a  rung  having  slipped  out,  causes  great 
merriment. 

At  4.30  the  Kor'kokshi  come  to  the  plaza  for  the  seventh  time, 
when  the  innovation  occurs  of  forming  into  file  facing  west  and  dancing 
a  moment  before  forming  in  line  facing  north.  The  leader  of  the 
dancers  now  stands  west  of  them  instead  of  east.  After  the  dance, 
which  does  not  close  until  the  shadows  of  evening  are  falling,  the 
Kor'kokshi  leave  the  plaza  by  the  western  street. 

Although  a  boy  at  voluntary  initiation  into  the  fraternity  of  the 
Ko'tikili  joins  the  ki'wi'sine  to  which  his  godfather  belongs  (see  page 
65).  it  sometimes,  though  seldom,  occurs  that  a  man  from  choice  leaves 
his  ki'wi'sine  to  become  associated  with  another.  In  such  case  he  may 
return  at  any  time  to  the  one  of  his  boyhood.  Also,  when  improper 
conduct  is  observed  between  a  man  and  the  wife  of  one  of  his  fellow- 
members,  the  offender  is  expelled,  whereupon  he  seeks  admittance  into 
one  of  the  other  ki'wi'siwe.  Sometimes,  however,  the  efforts  of  mem- 
bers to  expel  an  objectionable  person  are  futile.  For  example,  the 
director  of  a  certain  ki'wi'sine  discovered  that  undue  intimacy  existed 
between  one  of  his  fellow-members  and  his  wife,  and,  after  denouncing 
the  man,  he  left  the  wife's  house  never  to  return.  A  meeting  of  the 
members  of  the  ki'wi'sine  was  held,  and  not  only  the  director  but  the 
Ko'mos&na  (director-general  of  ki'wi'siwe),  he  being  also  a  member  of 
this  ki'wi'sine,  demanded  the  dismissal  of  the  guilty  man.  But  their 
demands  were  overruled,  whereupon  the  Ko'mosona,  the  director  of  the 
ki'wi'sine.  and  three  others  left  and  became  members  of  the  Chu'pawa. 

"The  Ne'wekwe  are  the  only  Zunis  who  eat  and  drink  filth.    It  is  the  aim  of  each  member  of  this 
fraternity  to  outdo  the  others  in  everything  disgusting. 


108  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

CALENDAR  AND  CALENDRIC  CEREMONIALS 
Calendar 

The  year  (te'pikwai'i)  is  divided  into  two  seasons,  each  consisting  of 
six  months  (te'lakwai'i).  The  month  is  divided  into  three  parts,  each 
part  being  called  topinta  as'tem'la  (one  ten) 

According  to  Zufii  calculation,  when  the  rising  sun  strikes  a  certain 
point  at  the  southwest  end  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain)  it  is 
the  winter  solstice.  Then  the  sun  moves  to  the  north,  passes  the  moon 
at  A'vonawa  yal'lanne  and  continues  round  to  a  point  northwest  of 
Zufii  which  is  called  Yal'la  'hlan'na  (Great  mountain),  where  it  sets 
consecutively  for  four  days  at  the  same  point.  The  last  day  is  the 
summer  solstice. 

The  names  of  the  months  are  given  below.  It  will  be  observed  that 
those  for  the  months  December  to  June  are  indicative  and  that  the 
same  names  are  repeated  for  the  other  six  months. 

Winter  months.  J'kopu  (turning  or  looking  back"),  December;  Taiyamchu  (limbs 
of  trees  broken  by  snow),  January;  O'nanulakiakwamS  (no  snow  in  the  road),  Feb- 
ruary; 'Hli'tekwakla  "sanna  (little  wind  month),  March;  'Hli'tekwakla  'hlan'na 
(big  wind  month),  April;  Kwashi'amme  (no  name),  May. 

Summer  months.  J/kopu  (turning  or  looking  back),  June;  Taiyamchu  (limbs  of 
trees  broken  by  snow),  July;  O'nanulakiakwame  (no  snow  in  the  road),  August; 
•Hli'tekwakia  'sanna  (little  wind  month),  September;  "Hli'tekwa'kia  'thlan'na  (big 
wind  month),  October;  Kwashi'amme  (no  name),  November. 

Winter  Solstice  Ceremonies 

Ya'tokia  (sun  father)  i'tiwannan  (middle)  kwi  (place)  te'ehi  (reaches 
there)  is  a  reference  to  the  shortest  day  in  the  year,  the  winter  solstice. 

Though  the  ceremonies  of  both  seasons  extend  through  some  daj-s, 
the  first  day  on  which  the  people  en  masse  plant  te'likinawe  (prayer 
plumes)  is  designated  as  the  solstice.  The  day  chosen  for  the  winter 
solstice  celebration  is  the  21st  or  22dof  December.  The  pe'kwin  (sun 
priest)  is  alone  responsible  for  the  calendar.  He  is  usually  correct  in 
his  calculations,  but  has  been  known  to  be  in  error.  Such  was  the  case 
in  1896,  when  the  pe'kwin  (see  plate  xvin)  had  but  recently  replaced 
his  predecessor.  The  former  sun  priest  had  been  dismissed  from  his 
high  office  bj-  the  word  of  the  Shi'wano"kia  (Priestess  of  fecundity), 
who  enjoys  such  prerogative;  she  declared  the  failure  in  crops  due  to 
the  bad  heart  of  the  pe'kwin.  Many  ventured  to  hint  that  he  pos- 
sessed the  diabolical  powers  of  witchcraft.  After  prolonged  discus- 
sion by  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests)  and  others  over  the 
time  designated  by  the  new  pe'kwin,  his  decision  was  continued. 

«  The  reference  is  to  the  Sun  Father's  turning  back  after  reaching  the  point  referred  to  at  the 
southwest  end  of  To'wa  yal'lanne.  He  is  supposed  to  pause  here  for  a  tune  before  returning  on  his 
course. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD   ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.   XVIII 


SUN     PRIEST 


stevenson]  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  109 

The  sun  priest  makes  daily  observations  of  the  sunrise  at  a  petrified 
stump  which  stands  on  the  outskirts  east  of  the  village,  and  sprinkles 
it  with  meal  when  he  offers  his  matins  to  the  rising  sun.  When  the 
sun  rises  over  a  certain  point  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  he  informs  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest,  who  notifies  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  and 
they  meet  the  same  night  in  the  ceremonial  chamber." 

The  following  morning  the  pe'kwin  prepares  four  te'likinawe  for 
the  Sun  Father  and  Moon  Mother  and,  carrying  them  up  the  steep 
acclivity,  deposits  them  at  a  shrine  on  To'wa  yal'lanne.  The  four 
te'likinawe  are  tied  into  groups  of  twos,  each  group  having  a  blue 
stick  for  the  sun  and  a  }rellow  one  for  the  moon,  which  is  referred  to 
as  sister  of  the  sun.  The  lower  end  of  each  stick  is  tipped  with  black 
to  indicate  feet,  and  the  top  is  beveled,  with  three  black  dots  on  the 
beveled  surface  indicating  eyes  and  mouth.  Under  tail  and  breast 
feathers  of  the  eagle  and  plumes  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions  are 
attached  to  each  stick. 

The  fourth  morning  following  he  deposits  four  te'likinawe  in  the 
field4  to  the  deceased  a'pekwin  (sun  priests).  The  sticks  of  these  are 
black  with  turkey  plumes  attached.  On  the  fourth  morning  after  this 
he  returns  to  the  sun  shrine  on  To'wa  yal'lanne  and  deposits  four  te'li- 
kinawe. On  the  fourth  morning  next  succeeding  he  plants  four  te'li- 
kinawe in  the  field  to  his  predecessors.  Again  on  the  next  fourth 
morning  he  deposits  four  te'likinawe  at  the  sun  shrine  on  To'wa  yal'- 
lanne. On  the  fourth  morning  following  thereafter  he  plants  four  more 
te'likinawe  in  the  field  to  his  deceased  predecessors.  The  pe'kwin  must 
observe  continency  from  four  days  previous  to  the  first  planting  of 
the  plumes  to  four  days  following  the  last  deposition  of  these  offerings, 
and  he  must  fast  from  animal  food  four  cWs  following  the  offerings 
made  to  the  sun,  but  this  fast  is  not  observed  in  planting  te'liki- 
nawe to  the  deceased  a'pekwin. 

The  morning  following  the  final  planting  of  the  te'likinawe  the 
pe'kwln  announces  from  the  house  top  that  the  winter  solstice  will 
occur  in  ten  days.  Then  the  rising  sun  will  strike  the  point  referred 
to  as  the  Middle  place,  after  which  it  returns  over  the  road  it  has 
traveled.  The  pe'kwln  continues  his  daily  visits  to  the  petrified  stump 
to  pray  and  sprinkle  meal  to  the  rising  sun. 

Studies  of  the  winter  solstice  ceremonies  were  made  in  1891  and  1896; 
and  as  each  annual  festival  is  substantially  the  same  only  the  one  for 
1891  will  be  described.     It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  dates  vary 

awhile  this  room  is  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  who  are  known  as 
the  Kla'kwe  amosi  (Directors  of  the  house),  the  house  referred  to  being  the  perpetual  home  of  the 
et'tone  (seep.  163)  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  North,  it  is  spoken  of  as  the  house  of  this  shi'wanni  in  conse- 
quence of  his  being  the  possessor  of  the  sacred  fetish,  which  rests  in  the  room  immediately  over  the 
center  of  the  world;  and,  as  has  been  stated,  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  North  is  always  referred  to  as  the 
Kla'kwemosi  (Director  of  the  house),  while  the  others  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  are  spoken 
of  as  Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  South,  etc. 

b  Fields  throughout  this  paper  refer  to  ground  under  cultivation. 


110  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ann.23 

somewhat  in  different  years.  While  the  actual  ceremonial  continued 
eleven  days,  beginning  on  the  22d  of  the  month  in  1891,  for  conven- 
ience of  reference  the  four  days  prior  to  this  date  will  be  included  in 
the  enumeration  of  days.  The  references  in  the  following  account 
are  therefore  from  the  first  day  to  the  fifteenth  inclusive,  the  fifth 
day  being  the  actual  beginning  of  the  ceremonial. 

The  first  four  days  are  consumed  by  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni, 
not  including  the  Shi'wano'ida  (Priestess  of  Fecundity),  who  assemble 
in  the  houses  of  the  Kia'kwe  amosi  in  the  preparation  of  te'likinawe. 
Besides  their  individual  prayer  plumes  to  the  sun  and  their  ancestors, 
each  shi'wanni  makes  a  te'likinane  to  the  sun,  one  to  the  moon  (the  two 
being  wrapped  together  with  native  cotton  cord),  and  four  to  each  of 
the  six  regions  for  the  deceased  A'shiwanni  of  these  regions.  The 
te'likinawe  of  the  Priestess  of  Fecundit}7  are  made  b}7  the  first  body  of 
A'shiwanni.  She  prepares  a  ha'kwani  (a  number  of  cotton-cord  loops), 
symbolizing  a  sacred  white  blanket.  The  Kla'kwemosi  and  the  Shi'- 
wanni of  the  Nadir  each  make  a  te'likinane,  the  stick  measuring  from 
the  inner  side  of  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger.  That  of  the 
Kia'kwemosi  is  to  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  of  the  six  regions  or 
the  whole  world,  and  that  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  who  is  also 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  is  to  the  Ku'pishtaya  (lightning-makers), 
with  whom  the  deceased  A'pi'lilshiwanni  (Bow  priests)  work.  The 
elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  prepare  offerings  to  the  Gods 
of  War,  and  four  to  the  lightning-makers  (deceased  A'pi"lashiwanni) 
of  each  of  the  six  regions.  All  except  the  individual  offerings  of  these 
priests  are  grouped  together  into  a  kia'etchine  (a  group  of  te'likinawe), 
the  two  longer  te'likinawe  made  by  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  Shi'wanni  of 
the  Nadir  being  in  the  center.  The  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir  holds  the 
te'likinawe  in  place  while  the  3Tounger  brother  Bow  priest  wraps  the 
base  with  thread  made  of  }Tucca.  The  kia'etchine  is  placed  on  the  meal 
painting  in  the  He'iwa  (North)  ki'wi'sine"  the  fourth  evening. 

This  group  of  te'likinawe  is  offered  to  the  gods  with  prayers  for  the 
pure  hearts  of  the  people,  the  appearance  of  a'wehlwia'we  (cumulus 
clouds),  shi'pololowe  (fog,  clouds  like  the  plains),  wil'lolonanne  (light- 
ning), rains,  and  much  water  in  the  rivers  and  lakes.  Should  the 
hearts  of  the  people  be  not  pure,  it  could  not  be  expected  that  the  Sun 
Father  would  combine  with  the  Council  of  the  Gods  in  directing  the 
u'wannami  to  favor  Zuni-land.  The  Ko'mosona  and  his  associates 
prepare  their  prayer  plumes  in  the  room  adjoining  the  Mu'hewa  (west) 
ki'wi'sine,  to  which  he  belongs.  He  also  has  one  te'likinane,  as  long 
as  from  the  inner  side  of  the  bend  of  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  middle 
finger,  which  is  offered  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods.  Members  of  the 
fraternities,  except  those  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  (Sword  swallowers),  also 
gather  in  their  ceremonial  chambers  on  the  first  day  and  prepare 
te'likinawe. 

"See  Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions. 


stevensos]  WINTER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  111 

This  is  ;t  bus}'  season  with  the  fraternities,  and  the  floors  are  covered 
with  groups  of  men  with  their  medicine  l>oxes  beside  them  ami  plumes 
of  all  colors  lying  about.  They  prepare  te'likinawe  not  only  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  the  fraternity  in  which  they  hold  membership, 
but  according  to  the  orders  to  which  they  belong,  the  fraternities  in 
most  instances  being  composed  of  several  orders.  They  go  from  one 
ceremonial  chamber  to  another  to  prepare  the  appropriate  offerings, 
for  it  is  quite  common  for  a  Zunian  to  hold  membership  in  two  or 
more  fraternities.  The  A/pi"lashiwanni  as  such  prepare  te'likinawe 
to  the  Gods  of  War  and  to  their  predecessors.  The  members  of  this 
organization  also  prepare  the  appropriate  offerings  for  the  other 
fraternities  in  which  they  hold  membership. 

Each  member  of  a  mystery  medicine  order,  and  many  of  the  fra- 
ternities have  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine,  makes  offerings  to  the, 
sun  and  moon — four  to  the  deceased  members  of  the  fraternity,  one  to 
Po'shaiyanki,"  and  one  to  Po'shaiyanki\s  fellow.  The  ends  of  the 
offerings  made  to  the  two  latter  personages  are  cut  square  across,  with 
a  Greek  cross  on  the  top,6  but  the  offerings  of  the  A'shiwanni  to 
Po'shaiyanki  are  serrated  on  the  top,  symbolic  of  cumulus  clouds. 
A  miniature  crook  and  corn  planter,  each  having  a  la'showanne  (one 
or  more  plumes  attached  to  a  cotton  cord)  attached,  are  grouped  with 
the  offerings  to  Po'shaiyanki.  The  crook,  which  s}7mbolizes  longevity, 
is  deposited  with  the  prayer  beginning  "I  walk  with  this  cane,"  which 
signifies  that  the  one  who  speaks  prays  to  grow  old;  not  to  die,  but  to 
sleep  and  awake  as  a  little  child  with  the  others,  reference  being  made 
to  the  ancients. 

The  officers  of  the  order  of  mysteiy  medicine  make  te'likinawe  to 
the  Beast  Gods  of  the  six  regions,  to  their  deceased  predecessors  of  the 
order,  and  four  to  deceased  members  at  large.  A  member  at  large 
may  only  make  an  offering  to  the  Beast  God  of  one  of  the  six  regions. 
The  A'pi"lashiwanni  prepare  four  to  the  deceased  of  their  fraternity 
who  preceded  them  as  warrior  guardians  of  the  altars  and  medicine. 
Such  orders  of  fraternities  as  have  patron  gods  make  additional 
offerings  to  them.  The  offerings  of  boys  who  have  received  only 
involuntary  initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili  (mythologic  fraternitj')  and 
those  of  the  women  and  girls  are  made  for  them  by  their  fraternity 
fathers.  When  the  fraternity  parent  is  a  woman,  her  fraternity 
father  prepares  her  te'likinawe  and  those  for  her  fraternity  child, 
should  the  child  not  be  a  member  of  the  Ko'tikili. 

Although  it  is  considered  out  of  order,  a  man  sometimes  makes  his 
fraternity  offerings  at  his  mother's  or  wife's  house.     Each  man  pre- 

a  Po'shaiyanki  is  the  Zufii  culture  hero  who  gave  to  them  oxen,  sheep,  and  raiment. 

&  Although  the  superstition  regarding  the  Spaniards  is  still  so  great  that  no  word  of  Mexican  must 
he  spoken  in  the  presence  of  a  te'likinane,  many  of  the  aged  theurgists  declare  that  the  cross  in 
the  marking  on  the  offering  to  Po'shaiyanki  is  symbolic  of  Catholicism,  as  their  culture  hero  was  a 
Catholic. 


112  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

pares  his  individual  offerings,  one  to  the  sun  and  four  to  his  ancestors 
in  his  mother's  house;  at  least  such  was  the  custom.  The  writer  has 
observed  these  te'likinawe  being-  made  in  the  wife's  house.  The  hus- 
band makes  the  individual  offerings  for  the  wife  and  children  in  the 
wife's  house,  including-  such  boys  as  have  not  received  voluntary 
initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili.  Should  the  father  not  be  living  the  eldest 
son  tills  his  place.  Each  female  has  one  offering  to  make  to  the  moon 
and  three  to  her  ancestors.  Infants  have  two  to  their  ancestors,  none 
to  the  sun  or  moon.  A  very  young  infant  sometimes  has  but  one, 
to  its  ancestors.  Procrastination  is  a  common  fault  of  the  Zunis,  and 
consequently  man}-  must  hurry  to  complete  the  individual  plume  making 
on  the  fifth  day,  the  day  on  which  the  offerings  are  made. ' 

On  the  evening  of  the  second  day  all  the  fraternities  except  the 
'Hle'wekwe,  'Ko'shi'kwe  (Cactus),  and  A'pi"lashiwanni  convene,  each 
having  its  tablet  altar  erected.  The  members  of  the  A'pi'lashiwanni 
go  to  their  respective  fraternities  to  fill  their  places  as  guardians  of 
the  altars  and  fetishes. 

These  synchronous  meetings  continue  eight  nights;  they  last  until 
midnight  on  the  first  three  nights.  The  women  and  children  return  to 
their  homes  to  sleep,  while  the  men  sleep  in  the  ceremonial  chamber. 
The  fourth  night's  ceremonies  continue  throughout  the  night,  closing 
after  sunrise.  Again  the}7  convene,  retiring  the  first  three  nights  at 
midnight,  and  on  the  fourth  night  the  ceremonies  continue  until  after 
sunrise.     The  sick  are  healed  at  this  season,  but  there  is  no  initiation. 

The  visiting  of  one  fraternity  with  another  at  this  time  is  common. 
An  invitation  is  extended  by  a  mo'sona  (director)  of  one  fraternity  to 
the  corresponding  officer  of  another.  The  former,  calling  upon  the 
latter  and  presenting  him  with  a  small  quantity  of  meal  wrapped  in  a 
corn  husk,  invites  him  and  his  associates  to  come  to  his  chamber  and 
assist  in  healing  the  sick.  These  invitations  are  not  confined  to  those 
who  practise  in  a  similar  \vay.a 

Images  of  the  Gods  of  War  (A'haj'uta)  are  begun  in  the  house  of 
the  aged  man  of  the  Deer  clan  (see  plate  xix)  on  the  third  day.  He 
fashions  the  idol  of  the  elder  God  of  War,  while  a  man  of  the  Bear  clan 
makes  that  of  the  younger,  both  gods  on  this  occasion  bearing  the 
name  of  A'hayuta.  The  games  to  accompany  the  idol  of  the  elder 
god  are  made  by  a  member  of  the  Deer  clan,  and  those  for  the  younger 

"The  writer  was  present  during  a  ceremonial  of  the  Shu'maakwe  (see  Esoteric  fraternities)  when 
certain  members  of  the  Ma''ke  'hlan'nakwe  (Great  Fire  fraternity)  by  invitation  practised  their 
mystery  medicine  upon  the  sick  of  the  Shu'maakwe,  who  do  not  possess  the  secret.  On  another  occa- 
sion she  was  present  when  the  patron  gods  of  the  Shu'maakwe  danced  at  a  meeting  of  the  Ma'lke 
'hlan'nakwe,  and  members  of  this  fraternity  visited  the  chamber  of  the  Shu'maakwe  the  same  night 
and  practised  their  mystery  medicine.  There  was  a  special  meeting  of  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity 
previous  to  the  solstice  of  1896  to  initiate  the  new  Ko'mosonaof  the  Ko'tikili  into  the  fraternity,  that 
he  might  be  provided  with  a  mi'li  (see  p.  416).  The  Kla'kwemosi  wished  him  to  possess  the  sacred 
fetish  for  his  visit  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  (see  pi.  iv)  upon  the  occasion  of  the  summer  solstice  ceremo- 
nial. The  Ko'mosona  was  not  a  member  of  any  esoteric  fraternity  previous  to  his  initiation  into  the 
Shu'maakwe. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD   ANNUAL   REPORT      PL.    XIX 


AGED    MAN     OF    DEER    CLAN 


stevenson]  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  113 

are  made  by  a  member  of  the  Bear  elan.  Two  other  men,  belonging 
respectively  to  the  Deer  and  Bear  elans,  make  each  four  te'likinawe. 
The  reason  for  confining  the.  preparation  of  these  idols  and  their 
games  to  the  Deer  and  Bear  elans  is  given  in  the  words  of  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest: 

When  the  two  gents  were  once  going  about  the  country,  the  elder  spoke,,  address- 
ing the  younger:  "  Who  is  your  father?  The  deer'is  mine."  The  younger,  who  was 
just  a  little  more  venturesome  and  braver  than  the  elder,  replied:  "The  bear  is  my 
father." 

At  this  season  the  images  are  carved  from  po'la  (Populus  fremontii). 
For  the  scalp  ceremonial  they  must  be  made  of  a'shekia  (Pinus  pon- 
derosa)  that  has  been  struck  by  lightning. 

Seven  members  of  the  A'pi'lashiwanni  are  designated  by  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  to  make  the  paraphernalia  for  the  elder  God  of 
War,  and  the  same  number  are  appointed  by  the  younger  brother 
Bow  priest  to  prepare  that  for  the  idol  of  the  younger  God  of  War. 
One  warrior  makes  a  tablet,  a  second  makes  a  staff,  a  third  makes 
a  shield.  The  hoop  of  the  shield,  large  enough  to  encircle  the 
bended  knee,  is  first  wrapped  closely  with  cotton  cord,  and  afterward 
the  space  is  filled  with  netting.  The  idol  stands  on  this  shield.  A 
fourth  warrior  makes  the  ko'lannan'hla'kwikia  an  te'likinawe  (a  ser- 
rated projection  from  the  umbilicus  to  which  plumes  are  attached,  sym- 
bolic of  clouds  and  lightning).  All  varieties  of  seeds  are  deposited  in 
the  cavity  before  the  projection  is  inserted.  The  plumes  attached  waft 
specially  valuable  prayers  to  the  gods  for  rain.  A  fifth  makes  a 
diminutive  bow  and  arrow,  shield,  and  war  club,  which  are  attached 
to  the  projection.  A  sixth  warrior  makes  the  war  club.  A  seventh  a 
tehl'nane  (a  stick  with  plumes  attached)  of  he'sho  (pinon),  measuring 
from  the  bended  knee  to  the  heel.  After  the  idols  are  modeled  they 
are  decorated.  The  base  of  each  idol  is  covered  with  a  wad  of  yucca 
fiber,"  held  in  place  by  a  rope  of  the  same. 

Yucca  cord  also  serves  to  support  the  plume  offerings  afterward 
made  to  the  gods  by  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood.  A  belt  of  raw 
cotton  is  wound  round  the  idol.  A  fine  cotton  cord  hangs  at  the  neck, 
from  which  an  abalone  shell  is  also  pendent,  but  these  are  obscured  by 
other  adornments.  When  all  is  completed  the  idols  are  stood  in  state, 
facing  east,  near  the  north  end  of  the  room  in  which  they  have  been 
fashioned.  Two  men,  one  of  the  Deer  clan  and  the  other  of  the  Bear 
clan,  serve  as  sentinels  or  special  watchers  over  the  idols  until  thejr  are 
taken  to  the  He'iwa  (north)  ki'wi'sine.     Many  come  to  offer  prayers 

a  The  yucca  leaves  are  boiled,  then  run  through  the  mouth,  the  fiber  being  partially  separated  by 
the  teeth.  They  are  afterward  completely  parted  by  the  fingers.  The  mass  is  laid  away  until  required, 
when  it  is  sufficiently  moistened  with  water  to  render  it  pliable.  A  cord  is  made  by  first  arranging 
the  yucca  into  a  strand  of  the  length  required,  then  dividing  it  into  two.  The  pieces  are  rolled  sep- 
arately -with  one  hand  at  the  same  time  on  the  knee,  and  afterward  twisted  into  a  cord  without  rais- 
ing the  material  from  the  knee.    The  cord  is  rubbed  with  meal  until  it  is  quite  white. 

23  eth— 04 8 


114  THE    ZFNT    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

and  sprinkle  the  gods  with  meal.  Each  member  of  the  A'pi'lashi- 
wanni  leaves  a  te'likinane  in  the  belt  of  each  idol. 

The  maker  of  the  sacred  tire  of  the  new  year  is  chosen  by  the  Kia'- 
kwemosi  and  notified  by  the  Ko'pekwin,  who  immediately  after  sunrise 
carries  a  small  quantity  of  prayer  meal  wrapped  in  corn  husks  to  the 
house  of  the  selected  party.  Clasping  the  hitter's  hands  with  both  of 
his,  and  still  holding  the  meal,  the  Ko'pekwin  delivers  his  message  and 
prays.  The  office  of  fire-maker  is  filled  alternately  by  a  member  of 
v,  the  Badger  clan  and  a  child  of  that  clan  (see  List  of  clans).  He  often 
becomes  the  personator  of  the  god  Shu'laawi'si  in  the  Sha'liiko  cere- 
monial the  following  autumn,  but  this  is  not  always  the  case. 

The  plucking  of  an  eagle  occurs  in  the  house  of  a  prominent  shi'wanni 
(not  one  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni)  on  the  fourth  day.  The 
process  is  as  follows:  The  male  members  of  the  family  are  busy 
arranging  plumes  for  their  te'likinawe,  when  the  stepson  of  the  shi'- 
wanni is  dispatched  for  an  eagle  (the  eagles  are  kept  in  cages),  which 
is  brought  into  the  room  under  cover  of  a  heav}^  blanket.  Before 
removing  the  blanket  entirely,  one  man  catches  the  feet  and  another 
holds  the  head  of  the  bird.  The  blanket  is  spread  on  the  floor,  and 
the  eagle  is  held  on  it.  An  ear  of  wThite  corn  is  held  to  the  east  of  the 
eagle,  the  head  of  the  bird  being  to  the  west.  Then  the  plucking 
begins,  which  requires  some  time,  after  which  the  feathers  are  depos- 
ited in  an  Apache  basket.  During  the  plucking  a  gourd  of  powdered 
ke'chipa  (kaolin)  is  brought  in  by  the  elder  daughter  of  the  house,  who 
washes  several  of  the  eagle  plumes  in  water  and  holds  them  near  the 
fire.  When  dry,  the  feathers  are  rubbed  with  the  kaolin  to  whiten 
them.  The  younger  daughter  mixes  a  quantity  of  kaolin  with  water 
in  a  small  bowl  and  places  it  north  of  the  eagle.  After  the  plucking 
is  completed  the  stepson  lifts  the  ear  of  white  corn,  and  biting  off  sev- 
eral grains  takes  a  mouthful  of  the  kaolin  mixture.  The  man  at  the 
head  of  the  eagle  holds  its  mouth  open  while  the  other,  standing  with 
his  head  some  distance  above  the  eagle's,  ejects  the  mixture  of  kaolin 
and  chewed  corn  into  the  eagle's  mouth;  then,  throwing  the  remainder 
from  his  mouth  over  the  eagle,  he  rubs  that  which  remains  in  the 
bowl  over  every  spot  where  the  white  fluffy  plumes  should  grow. 
The  corn  is  used  that  the  plumes  may  soon  grow,  as  corn  comes  up, 
and  the  kaolin  that  the  plumes  ma}'  be  white.  While  this  is  going 
on  in  the  center  of  the  room  the  old  shi'wanni  sits  with  his  back  to  the 
fire,  with  piles  of  plumes  before  him  and  a  basket  on  the  ledge  by 
him,  filled  with  plume  sticks.  When  the  plumes  are  all  assorted  into 
groups  he  attaches  them  to  the  sticks.  After  each  te'likinane  is  com- 
pleted he  breathes  upon  it  and  offers  a  prayer.  The  eagle  is  carried 
under  cover  of  the  blanket  to  his  cage,  where  he  remains  in  compara- 
tive peace  until  required  for  another  plucking. 

The  preparation  of  wheat  and  corn  bread  for  the  feasts  that  follow 


stevenson]  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  115 

is  elaborate.  The  light  bread,  which  is  made  into  fanciful  shapes,  is 
baked  in  the  ovens  which  illuminate  the  town  on  the  fourth  night,  this 
being  the  last  opportunity  for  their  use  until  the  ten  days  devoted  to 
the  ceremonial  expire. 

At  noon  on  the  fourth  day  the  new-year  fire-maker  starts  on  his  tour 
through  the  village  for  wood.  He  collects  a  fagot  of  cedar  from  each 
house,  the  person  giving  the  wood  ofl'eriug  a  prayer  that  the  crops  may 
ho  bountiful  in  the  coming  year.  As  the  wood  is  collected  it  is  tied 
together,  and  when  the  fire-maker  has  a  load  he  carries  it  to  the 
He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  entering  through  the  hatchway  in  the  roof.  As  soon 
as  the  wood  is  deposited  he  starts  for  more,  and  he  continues  until 
every  house  in  Zuni  has  donated  its  share. 

The  ki'wi'sine  is  entered  each  time  through  the  hatchway,  and  the 
collector  also  leaves  b}'  the  same  entrance.  Upon  leaving  the  ki'wi'- 
sine  after  having  deposited  the  last  load  of  wood,  the  fire-maker  goes 
to  the  house  directly  east  of  it,  where  he  collects  coals  from  the  fire- 
place with  two  pieces  of  wood,  and  returns  through  a  communicating 
door  between  the  house  and  the  ki'wi'sine.  After  depositing  the  coals 
at  the  fire  altar,  he  arranges  a  portion  of  the  wood  in  a  square,  log- 
cabin  fashion,  to  a  height  of  about  18  inches.  The  fire  (see  plate  xx), 
which  is  lighted  at  sunset,  is  called  manke  tesh'kwi  (fire  not  to  be 
touched,  sacred  fire).a 

At  sunset  the  pe'kwin  makes  a  meal  painting  on  the  floor  at  the 
west  end  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  he  being  the  only  shi'wanni  present  at  the 
time.  Later  on  he  places  on  the  painting  the  kla'etchine,  composed  of 
the  te'likinawe  prepared  by  the  first  bodyiof  A'shiwanni. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  assemble  at  night  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  and 
at  midnight  the  idols  of  the  Gods  of  War  are  brought  to  it  from  the 
house  where  they  have  stood  in  state.  The  pe'kwin,  who  leads  the 
party,  carries  a  meal  basket  and  sprinkles  first  the  idol  of  the  elder 
God  of  War  and  afterward  that  of  the  younger,  while  he  stoops  befpre 
and  between  the  idols.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  after  placing  a 
te'likiuane  in  the  belt  of  each  of  the  idols  and  sprinkling  both  with 
meal,  takes  his  position  north  of  the  pe'kwin  who  now  stands  a  short 
distance  from  the  idols.  The  younger  brother  Bow  priest  makes  his 
offerings  to  the  gods  in  the  same  manner,  and  stands  south  of  the  sun 
priest.     Each  whirls  a  rhombus.6 

After  prayers  the  procession  leaves  the  house  in  the  following 
order:   The  pe'kwin   leads,  sprinkling  meal  as  he  proceeds.     He  is 

a  Tesh'kwi  is  applied  to  all  sacred  objects,  such  as  altars,  dry  paintings,  shrines;  to  the  ashes  and 
sweepings  which  are  kept  for  ten  days:  also  to  fasts,  such  as  shi'li  (meat)  tesh'kwi,  machi'kwa  (sugar) 
tesh'kwi. 

b  This  instrument,  which  is  composed  of  two  slender  slats  of  wood  attached  by  a  string,  is  exten- 
sively known  among  savage  peoples.  It  is  sometimes  called  bull  roarer,  and  is  said  to  be  used  to 
work  savages  into  frenzy.  Such  is  not  the  case  with  the  Pueblo  tribes,  among  whom  the  rhombus  is 
whirled  to  create  enthusiasm  among  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers). 


116  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.anh.23 

followed  by  the  priest  of  the  pa'ettone"  carrying  his  fetish  which 
bears  his  name;  after  him  is  a  priest  of  the  'su'hlan'na  (great  shell), 
carrying  the  shell;  then  the  Kia'kwemosi  bearing  his  et'tone;  then  the 
aged  man  of  the  Deer  clan,  carrying  the  idol  of  the  elder  God  of  War. 
The  two  men  of  the  Deer  clan  follow  with  the  paraphernalia  of  the 
god;  then  a  man  of  the  Bear  clan  with  the  idol  of  the  younger  God 
of  War,  and  after  him  two  other  members  of  the  Bear  clan  bearing 
the  paraphernalia  of  this  god.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  walks 
to  the  right  of  the  pe'kwin  and  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  is  on 
the  right  of  the  man  at  the  end  of  the  file,  each  whirling  his  rhombus 
as  he  proceeds.  After  entering  the  ki'wi'sine  the  fetishes  and  idols 
are  placed  on  the  meal  painting,  the  idols  and  paraphernalia  being 
deposited  by  the  pe'kwin.  The  A'pi'lashiwanni  are  present  in  a  body7, 
having  left  their  various  fraternities  for  this  purpose,  and  at  this  time 
they  sing  the  song  which  is  sung  after  sunset  in  the  closing  scene  of 
the  scalp  ceremonj7  (see  A'pi"lashiwanni,  page  605). 

The  ceremonies  in  the  ki'wi'sine  continue  throughout  the  night. 
The  Gods  of  AVar  are  thus  honored  that  they  ma3T  intercede  with  the 
rain-makers  for  rains  to  fructify  the  earth.  At  sunrise  the  idols  are 
carried  by  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  to  their  respec- 
tive homes,  each  being  accompanied  by  a  warrior  bearing  the  games 
and  paraphernalia  of  the  gods.  Each  idol  is  placed  in  the  west  end  of 
the  large  chamber  and  the  paraphernalia  are  arranged  about  it  (see 
plate  xxi).'-' 

As  soon  as  the  idol  and  its  belongings  are  placed  in  position  by  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  his  associates,  they  offer  praj'ers  and 
sprinkle  meal.  Then  the  family  of  the  former  gather  about  the  idol 
to  praj7  and  make  offerings  of  precious  beads,  etc.,  and  they  sprinkle 
sacred  meal.  Many  from  outside,  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  come  to 
the  gods  to  praj*  and  make  offerings  of  one  or  more  precious  beads.'' 

After  depositing  a  little  food  south  of  the  idol,  and  then  breakfasting 
with  his  family,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  ties  a  reddish,  fluffy  plume 

aThe  pa'gttowS  (singular  pa'ettone;  pa  from  Pactau,  Navaho)  are  sacred  fetishes  of  the  A'pi''lashi- 
wanni  (Bow  priesthood)  which  protects  them  from  the  enemy. 

6  Plate  XXI  was  made  from  a  case  in  the  National  Museum,  the  objects  being  placed  according  to  pho- 
tographs and  sketches  made  of  the  group  in  the  house  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  in  1896.  The 
idol  is  a  very  old  one,  secured  through  Nai'uchi  for  Mr  Stevenson  from  the  shrine  on  To'wa  yiil'lanne 
(Corn  mountain)  in  1881.  It  has  been  redecorated  after  the  sketch  made  of  the  one  observed  in  the 
winter  solstice  of  1896.  All  the  coloring  used  on  it  is  native.  The  white  top  of  the  idol  with  black 
rectangles  signifies  a  white  cloud  cap  with  black  rain  clouds — the  house  of  the  clouds.  The  tablets, 
staffs,  war  club,  and  the  te'likinawe,  except  four,  were  made  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who 
also  made  the  feather  bow  and  arrow,  which  is  to  be  seen  immediately  before- the  idol.  The  other 
te'likinawe  were  fashioned  by  the  aged  member  of  the  Deer  clan.  The  games  (see  Games,  p.  317) 
were  made  by  members  of  the  same  clan.  All  was  done  by  direction  of  Nai'uchi,  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest,  that  the  writer  might  have  a  facsimile  of  the  idol  of  the  elder  God  of  War  as  he  appears 
in  his  (the  elder  brother  Bow  priest's)  house  at  the  winter  solstice. 

o  During  the  time  the  idol  is  in  the  house,  Nai'uchi,  the  most  successful  practitioner  in  Zuiii,  treats 
several  patients  who  come  to  him.  In  each  case  he  relieves  the  sufferer  by  pretending  to  extract 
the  cause  of  the  disease  from  the  body;  wrapping  the  ejected  material  in  a  husk,  he  carries  it  from 
the  house.  Nai'uchi  does  not  practice  medicine  through  his  association  with  the  Bow  priesthood, 
but  through  his  membership  in  other  esoteric  fraternities. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT    PL.    XXI 


A.    HOEN    &    CO.,    Lith 


IDOL  OF  AHAYUTA  (ELDER  GOD  OF  WAR) 


stevenson]  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  117 

to  his  forelock,  removes  a  die  (grain  of  corn)  from  one  of  the  cups  of 
the  game  i'y&nkolo'we,  and  hands  it  to  the  associate  warrior,  who  wraps 
it  in  a  corn  husk  while  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  tics  the  four  cups 
too-other.  The  associate  binds  the  two  games  of  sho'liwe  together  and 
gathers  all  the  games  into  his  blanket  over  the  left  arm.  The  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  removes  the  yucca  rope  with  the  te'likinawe 
attached,  and.  stooping  before  the  idol,  holds  the  plumes  near  its  base 
while  he  prays.  He  now  deposits  the  feather  bow  and  arrow  in  a 
hu'chipone  (deep  basket),  and  the  idol  with  all  its  adornments  is  stood 
in  the  basket.  The  rope  containing  the  te'likinawe  is  placed  next, 
and  the  food  which  was  south  of  the  idol  is  wrapped  in  the  cloth  and 
put  into  the  basket.  He  now  hangs  his  war  pouch  over  his  shoulder, 
rolls  a  quantity  of  prayer  meal  in  a  piece  of  cloth,  and  tucks  it  into 
his  belt.  Wrapping  his  blanket  about  him,  he  provides  himself  with 
a  rhombus  and,  supporting  his  basket  with  his  left  ai-in,  leaves  the 
house,  whirling  the  rhombus  with  his  right  hand.  He  is  followed  by 
his  associate  carrying  the  remaining  paraphernalia  of  the  god  in  the 
blanket  over  his  left  arm  while  he  whirls  a  rhombus  with  the  right 
hand.  During  their  progress  through  the  village  the  two  are  frequently 
stopped  by  those  who  wish  to  pray  before  the  idol  and  sprinkle  meal 
upon  it.  On  reaching  the  shrine  on  U'hana  yal'lanne  the  idol  placed 
the  previous  year  is  removed  and  the  new  ODe  substituted,  with  its 
paraphernalia  about  it,  just  as  it  is  seen  in  the  house  of  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest.  The  idol  of  the  younger  God  of  War  is  carried  in  the  same 
manner  to  a  shrine  on  To'wa  yal'lanne  (see  plate  xxn).a  The  only  dif- 
ference observed  in  the  two  images  is  that  the  one  representing  the 
younger  god  has  a  zigzag  stick,  symbolic  of  lightning,  running  up 
from  the  top  of  the  cloud  cap  on  the  head. 

The  A'shiwanni  and  officers  of  the  fraternities  deposit  their  te'liki- 
nawe on  the  fifth  clay  at  the  appropriate  shrines,  while  all  others  plant 
theirs  in  the  fields,  the  fraternity  offerings  being  deposited  in  the 
excavations  with  the  individual  offerings. 

The  Kia'kwemosi  carries  the  kia'etchine,  composed  of  the  prayer 
plumes  of  the  A'shiwanni,  and  the  ha'kwani,  made  by  the  Shi'wano'- 
'kia,  to  the  base  of  Ma'^akia  (a  ruin  on  a  knoll),  where  the  kia'etchine 
is  deposited.  Both  the  plumes  and  the  ha'kwani  are  offerings  to  the 
u'wannami  A'shiwanni  (rain-maker  priests).  The  pe'kwin  alone  visits 
the  shrine  on  the  summit  of  the  knoll,  but  no  plume  offerings  are 
deposited  here.  This  shrine  (see  figure  3)  consists  of  a  stone  wall,  semi- 
circular in  form,  about  3  feet  high,  the  inner  space  being  3  feet  wide 
and  opening  to  the  east.  A  sandstone  slab,  about  2  feet  high  and  14 
inches  wide,  with  a  symbol  of  the  sun  1  inches  in  diameter  etched  upon 
it  stands  against  the  apex  of  the  wall.  A  smooth-surfaced  stone  on 
which  are  cut  a  number  of  lines  is  inserted  in  each  side  of  the  wall 

a  See  p.  606. 


118 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[F.TH.  ANN-.  23 


about  S  inches  above  the  base.  Some  of  the  priests  declare  that  the 
lines  on  the  south  side  of  the  wall  indicate  the  number  of  years  the  pre- 
vious sun  priest  held  the  office,  and  the  one  on  the  north  side  the  num- 
ber of  years  the  present  incumbent  has  served/'  Nine  concretions 
form  a  square  on  the  ground  before  the  etching  of  the  sun,  and  there 
are  three  smaller  ones  in  line  in  front  of  these.  Concretion  fetishes, 
valued  as  bringing  fructification  to  the  earth,  are  to  be  found  in  all  the 
fields.     A  small  flat  stone  rests  on  two  of  the  larger  concretions. 

The  same  morning,  about  9  o'clock,  members  of  the  order  of  Pa'ya- 
tamu  of  the  Little  Fire  and  Cimex  fraternities,  playing  on  their  flutes, 
ascend  To'wa  yal'lanne  to  To'mapa,  a  shrine  in  the  west  side  (see  plate 
xxiii)  halfway  up  the  mesa,  and  deposit  their  offerings  to  the  god, 


Fig.  3— Sun  shrine  at  Ma"sakla. 


M'hile  officers  of  other  fraternities  cany  their  offerings  to  various 
shrines.  The  'Ko'shi'kwe  deposit  te'likinawe  at  this  time,  but  they 
hold  no  ceremonial  in  their  chamber. 

There  is  no  exception  to  the  rule  of  members  at  large  of  fraternities 
planting  their  fraternity  offerings  at  this  season  in  the  same  excava- 
tion and  at  the  same  time  as  the  family  deposit  theirs.  It  is  usual  for 
all  the  members  of  a  household  to  go  together;  in  fact,  in  all  observa- 
tions made  b}r  the  writer,  such  has  been  the  case.  Husbands  deposit 
their  offerings  in  the  fields  of  the  families  of  their  wives,  and  vice 
versa.  A  hole  about  14  inches  square  and  the  same -in  depth  is  made 
b}r  a  man  of  the  household,  and  the  plumes,  which  are  carried  to  the 
fields  on    the  fifth   day,  wrapped  together  with  corn  husks,  are  sepa- 

"The  statement  regarding  the  lines  was  made  previous  to  the  appointment  of  the  present  sun 
priest. 


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.OLOGY 


V 


Stevenson]  WINTER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  119 

rated  and  deposited,  the  father  standing  his  te'likinawe,  including  those 
of  his  fci'kili  (fraternity),  in  one  end  of  the  excavation,  the  mother 
placing  hers  in  the  other  end,  and  the  children  depositing  theirs 
between.  The  infant  is  carried  to  the  field  on  the  mother's  back,  and 
with  its  tiny  hand,  guided  by  the  mother,  plants  its  plumes.  These 
offerings  may  be  planted  any  hour  between  sunrise  and  sunset  (see 
plate  xxiv).  Those  who  are  absent  on  long  journeys  or  those  too  ill 
to  leave  the  house  have  their  offerings  deposited  for  them  by  some 
member  of  the  family.  All  must  have  the  head  bathed  with  yucca 
suds  previous  to  depositing  the  plume.  There  may  be  exceptions  to 
this  rule,  such  as  a  young  child  suffering  with  a  cold. 

The  sun  rose  in  splendor  on  the  morning  of  the  fifth  day,  making 
brilliant  the  mantle  of  snow  that  covered  the  earth.  The  vallej^  was 
sparkling  white,  and  the  mesa  walls  were  white,  with  here  and  there  a 
patch  of  dark  blue,  the  pines  veiled  by  the  atmosphere.  The  snowy 
plain  was  a  vast  kaleidoscope  from  morning  until  evening,  the  devotees 
in  their  bright  clothing  going  to  and  returning  from  their  sacred 
mission. 

One  description  of  a  family  planting  prayer  plumes  will  answer  for 
all,  and  the  writer  will  describe  the  one  in  which  she  took  part,  having 
been  expected  to  perform  this  sacred  office  with  one  of  the  families. 

On  the  present  occasion  the  male  head  of  the  house  is  an  associate 
shi'wanui.  Those  who  accompany  him  are  his  wife,  mother-in-law, 
daughter  about  10  years  of  age,  a  younger  one  of  4  years,  a  son  8 
months  old.  the  younger  brother  .of  his  wife  with  his  wife  and  infant, 
a  girl  of  12  years,  daughter  of  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  who 
is  the  elder  brother  of  the  associate  shi'wanni's  wife,  and  the  writer. 
The  associate  shi'wanni  hands  the  writer  the  te'likinawe  he  has  made 
for  her,  saying:  "Though  you  are  a  woman  j7ou  have  a  head  and  a 
heart  like  a  man,  and  you  work  like  a  man,  and  you  must  therefore 
make  offerings  such  as  men  make." 

The  party  proceeds  to  a  melon  patch  of  the  associate  shi'wanni, 
where  he  makes  an  excavation  about  11  inches  square  and  of  the 
same  depth,  using  an  old  saber  for  the  purpose.  The  excavation  com- 
pleted, all  except  the  two  infants  remove  the  corn  husks  which  wrap 
the  te'likinawe  and,  after  sprinkling  prayer  meal  in  the  excavation, 
proceed  without  formality  to  plant  te'likinawe.  Each  man  deposits 
as  his  individual  offerings  one  te'likinane  with  its  stick  colored  blue 
to  the  Sun  Father  and  four  with  sticks  colored  black  to  his  ancestors. 
The  younger  brother  of  the  wife  plants,  in  addition  to  his  individual 
te'likinawe,  offerings  as  a  member  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  (see 
plate  xxv),8  one  to  Po'shaiyanki  (culture  hero),  one  to  the  younger 
brother,  or  fellow,  of  Po'sbai}'anki.     The  one   to  Po'shaiyanki  has 

alt  should  be  noted  that  the  te'likinawe  on  pi.  xxv  are  inverted.  To  get  a  proper  view  of  the 
prayer  pinnies  the  plate  should  be  reversed.  Through  inadvertence  in  the  color  printing  this  mistake 
occurred. 


120  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

attached  a  miniature  crook,  symbolic  of  longevity,  the  other  a  minia- 
ture corn  planter  bound  to  it,  to  bring  much  corn  in  the  coming'  year. 
He  also  plants  one  to  the  Cougar  of  the  North,  to  the  Sun  Father,  and 
to  the  Moon  Mother,  the  two  latter  being-  bound  together.  Some  of 
the  te'likinawe  have  pendent  la'showawe  (one  or  more  plumes  attached 
to  cotton  cord).  Those  having  the  la'showawe  bear  the  prayers  for 
rains,  and  those  without  are  for  clouds  and  other  things. 

Each  female,  including  the  child  of  4  years,  plants  one  te'likinane 
with  the  stick  colored  yellow  to  the  Moon  Mother,  and  three  with  the 
sticks  colored  black  to  her  ancestors.  Each  infant  offers  one  or  two 
te'likinawe  with  sticks  colored  black  to  its  ancestors.  The  writer 
deposits  one  to  the  Sun  Father  and  four  to  ancestors.  In  addition  to 
the  individual  plumes,  both  the  wife  and  elder  daughter  of  the  asso- 
ciate shi'wanni,  as  members  of  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity,  deposit 
two  te'likinawe  to  Shumai'koli  and  two  to  Sai'apa  (patron  gods  of  the 
fraternity),  one  to  the  ettone,"  and  four  to  the  deceased  members  of 
the  fraternity. 

After  the  te'likinawe  are  all  stood  in  the  ground  each  person  takes 
a  pinch  of  meal  brought  by  the  mother-in-law  in  a  cloth  and,  hold- 
ing the  meal  near  the  lips,  repeats  a  prayer  for  health,  long  life,  many 
clouds,  much  rain,  food,  and  raiment,  and  the  meal  is  sprinkled  thickly 
over  the  plumes.  The  little  child  seems  to  understand  perfectly  her 
duties  and  prayers.  The  tiny  babies  have  their  hands  dipped  into 
the  meal  and  held  over  the  plumes.  These  plumes  remain  uncovered 
until  sunset  the  following  day,  that  the  Sun  Father,  in  passing  over  the 
road  of  day,  niay  receive  the  praj^ers  breathed  upon  the  meal  and  into 
the  plumes,  the  spiritual  essence  of  the  plumes  conveying  the  breath 
prayers  to  him.  The  excavations  are  afterward  so  covered  that  no  one 
could  discover  that  the  earth  had  been  disturbed.6 

After  the  te'likinawe  are  deposited  no  animal  food  or  grease  can  be 
eaten  or  touched  with  the  hands  for  four  days,  those  excepted  being- 
members  of  the  'San'iaklakwe  (Hunters)  and  Shi'wannakwe  (those  who 
do  not  fast  from  animal  food)  fraternities  and  children  receiving 
nourishment  from  their  mothers.  As  the  latter  take  milk,  they  may 
eat  grease.  The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  must  fast  from  animal  food 
and  grease  and  observe  continence  for  ten  daj^s  from  this  time. 

There  must  be  no  trading  of  a.ny  description  for  four  days,  and  to 
begin  trading  before  ten  da}rs  have  expired  is  indicative  of  plebianism. 
No  ashes  or  sweepings  may  be  taken  from  the  house  during  this 
period,  and  no  artificial  light  must  appear  outside  the  house,  not  even 
a  burning  cigarette,  nor  the  flash  of  firearms,  no  matter  how  great  the 

"See  A'shiwanni  (Rain-priesthood),  p.  163. 

bWhen  the  associate  shi'wanni  visited  the  excavation  in  the  evening  after  the  plume  planting,  the 
■writer  accompanied  him  and  induced  him  to  let  her  have  the  complete  set  of  plumes  which  were 
planted  the  previous  day.  These  te'likinawe  are  deposited  in  the  United  States  National  Museum 
in  an  excavation  as  they  appeared  in  the  field  at  Zufii. 


STEVENSON]  WINTER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  121 

distance  from  the  village.  The  words  of  a  shi'wanni  will  give  an 
idea  of  the  dread  these  people  have  of  failure  in  the  custom  concerning 
firelight:  "Why  did  the  woman  [ reference  to  the  camp  manager  of 
the  writer]  go  outside  last  night  with  a  light?  She  was  seen  by  one  of 
my  neighbors.  Alas'  alas!  alas!  I  will  have  no  crops  for  four  years. 
I  shall  he  poor.  Rains  will  come  and  fall  all  around  my  fields,  upon  the 
fields  of  my  brothers,  but  none  will  come  to  me."  The  writer  endeav- 
ored to  console  him  by  saying  that  ho  could  not  possibly  be  respon- 
sible for  the  acts  of  one  of  her  party.  "It  was  done  from  my  house 
and  I  must  be  the  sufferer.  Did  she  carry  a  lamp  or  candle?"  When 
informed  that  a  candle  was  carried,  distress  was  again  depicted  on  his 
face.  ""  It  might  have  been  better  had  she  carried  a  lantern,  for  then 
the  light  would  have  been  at  least  partially  housed." 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifth  day  the  fire-tender  covers  with  ashes  the 
coals  on  the  fire  altar  in  the  ki'wi'sine  and  goes  to  his  home  for  his 
breakfast.  After  his  meal  the  fire-tender  deposits  his  individual  te'- 
likinawe  and  returns  to  the  ki'wt'sine  where  a  tire  burns  throughout 
the  day.  At  night  he  covers  the  coals  with  ashes  before  he  sleeps.  In 
the  morning  the  tire  is  again  kindled  from  the  coals.  After  a  time 
the  tire-tender  covers  the  coals  with  ashes  and  goes  a  distance  from 
the  village  for  cedar,  to  be  consumed  on  the  fire  altar.  On  his  return 
in  the  evening,  after  he  has  taken  his  meal  in  his  own  house,  he  again 
rekindles  the  fire,  which  burns  until  he  is  ready  to  sleep,  when  he  covers 
the  coals  as  before.  He  leaves  the  ki'wi'siue  only  to  eat  and  to  go  for 
wood  each  day  until  the  closing  of  the  festival.  No  food  must  be  taken 
in  the  ki'wi'sine  for  ten  days.  If  this  rule  should  be  broken,  the 
offender  would  not  only  have  his  crops  destroyed  by  crows  and  mice, 
but  would  be  in  great  danger  of  death. 

There  is  no  perpetual  fire  kept  in  the  ki'wi'siwe  of  any  pueblo,  nor  has  there 
been  one  since  the  introduction  of  matches  among  the  Indians  and  since  they 
have  found  their  way  to  the  woods  clear  from  enemies.  In  times  past  the  scarcity 
of  wood  near  home  and  the  danger  attending  journeys  for  wood,  which  was 
brought  upon  their  backs  (as  they  had  no  beasts  of  burden  until  the  invasion  of 
the  Spaniards),  compelled  the  strictest  economy  in  fuel  and  necessitated  a  central 
fire  for  each  village.  This  not  only  gave  warmth  to  a  large  number  of  priests  while 
they  performed  their  religious  and  other  duties,  but  furnished  coals  with  which  to 
light  small  fires  elsewhere  when  needed  for  domestic  and  other  purposes.  Fire  fur- 
nishes warmth  and  light  after  the  sun  is  gone  to  his  home  for  the  night,  and  it  cooks 
the  food  and  conveys  the  spiritual  essence  of  food  to  the  gods.  Fire  is  therefore  a 
goddess,  second  in  importance  only  to  the  sun.  Thus  the  elements  attending  the 
physical  wants  become  features  of  the  psychical. 

From  the  fifth  to  the  eighth  day  the  pueblo  is  buzzing  with  the  mills 
and  the  songs  of  the  grinders,  and  on  the  eighth  day  every  household  is 
busy  preparing  varieties  of  food,  for  on  the  following  morning  the 
fraternities  will  adjourn,  when  meat  may  be  eaten  and  the  appetite 
generally  sated. 


122  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

On  the  eighth  day  there  are  .still  more  extensive  preparations  of  te'li- 
kinawe.  All  are  busy  in  chambers  of  the  fraternities  and  elsewhere. 
While  this  day  is  especially  set  apart  for  making  the  offerings  to  be 
deposited  on  the  ninth  day,  several  days  must  be  consumed  by  many 
who  have  not  only  their  own  te'likinawe  to  make  but  those  of  their 
fraternity  children.  No  one  who  has  not  received  voluntary  initia- 
tion into  the  Ko'tikili  is  privileged  to  fashion  the  sticks  or  attach  the 
plumes,  although  women  sometimes  color  the  sticks.  There  is,  how- 
ever, an  exception  to  this  rule.  When  a  woman  has  severed  her  con- 
nection with  the  U'huhukwe  (Eagle  down)  fraternity,"  she  must  then 
prepare  the  offerings  for  it,  she  having  been  instructed  by  her  frater- 
nity father. 

The  only  persons  exempt  from  offering  te'likinawe  on  the  ninth  day 
are  females  who  are  not  associated  with  a  fraternity  and  young  male 
children  who  have  not  received  voluntary  initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili. 
Each  member  of  the  Ko'tikili  deposits  one  te'likinane  to  the  sun,  one 
to  the  moon,  four  to  the  Kok'ko  A'wau  (Council  of  the  Gods),  and 
others  to  the  game  animals,  birds  of  the  six  regions,  birds  of  summer, 
birds  of  winter,  and  to  Po'shaiyiinki  for  all  domestic  animals. 

The  old  proverb,  "  When  you  are  in  Rome  do  as  the  Romans  do."  is 
sometimes  observed  in  Zuni.  For  example,  a  Hopi  Indian,  married 
to  a  Zuni  woman  and  therefore  a  resident  of  Zuni,  is  seen  sitting  in 
the  midst  of  a  group  of  his  people  (visitors  to  the  village)  in  the 
southwest  portion  of  the  room  of  Jose  Palle,  a  shi'wanni,  and  all  are 
preparing  te'likinawe  that  are  quite  different  from  those  offered  by 
the  Zuni.  The  son  of  the  shi'wanni  by  a  former  wife,  one  by  his 
present  wife,  a  stepson,  and  two  adopted  children,  nephews  of  the 
wife,  one  of  whom  wears  female  attire,  sit  on  the  ledge  in  the  north- 
east portion  of  the  room,  all  busily  engaged  preparing  their  te'liki- 
nawe. The  shi'wanni  himself  sits  some  distance  from  the  family  in 
the  east  end  of  the  room.  Medicine  boxes  and  Apache  baskets  are 
before  and  beside  him.  His  wife  busies  herself  making  te'likinawe 
of  the  U'huhukwe  fraternity,  from  which  she  has  resigned.  Two  chil- 
dren amuse  themselves  with  plumes  given  them  by  their  grandfather. 
One  young  mother,  tying  a  plume  to  her  infant's  hair  and  providing 
him  with  a  ceremonial  rattle,  teaches  him  to  dance.  Thus  the  children 
begin  at  the  tenderest  age  to  prepare  for  their  future  duties,  those 
features  which  delight  their  infantile  minds  becoming  the  ritual  asso- 
ciated with  their  worship. 

The  Hopi  resident  makes  for  each  person  present,  including  the 
children  and  the  writer,  a  la'showanne  of  two  fluffy  eagle  plumes  and 
two  pine  needles,  which  he  presents  with  prayers  for  rain  to  fructify 
the  earth,  that  the  crops  may  be  bountiful,  and  for  the  good  health  and 
long  life  of  all.     The  la'showanne  is  tied  to  a  strand  of  hair  at  the  left 

«See  Esoteric  fraternities. 


stevensox]  WINTER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  123 

side  of  the  head  near  the  crown.  He  sets  the  basket  containing  the 
other  la'showatve  made  by  himself  and  his  people  on  the  north  ledge 
of  the  room,  and  he  and  his  party  leave  the  house. 

When  the  others  complete  the  preparation  of  their  offerings,  the 
baskets  containing  them  are  also  deposited  on  the  ledge.  Such  objects 
are  never  touched  or  in  any  way  disturbed  by  the  children.  About  8 
o'clock  supper  is  served.  The  Hopi  resident  and  the  two  sons-in- 
law  of  the  house,  being-  present,  participate  in  the  meal.  No  animal 
food  appears.  Considerable  time  is  consumed  over  the  meal,  and 
it  is  after  9  o'clock  when  the  mother  and  elder  daughter  begin 
their  ablutions  preparatory  to  attending  their  fraternity.  Their 
hair  lias  already  been  washed.  The  bath  and  toilet  are  made  in  the 
general  living  room.  Each  woman  stands  before  a  large  bowl  of 
water  and.  without  removing  her  camis,  bathes  the  entire  body.  No 
member  of  a  fraternity  would  dare  omit  the  daily  bath  during  a  cer- 
emonial. Such  neglect  would  cause  great  offense  to  the  Beast  Gods, 
who  would  visit  their  wrath  upon  the  offender.  After  the  daughter 
has  bathed  she  washes  her  husband's  head  in  yucca  suds  and  proceeds 
to  brush  and  do  up  his  hair.  The  younger  daughter  performs  the 
same  service  for  her  husband,  who  holds  his  infant  on  his  lap,  caress- 
ing him,  except  at  times  when  the  child  is  coaxed  away  by  his  grand- 
parents or  other  relatives  present,  all  seeming  read}'  to  suspend  more 
weighty  matters  to  fondle  the  tiny  one. 

Twelve  members  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wit'sine,  including  the  pe'kwin 
(deputy  to  the  priest  of  the  Kia'nakwe),"  arrive  from  time  to  time. 
The  pe'kwin  arranges  a  number  of  te'likinawe,  which  he  brings  with 
him,  into  groups,  wrapping  them  at  the  base  with  corn  husks,  and 
deposits  them  in  a  flat  basket.  In  the  meantime  Jose  Palle's  two  sons- 
in-law  depart  for  the  chamber  of  the  Shi'wannakwe  fraternity.  The 
elder  daughter  has  her  hair  dressed  by  the  adopted  son,  who  wears 
feminine  dress.  She  then  attires  herself  in  her  best  gown  and  belt. 
The  man}*  necklaces  of  the  father  are  divided  by  him  between  his  wife 
and  daughter.  Each  woman  has  her  own  silver  necklaces,  but  is  ready 
to  add  all  the  ko'hakwa  (white  shell  beads),  turquoise,  and  corals  that  can 
be  secured.  Great  pride  is  felt  over  the  display  of  such  wealth  at  these 
ceremonials.  The  writer  has  seen  children  of  four  or  five  summers 
loaded  with  necklaces,  marveling  that  the  weight  could  be  carried  in 
the  dance.  The  elder  daughter  assists  her  8-year  old  child  to  bed  in  the 
west  end  of  the  room  and  starts  for  her  fraternity.  Her  infant  nephew 
begs  to  accompany  her,  his  attachment  for  his  aunt  seeming  to  be  as 
great  as  that  for  the  mother,  and  he  is  caught  up  on  her  back  writh  a 
blanket  and  carried  off  to  the  fraternity.  Her  younger  sister,  after 
filling  a  pottery  basket  with  sacred  meal  and  returning  it  to  a  niche 
in  the  south  wall,  lies  beside  the  niece. 

The  members  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine  who  are  present  chat  and 

a  See  p.  36. 


124  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

smoke  and  repeat  te'lapnawe  (tales)  until  midnight,  when  they  hold  an 
interesting-  ceremonial  not  directly  connected  with  the  winter-solstice 
festival,  but  relating  to  the  calendar.  The  chairs  are  removed,  the 
tioor  is  swept,  and  the  party  take  their  seats  on  their  wadded  blankets  or 
on  the  ledge,  forming  a  broken  circle  near  the  fireplace,  in  which  may 
be  seen  a  large  vessel,  balanced  on  stones,  containing  a  stew  of  meat  and 
hominy,  and  two  large  pumpkins  roasting  before  the  fire.  The  men 
remove  their  moccasins.  The  shi'wanni  of  the  Kia'nakwe  (see  page 
36),  who  is  the  man  of  the  house,  forms  the  central  figure  and  is  raised 
above  the  others  by  his  wadded  blanket  being  placed  on  a  low  box. 
He  faces  east.  A  large  Apache  basket  containing  his  te'likiuawe, 
offerings  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  two  small  vases  of  the  roots  and 
blossoms  of  te'na'siili  (mythical  medicine  plant  bearing  blossoms  of 
the  colors  of  the  six  regions),  and  several  buckskin  medicine  bags,  are 
placed  before  him.  Other  baskets  holding  similar  te'likinawe  belong- 
ing to  the  others  of  the  group  are  handed  him.  He  removes  the 
buckskin  medicine  bags  from  the  larger  basket,  lays  them  on  the  floor 
between  himself  and  the  basket,  and  transfers  the  groups  of  te'likinawe 
from  the  smaller  baskets  to  the  larger  one,  arranging  them  artistically, 
so  that  the  feather  ends  radiate  and  the  la'showawe  attached  to  the 
te'likinawe  fringe  the  edge  of  the  basket. 

The  shi'wanni  makes  a  cross  of  meal  south  of  the  basket  and  one  in 
the  center  of  it,  and  deposits  a  stone  cougar,  S  inches  long,  colored 
yellow,  the  mouth,  tail,  and  feet  black,  on  the  cross  south  of  the  basket. 
Another  basket  is  now  handed  to  the  shi'wanni,  which  he  holds  on  his 
lap,  and  to  which  he  transfers  the  two  packages  of  te'na'sali.  He  then 
proceeds  to  empty  the  bags.  Removing  one  fetish  at  a  time,  he  exam- 
ines each,  and,  if  a  prey  animal,  deposits  it  in  the  basket  on  his  lap, 
with  the  head  to  the  east.  There  ai'e  as  many  as  forty  of  these  stone 
fetishes,  mostly  prey  animals,  ranging  from  1£  to  4  inches  in  length. 
A  few  are  concretions,  sacred  to  the  fields.  As  an  evidence  of  the 
extreme  conventionality  of  these  fetishes,  the  shi'wanni  finds  it  neces- 
sary, when  handling  some  of  the  more  ancient  ones,  to  consult  several 
of  his  party  as  to  what  animals  they  might  be.  Each  animal  fetish 
carries  an  arrow  point  on  its  back,  held  on  with  strings  of  precious 
beads  wrapped  around  the  image. 

The  man  to  the  left  of  the  shi'wanni  also  has  sacks  of  fetishes. 
Removing  each  fetish  separately  from  the  sack,  he  holds  it  until  it  is 
received  by  the  shi'wanni,  who  places  it  with  the  others.  When  all  the 
fetishes  have  been  deposited,  the  shi'wanni  again  sprinkles  a  cross  of 
meal  in  the  larger  basket,  and  handles  each  package  of  the  tena'sali 
separately.  Each  fetish  is  deposited  in  the  large  basket  with  the  same 
care  as  when  it  is  placed  in  the  smaller  one.  He  sets  the  smaller 
basket  between  the  larger  one  and  the  large  fetish  of  the  cougar, 
being  careful  to  so  place  the  basket  that  the  la'showawe  in  the  larger 


Stevenson]  WINTER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  125 

one  fall  over  it.  The  second  man  to  the  left  of  the  shi'wanni,  his 
stepson,  makes  a  cigarette  of  native  tobacco  and,  after  lighting  and 
drawing  on  it  an  instant,  hands  it  to  the  man  at  his  right,  who  takes 
a  whiff  and  passes  it  to  the  shi'wanni,  who  takes  eight  long  whiffs, 
each  time  blowing  the  smoke  over  the  basket  of  plumes  and  fetishes. 
The  shi'wanni  then  returns  the  stump  of  the  cigarette  to  the  man  at 
his  left,  the  collector  of  the  te'na'sali.  The  first  associate  to  the 
shi'wanni,  who  sits  on  his  right,  after  consuming  all  but  a  bit  of  the 
cigarette,  deposits  it  by  the  large  stone  cougar.  Each  cigarette  of 
native  tobacco  afterward  smoked  by  the  associate  is  deposited  by  this 
fetish  after  the  better  part  has  been  consumed. 

Cigarettes  are  smoked  by  all  the  party  during  the  ceremonial,  but  not 
more  than  one  or  two  smoke  at  the  same  time.  After  the  shi'wanni's 
first  smoke  he  takes  a  pinch  of  meal  in  his  right  hand  and  repeats  a 
long  litany,  responded  to  by  the  others.  At  the  close  of  this  prayer 
he  sprinkles  the  meal  he  holds  over  the  cougar  and  basket  of  plumes 
and  fetishes,  and  then  all  take  a  pinch  of  the  meal  from  the  basket 
and  simultaneously  offer  a  short  prayer  and  sprinkle  the  plumes  and 
fetishes,  drawing  from  them  the  sacred  breath.  The  song  now  begins, 
led  by  the  shi'wanni.  It  opens  low  in  a  minor  key,  swelling  until  the 
notes  are  rich  and  full.  This  song,  less  monotonous  than  usual,  is 
offered  to  various  beings  of  the  six  regions,  who  are  addressed  in  suc- 
cession. The  first  prayer  is  to  a  group  belonging  to  the  Sia  cosmog- 
ony, whom  the  writer  has  never  before  heard  mentioned  in  Zuni 
ritual.  These  beings  are  the  Yellow  Woman  of  the  North,  the  Blue 
Woman  of  the  West,  the  Red  Woman  of  the  South,  the  White  Woman 
of  the  East,  the  Every-colored  Woman  of  the  Zenith,  and  the  Black 
Woman  of  the  Nadir.  The  Cougar  of  the  North,  the  Bear  of  the 
West,  the  Badger  of  the  South,  the  W'hite  Wolf  of  the  East,  the  Eagle 
of  the  Zenith,  and  the  Shrew  of  the  Nadir  pkrv  an  important  part  in 
this  ritual/' 

The  old  shi'wanni,  sitting  in  light  or  shadow  according  to  the  uncer- 
tain flickering  of  the  tire  light  in  the  quaint  fireplace,  with  silvery  hair 
and  a  countenance  impressed  with  the  superstitions  peculiar  to  his  race 
and  depicting  the  most  intense  earnestness,  is  a  picture  not  to  be  for- 
gotten. He  is  surrounded  by  his  associates,  who  are  also  intent  upon 
having  their  songs  pass  over  the  straight  road  of  truth.  The  songs  and 
prayers  are  to  bring  rains  to  fructify  the  mother  earth,  who  gives  to 
her  children  the  fruits  of  her  being  if  prayers  are  offered  with  a  pure 
heart.  The_  song  closes  at  the  rising  of  the  morning  star,  which 
announces  that  the  Sun  Father  is  coming  from  his  house,  when  all 
repeat  a  short  prayer  and  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona.6 

a  This  prayer  song  was  recognized  as  being  in  the  Sia  language,  and  on  being  questioned  the  shi'- 
wanni. who  was  not  a  little  chagrined  at  the  discovery,  said:  "  The  song  came  to  us  long  ago,  so  long 
that  the  fathers  of  the  father's  fathers  could  not  tell  when." 

6  See  Classification  of  the  higher  powers,  p.  22. 


126  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.auk.23 

The  stone  fetishes  are  returned  to  the  buckskin  medicine  bags  by 
the  owners,  and  the  te'nas'sali  is  restored  to  the  vase  by  the  man  whose 
special  care  it  is  to  guard  the  sacred  mythical  medicine  plant.  The 
participants  in  this  ceremony  now  go  to  their  homes  or  fraternities, 
and  return  after  sunrise  for  their  te'likinawe,  which  may  be  planted 
in  the  fields  any  time  during  the  day. 

An  incident  occurred  on  the  eighth  evening  that  is  worthy  of  mention.  A  flayed 
bear  was  brought  to  the  pueblo  by  some  Navahos  and  presented  to  the  mo'sona 
(director)  of  the  Hii'lo'kwe  (ant)  fraternity,  who  at  once  convened  the  fraternity. 
The  altar  was  erected  and  the  a'kwamosi  (maker  of  medicine  water)  consecrated  the 
water.  The  bear  was  butchered,  and  in  an  inner  room,  during  the  night,  was  cooked 
in  immense  caldrons  in  the  broad  fireplace  with  awning  by  female  members  of 
the  fraternity.  The  other  members  spent  the  night  in  singing  and  dancing.  In  the 
early  morning  the  cooked  meat  was  brought  in,  with  other  food,  in  large  bowls.  The 
mo'sona  placed  the  bear's  skull  in  a  flat  basket  in  which  he  had  made  a  cross  of  meal, 
symbolic  of  the  four  regions,  and  deposited  the  basket  before  thealtar,  the  top  of  the 
head  to  the  east.  A  woman  prepared  a  bowl  of  yucca  suds  and  each  person  present 
dipped  his  two  ceremonial  eagle  plumes  into  the  suds  and  brought  them  forward  over 
the  top  of  the  skull.  The  woman  who  prepared  the  suds  afterward  washed  the  skull, 
anil  the  mo'sona  painted  the  lower  portion  of  it  black  ami  the  upper  portion  yellow. 
The  top  of  the  head  was  spotted  over  with  micaceous  hematite.  A  salmon-colored 
fluffy  eagle  plume  was  attached  to  the  top  of  the  skull  and  a  similar  one  to  the  base. 
After  the  skull  was  decorated  the  a'kwamosi  sprinkled  it  with  meal,  having  first 
thrown  medicine  water  over  it,  and  all  present  sprinkled  meal  upon  it.  The  skull 
was  afterward  carried  in  state  to  To'mapa,  a  shrine  in  the  west  wall  of  To'wa  yiil'- 
lannt5  (see  pi.  xxiii)."  Each  member  of  the  fraternity  having  prepared  a  te'liki- 
nane,  these  were  arranged  in  a  flat  basket,  the  plume  ends  radiating,  and  the  skull 
was  placed  in  the  center.  The  woman  who  washed  the  skull  carried  it  and  was 
followed  by  four  officers  of  the  fraternity,  who  sang  to  the  accompaniment  of  the 
rattle.  Each  man  wore  the  deerskin  hood  of  the  personators  of  the  Sha'lako,  which 
may  be  worn  by  officers  of  fraternities  on  such  occasions  as  described. 

The  first  bodv  of  A'shiwanni  gather  on  the  eighth  day  in  the  He'iwa 
ki'wi'sine,  where  they  remain  during  the  night  and  prepare  te'likinawe, 
some  of  which  are  deposited  at  sunset  on  the  evening  of  the  ninth 
day  in  a  spring  or  water  pocket,  through  which  the  Kok'ko  (anthropic 
gods)  are  supposed  to  view  this  earth  from  the  undermost  world. 

On  the  ninth  day  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'rnosona,  the 
Ko'pekwin,  and  two  Ko'pi-tlashiwanni  meet  in  the  dwelling  of  the 
Ko'rnosona,  his  wife's  house,  and  prepare  te'likinawe.  Each  shi'wanni 
makes  four  offerings  to  Pau'tiwa.  The  others  present  make  each  two 
te'likinawe  to  be  offered  to  that  god.  The  Ko'rnosona  groups  all  the 
te'likinawe  into  a  kia'etehine.  On  the  same  da}*  the  people  of  the  Corn 
clan  and  the  children  of  the  clan*  assemble  in  the  house  of  the  father  or 
head  of  the  clan  to  choose  a  man  to  personate  Pau'tiwa  (see  page  33), 
who  is  known  at  this  time  as  the  Kom'ha'likwi.1'  The  head  of  the  clan 
presents  prayer  meal  wrapped  in  a  corn  husk  to  the  party  chosen  to  rep- 
resent the  Kom'ha'likwi,  notifying  him  that  he  is  to  personate  this  god 

n  Skulls  of  the  prey  animals  of  the  six  regions  are  deposited  at  this  shrine. 

bSee  List  of  clans. 

c  Dance  witch  or  witch  of  the  Kok'ko. 


stevenson)  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  127 

iii  the  coming  ceremony.  A  prayer  is  offered  for  a  good  heart  to  the 
chosen  party  and  for  rains  to  fructify  the  earth.  Each  man  present 
makes  four  te'likinawe  to  Pau'tiwa.  When  the  prayer  plumes  are 
completed  the  head  of  the  clan  groups  them  into  a  kia'etchine,  which 
is  afterward  given  to  the  personator  of  Pau'tiwa. 

Pau'tiwa  appears  three  times  annually  in  Zufii,  When  he  comes  to  announce  the 
closing  of  the  winter  solstice  ceremonial  the  personator  must  be  of  the  Corn  clan  or 
a  child  of  this  clan,  the  corn  being  selected  every  other  year.  When  Pau'tiwa  comes 
on  the  evening  of  the  closing  ceremonies  he  must  be  of  the  Dogwood  clan  or  a  child 
of  this  clan,  the  Dogwood  clan  being  represented  every  alternate  year,  and  being 
chosen  for  this  occasion  by  the  mo'sona  of  Shu'maakwe  fraternity,  who  selects  him! 
irrespective  of  the  Parrot  and  Raven  divisions  of  this  clan  (see  page  40).  When 
Pau'tiwa  comes  for  the  mo'lawe  festival"  the  personator  must  be  of  the  Ai'yahokwe 
(a  certain  plant)  clan  or  a  child  of  this  clan,  the  Ai'yahokwe  being  represented  every 
alternate  year. 

Five  members  of  the  Sun  clan  and  five  of  the  Corn  clan,  besides  the 
personator  of  Pau'tiwa  or  Kom'ha'likwi,  assemble  in  the  house  of  the 
latter  soon  after  his  appointment,  and  each  one  present  makes  four 
te'likinawe  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods.  After  the  offerings  are  com- 
pleted the  men  cany  them  to  the  Ko'mosona,  who  puts  them  with 
the  offerings  made  by  his  party,  wrapping  the  group  of  te'likinawe 
at  the  base  with  cotton  cord,  and  hands  the  kia'etchine  to  the  Kom'- 
ha'likwi,  who  with  his  party  is  dispatched  to  plant  these  plumes. 

The  five  men  of  the  Sun  elan  precede  the  others  in  file,  the  fifth  one 
carrying  a  ta'sakwinue  (ancient  corn  planter).  He  is  followed  by  the 
Koni'ha'likwi  bearing  the  kia'etchine.  The  five  men  of  the  Corn  clan 
follow  in  file.  All  carry  a  mixture  composed  of  ground  abalone  shell, 
ko'hakwa  (white  shell),  and  turquoise,  which  they  sprinkle  as  they 
proceed.  This  mixture  is  prepared  by  a  woman  of  the  Sun  clan,  and 
is  made  especially  for  the  occasion.  When  some  distance  west  of  the 
village  the  man  who  carries  the  corn  planter  makes  an  excavation  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  using  the  corn  planter  to  loosen  the  earth,  which 
he  throws  out  with  his  hands.  The  process  is  somewhat  tedious,  but 
continues  until  he  has  excavated  to  the  depth  of  his  waist  and  some 
2  feet  in  diameter.  He  must  reach  considerable  water.  After  the 
Koni'haTikwi  deposits  the  te'likinawe  in  the  excavation,  all  sprinkle 
the  plumes  with  meal  and  pray  for  rains,  then  the  opening  is  filled  by 
the  man  who  made  it. 

On  the  tenth  day  the  otaikia  mo'sona  (dance  director)  of  each  ki'wi'- 
sine.  with  several  associates,  awaits  in  his  ki'wi'sine  the  coming  of 
the  Kom'ha'likwi,  who  arrives  at  midnight.  He  dodges  about  and 
disappears  in  the  dark  corners  to  avoid  the  light  and  the  view  of  the 
people,  just  as  witches  do;  hence  the  name.  Ascending  the  ladder  to 
the  roof,  he  throws  a  pinch  of  meal  through  the  hatchway,  and  marks 
four  lines  with  meal  on  the  crossbar  of  it,  which  indicates  that  after 

a  See  Annual  festival  oi  the  Sha'lako,  p.  277. 


128  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

four  days  shall  have  passed  ashes  ma}-  be  carried  outside,  or  that  the 
fcesh'kwi  (fast)  closes.  After  visiting-  the  ki'wi'siwe  he  disappears 
over  the  western  road.  Each  day  one  line  of  the  meal  is  rubbed  off 
by  the  otaiMa  mo'sona. 

During  the  fourteenth  da}r  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mo- 
sona,  Ko'pekwin,  the  two  Ko'pi'lashiwanni,  and  the  fire-tender  are 
engaged  in  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sinc  preparing  te'likinawe  to  the  Council 
of  the  Gods,  the  six  Sha'liiko,  four  Sa'ya'hlia.  and  Bi"tsitsi.  Those  to 
the  latter  are  designated  mo'lawe  a'wan  te'likinawe,  they  being  asso- 
ciated with  13i'"sitsi,  the  original  mo'sona  of  the  Galaxy  fraternity,  at 
the  time  of  his  appearance  in  the  festival  of  the  mo'lawe."  In  addition 
to  these  offerings,  others  are  made  every  four  years  to  'Kiaklo,*  and 
to  the  Kia'nakwe,''  who  are  personated  quadrennially.  At  the  same 
time  the  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'yemshi6  is  chosen  from  the  designated  fra- 
ternity by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  is  also  Shi'wanni  of  the 
Nadir,  the  several  fraternities  alternating  annually;  and  while  it  is 
customary  for  the  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'vemshi  to  select  his  nine  asso- 
ciates from  the  fraternity  to  which  he  belongs,  they  are  sometimes 
chosen  at  large  from  the  people. 

The  Great  Fire  f raternitj'  is  also  assembled  in  the  ki'wi'sine  at  this 
time,  with  other  members.  The  mo'sona  of  this  fraternity  directs  two 
of  its  members  to  visit  'Kia'nanaknana,  a  spring  at  the  black  rocks 
east  of  Zuiii,  and  collect  water.  A  gourd  jug  covered  with  a  net- 
work of  cotton  cord,  with  four  fluffy  white  eagle  plumes  attached,  is 
handed  to  one  of  the  men,  who  holds  it  in  his  left  hand  and  receives 
four  te'likinawe  in  his  right.  These  plume  offerings  are  to  the  Sun 
Father,  deceased  Kia'kwe  amosi  (rain  priests)  of  the  North  (rain 
priests  of  the  Zenith),  and  rain  priests  of  the  Nadir.  The  second  man 
receives  four  te'likinawe  to  the  Sun  Father,  deceased  rain  priests  of 
the  West,  South,  and  East,  which  he  carries  in  his  left  hand,  while  in 
his  right  he  has  a  rhombus,  which  he  whirls  as  he  follows  the  other 
man  to  the  spring.  The  leader  carries  meal  in  his  belt,  which  he 
throws  before  him  as  he  proceeds.  Reaching  the  spring,  the  te'likinawe 
are  deposited,  and  the  jug  is  filled  with  water. 

The  same  morning  the  Ko'mosona  selects  a  man  of  the  Deer  clan  and 
one  of  the  Corn  clan  to  visit  a  spring  at  'Kiap'kwena  (Ojo  Caliente). 
The  man  of  the  Deer  clan  leads.  He  carries  in  his  left  hand  a  water 
jug  similar  to  that  borne  by  the  member  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity, 
and  five  te'likinawe,  which  are  to  be  offered  to  Council  of  the  Gods. 
In  his  right  hand  he  carries  a  rhombus.  The  man  of  the  Corn  clan 
carries  in  his  left  hand  a  similar  jug  and  five  te'likinawe,  as  offer- 
ings to  Council  of  the  Gods  and  the  Sha'liiko.     He  carries  a  rhombus 

a  See  Annual  festival  of  the  Sha'Hiko,  p.  277. 

6  See  Origin  of  ancestral  pods,  p.  33. 

c  See  Destruction  of  the  Kla'nakwe  and  songs  of  thanksgiving,  p.  36. 


stevensos]  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  129 

in  his  right.  These  te'likinawe  are  deposited  in  the  spring,  and  the 
jugs  are  tilled  with  water.  This  couple  returns  the  same  evening, 
though  the  spring  is  15  miles  from  Zuni.  Should  they  become  weary, 
they  sprinkle  meal  before  them,  with  a  prayer  to  the  Council  of  the 
Gods  for  strength  of  heart  and  limb.  Upon  their  return  from  'Kia'- 
nanaknana  the  men  pass  to  the  right  of  the  ladder,  and  after  descend- 
ing into  the  ki'wi'sine  turn  to  the  left  and  advance  to  the  director  of  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity,  who  stands  by  the  meal  painting.  After  receiv- 
ing the  jugs,  the  director  stoops  and  empties  the  water  into  his  medi- 
cine bowl  with  the  prayer:  "Ho'rno  a'ta'chu  u'wannam-a'shiwanni 
yarn  'kia'shima  yam  to'shonanne  yam  'hli'towe  yiim  wil'lolonanne  j'iim 
ku'lulunanne  yum'hlash'shiakia  (My  fathers,  rain  priests,  rain- 
makers, give  to  us  water,  seeds,  rains,  and  lightning.  Let  us  have 
thunder.  Let  us  be  white-haired  with  age)."  The  unexpressed 
thought  is  that  they  niay  be  made  happy  with  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
and  live  to  old  age,  to  sleep,  not  die,  and  awake  in  Ko'thluwala'wa  (the 
abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods;  see  plate  iv).  The  two 
members  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  take  their  seats  with  their 
fraternity.  The  Ko'mosona  receives  the  jug  brought  bjr  the  others  and 
pours  the  water  into  his  medicine  bowl  with  a  prayer  similar  to  that 
offered  by  the  director  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  the  first  bod}7  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mosona, 
ami  the  Ko'pekwin  consult  together  in  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  as  to  who 
shall  personate  certain  gods  and  who  shall  entertain  the  Council  of  the 
Gods  and  Sha'lako  in  the  coming  autumn.  This  privilege  is  asked  by 
such  men  of  the  village  as  desire  to  build  new  homes  or  renovate  old 
ones,  those  having  good  hearts  and  being  fitted  to  fill  the  positions 
receiving  much  consideration;  the  decision  is  made  by  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest.  There  are  alwaj^s  eight  new  houses  to  be  blessed 
by  the  gods. 

A  meal  painting,  quite  different  in  character  from  the  one  symbolic 
of  clouds  seen  on  the  fourth  day.  is  made  b}'  the  Ko'pekwin  before 
sunset  on  the  fourteenth  day.  The  former  painting  is  the  propert}' 
of  the  Gods  of  War,  and  must  never  appear  except  in  connection 
with  them.  The  latter  is  used  in  reference  to  the  Kok'ko.  The  cloud 
symbols  of  the  other  fraternities  are  different  from  either  of  those 
mentioned.  A  large  fire  burns  on  the  fire  altar  day  and  night  during 
the  fourteenth  day. 

The  Sa'va'hlia  masks  (see  plate  xvi)  that  were  deposited  by  the 
meal  painting  are  soon  removed  and  worn  by  the  personators  of  these 
gods,  who  appear  as  warriors  for  a  short  time  in  the  streets  of  the 
village  and  then  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine.  They  and  the  personators 
of  Shits'ukia  and  Kwe'lele  (two  gods  from  Shi'papolima")  wear  their 

a  See  Esoteric  fraternities. 
23  ETH— 04 9 


130  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

masks  throughout  the  night  and  move  about  continually  without  taking 
.-eats  (see  plates  xxvi  and  xxvn). 

The  personator  of  Pau'tiwa  appears  in  the  ki'wi'sine  after  dark,  and 
his  mask  (see  plate  xxvin)  is  removed  and  placed  by  the  meal  painting, 
the  man  himself  taking  his  seat  immediately  back  of  it  between  the 
lines  of  men  of  the  Dogwood  and  Sun  clans. 

The  ledge  around  the  room  is  filled  with  spectators,  all  males  who 
have  passed  their  voluntary  initiation  being  privileged  to  enter  the 
ki'wi'sine.  The  Sa'ya'hlia,  Shits'ukia,  and  Kwe'lele  are  tenacious  in 
their  prerogative  of  whipping  those  who  are  found  dozing  or  who 
attempt  to  depart  from  the  ki'wi'sine  during  the  night.  No  one 
must  sleep  while  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  nor  must  one,  after  entering,  leave 
before  morning.  The  members  of  Great  Fire  fraternity  and  of  the 
He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  alternate  in  singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the 
rattle  and  drum. 

There  is  constant  smoking,  and  a  quantity  of  popcorn  water  is  drunk. 
No  article  that  has  touched  grease  must  be  used  in  dipping  this  water. 

Mr.  George  M.  Landers,  of  Connecticut,  a  Representative  in  the  Forty-fourth  and 
Forty-fifth  Congresses,  desiring  to  aid  in  Christianizing  and  civilizing  the  Zufiis,  gave 
to  an  Indian,  who  was  spending  the  winter  with  the  writer,  a  large  box  of  cutlery  and 
silverware,  thinking  that  this  Indian,  having  had  the  environment  of  civilization  for 
six  months,  would  carry  back  its  influence  to  her  people.  When  the  writer  visited 
Zuiii  about  two  months  after  the  return  of  the  Indian  to  her  home,  she  found  that  the 
steel  knives  had  been  distributed  among  the  rain  priests  and  others,  for  the  purpose 
of  fashioning  te'likinawe,  and  that  the  large  silver  spoons  were  used  with  popcorn 
water,  which  is  drunk  in  certain  ceremonials.  The  forks  were  playthings  among  the 
children,  the  Indian  to  whom  the  things  were  given  having  returned  to  the  use  of 
her  fingers  in  place  of  the  knife  and  fork.  Yet  this  Zufiian,  during  her  six 
months'  stay  in  Washington,  came  in  contact  only  with  the  highest  conditions  of 
culture,  dining  and  receiving  with  some  of  the  most  distinguished  women  of  the 
national  capital. 

The  songs  and  dancing  of  Shits'ukia  and  Kwe'lele  continue  until 
the  rising  of  the  Morning  Star  (warrior  to  the  Sun  Father),  which  is 
carefully  watched  for  by  men  who  ascend  the  ladder  to  the  hatchway. 
"When  announcement  is  made  of  the  appearance  of  the  star.  Kwe'lele 
and  the  director  of  the  order  of  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  (Great  god)  of  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity  "  take  their  seats  near  the  fire  altar.  Kwe'lele 
places  his  horizontal  fire  stick  on  the  floor  and  proceeds  to  produce 
fire  by  friction.  A  quantity  of  crushed  cedar  fiber  having  been  placed 
beside  the  horizontal  stick,  a  second  stick  held  in  the  hand  is  rubbed 
in  a  rotary  manner  upon  the  one  on  the  floor.  After  Kwe'lele  has 
worked  a  while,  the  director  of  the  order  of  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  takes 
the  stick,  and,  after  a  time,  produces  sparks,  which  ignite  the  crushed 
fiber.  Lifting  the  fiber  in  both  hands,  he  waves  it  sidewise  until 
there  is  sufficient  fire  to  light  the  brand.  (The  breath  must  never  be 
blown  upon  the  fiber,  for  this  would  so  offend  the  gods  that  no  rains 

«  See  p.  407. 


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stevenson]  WINTEK   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  131 

would  come.)  Kwe'lele  rises  and  touches  his  brand  to  the  light,  after 
which  the  director  throws  the  crushed  fiber  into  the  flames  of  the  fire 
altar.  The  tire  tender  lights  a  similar  brand  at  the  fire  altar,  and  the 
party  leaves  the  Iri'wi'sine  in  the  following'  order:  Shits'ukia,  carrying 
a  rhombus  in  his  right  hand  and  an  ear  of  yellow  corn  in  his  left;  the 
Ko'pekwin,  with  a  basket  of  sacred  meal  and  his  mi'li  in  his  left  hand, 
while  with  his  right  he  throws  meal  before  him;  the  pe'kwin,  who 
carries  a  basket  of  meal  and  an  ear  of  blue  corn  in  his  left  hand  and 
sprinkles  meal  with  his  right;  the  fire-tencler,  carrying  in  his  blanket 
over  his  left  arm  four  ears  of  corn  with  te'likinawe  in  the  center  and 
a  firebrand  in  his  right  hand;  the  Ko'mosona,  carrying  his  mi'li  and 
basket  of  meal  in  his  left  hand  and  sprinkling  meal  with  his  right; 
Pau'tiwa,  wearing  a  white  cotton  shirt,  embroidered  sash,  four  mi'hawe 
(sacred  embroidered  blankets),  white  deerskin  leggings  fringed  at  the 
sides,  and  dance  moccasins;  his  mask  is  elaborately  decorated;  on  his 
left  arm  are  many  te'likinawe,  including  offerings  from  each  member 
of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  while  with  his  right  hand  he  sprinkles 
meal,  which  he  carries  in  his  sash;  four  Sa'ya'hlia,  who  carry  bows 
and  arrows  in  their  left  hands,  and  bunches  of  }mcca  in  the  right;  four 
men  of  the  Sun  clan;  Kwe'lele,  who  follows  a  short  distance  from  the 
others,  carrying  a  firebrand  and  crushed  cedar  fiber  in  his  right  hand, 
and  in  his  left  fire  sticks,  from  which  the  fire  is  made. 

The  party  proceeds  to  Ku'shilowa  (red  earth),  a  short  distance  east  of 
Zuiii,  where  the  fire  tender  laj's  his  burning  brand  on  the  ground  and 
Kwe'lele  places  his  brand  south  of  it.  The  Ko'pekwin  runs  a  line  of 
meal  between  the  two  brands,  which  are  a  short  distance  apart.  Shits'- 
ukia stands  north  of  the  brand  of  the  fire  tender  and  Kwe'lele  stands 
south  of  his  own  brand.  The  fire  tender  stands  just  west  of  the  meal 
line  and  Pau'tiwa  stoops  with  bended  knees  behind  the  fire  tender.  The 
four  Sa'ya'hlia  stand  a  short  distance  back  of  Pau'tiwa,  the  remainder 
of  the  party  forming  in  groups  north  and  south  and  back  of  the  others, 
all  facing  east.  Those  grouped  at  the  back  sprinkle  meal  on  the  gods 
and  draw  in  the  sacred  bi'eath.  The  te'likinawe  are  now  deposited  in  a 
circular  excavation,  an  arm's  length  in  depth,  made  by  the  ceremonial 
father  of  Pau'tiwa,  a  member  of  the  Sun  clan,  he  having  preceded  the 
others  from  the  ki'wi'sine  in  time  to  have  the  excavation  in  readiness. 
The  fire  tender  separates  his  corn  from  the  te'likinawe  and  carries  it 
home.  The  father  of  Pau'tiwa  covers  the  offerings  with  earth,  leaving 
no  trace  of  the  excavation. 

The  plume  offerings  are  made  to  the  Sun  Father,  Council  of  the 
Gods,  Sa'va'hlia,  Shits'ukia,  Kwe'lele,  u'wannam  A'shiwanni,"  Ku'pish- 
taya,'-'  and  Po'shaiyanki.c  The  prayers  offered  on  this  occasion  are  for 
rain,  snow,  and  warmth  from  the  Sun  Father  to  fructify  the  mother 
earth,  that  she  may  give  in  abundance  the  fruits  of  her  being,  all  seeds 

a  Rain  priests  (rain-makers).  b  Lightning-makers.  c  Culture  hero. 


132  THE    ZUN1    INDIANS  [eth.41TO.23 

being  mentioned,  and  for  raiment,  each  article  being  named.  For  the 
hitter  Po'shaiyanki  is  appealed  to. 

The  exit  of  the  party  from  the  ki'wi'sine  is  the  signal  for  all  families 
to  begin  the  cleaning  of  their  houses.  Each  female  member  of  the 
family  except  the  one  making  the  bread,  no  matter  how  young,  if  she 
can  walk  and  carry  a  small  basket  or  bowl,  goes  to  the  nearest  field  of 
the  family  and  deposits  sweepings;  ashes  with  live  coals  are  deposited 
separately.  To  the  sweepings  she  says:  '"I  now  deposit  you  as  sweep- 
ings, but  in  one  year  you  will  return  to  me  as  corn."'  To  the  ashes 
she  says:  "I  now  deposit  you  as  ashes,  but  in  one  year  you  will  return 
to  me  as  meal."  Both  the  ashes  and  sweepings  are  sprinkled  with 
meal,  and  prayers  are  offered.  The  one  who  is  making  the  bread 
afterward  goes  to  the  heaps,  repeating  prayers  and  sprinkling  meal. 
The  te'likinawe.  which  are  kept  with  the  ashes  and  sweepings  for  ten 
days,  are  then  deposited  in  the  fields. 

After  the  return  of  the  party  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  where  the  A'shiwanni, 
the  Great  Fire  fraternity,  and  others  have  awaited  them,  the  Great 
Fire  fraternity  sing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and  drum,  and 
the  four  Sa'ya'hlia,  Shits'ukia.  and  Kwe'lele  dance  until  after  sunrise. 
Having  extinguished  his  firebrand  at  Ku'shilowa.  Kwe'lele  brings  it 
with  him  to  the  ki'wi'sine  and  after  sunset  deposits  it  on  the  road 
to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  All  go  to  their  homes  to  eat  except  the  four 
Sa'ya'hlia,  Shits'ukia,  and  Kwe'lele,  who  must  remain  in  the  ki'wi'sine. 

An  aunt  on  the  paternal  side,  or  some  woman  of  the  father's  clan, 
calls  through  the  hatchway  in  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine  to  the  fire 
tender.  He  ascends  to  the  roof  and  accompanies  her  to  her  house,  where 
she  washes  his  head  with  yucca  suds  and  bathes  his  body  for  purifica- 
tion and  longevity,  that  he  ma}'  not  die,  but  sleep  to  awake  in  Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa. After  eating  in  the  aunt's  house,  the  meal  including  animal 
food,  the  fire  tender  returns  to  the  ki'wi'sine.  "When  the  others  who 
left  for  breakfast  have  returned,  the  pe'kwln  selects  separately  from 
a  basket  tray  a  number  of  te'likinawe  to  be  distributed  to  persons 
chosen  to  fill  certain  offices,  which  appointments  were  discussed  on  the 
previous  day. 

The  pe'kwln  hands  each  te'likinane  separately  to  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest,  the  following  words  being  repeated  with  the  presentation 
of  each:  "Ta'chumo"  (father),  said  by  receiver:  "tal'emo"  (father's 
brother's  son),  said  by  the  giver;  '"pa'pamo"  (elder  brother),  said 
by  the  receiver:  "su'emo"  (younger  brother),  said  by  the  giver; 
"ka'kiamo"  (mother's  elder  brother),  said  by  receiver:  "ka'simo" 
(mother's  younger  brother),  said  by  giver:  "na'namo"  (grandfather), 
said  by  receiver;  ''tosh'limo"  (grandson),  said  by  giver:  "al'limo" 
(great-grandfather),  said  by  receiver;  "u'waikiami"  (great-grandson), 
said  by  giver.     Each  offering  is  to  the  god  the  chosen  party  is  to  per- 


stevesson]  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  133 

senate;  the  offerings  for  those  who  have  been  appointed  to  entertain  the 
Sha'lako  remain  in  the  ki'wi'sine  until  they  are  taken  in  charge  by  Pau'- 
tiwa  later  in  the  day.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  distributes  the 
others  soon  after  he  receives  them.  The  presentation  of  the  te'liki  na  we 
indicates  that  the  parties  are  chosen  for  the  office  and  must  repair  to 
the  ki'wi'sine.  They  are  as  follows:  Those  to  personate  Shu'laawi'si," 
Sa'yatasha,  two  Ya'muhakto,  Hu'tutu,  Pau'tiwa,  A'wan  ta/'chu  Ko'- 
yemshi,'' and  Bi'^'si'si.6'  Every  fourth  year  the  personator  of  'Kiaklo 
and  the  priest  or  the  director  of  the  Kia'nakwe  are  included,  the 
ceremonies  in  which  these  gods  figure  occurring  quadrennially. 

The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  returns  to  the  ki'wi'sine  and  is  soon 
followed  by  those  to  whom  he  has  given  the  te'likinawe.  These  offer- 
ings remain  in  the  house  of  each  man  until  he  has  filled  the  position  for 
wdiick  he  is  chosen. 

On  entering  the  ki'wi'sine  these  men  take  their  seats  on  a  plank 
extended  from  one  box  to  another.  The  personator  of  Shu'laawi'si  is 
the  first  addressed,  the  pe'kwin  presenting  to  him  the  appropriate  offer- 
ing from  the  basket  containing  the  te'likinawe.  The  sticks  of  these 
offerings  are  as  long  as  the  space  between  the  carpus  and  the  tip  of 
the  middle  finger.  The  stick  for  Shu'laawi'si  is  black,  spotted  with 
yellow,  blue-green,  red,  and  white,  and  feathers  of  the  turkej',  duck, 
and  the  birds  of  the  six  regions  attached.  The  priest  stoops  before 
the  chosen  personator  of  Shu'laawi'si,  and,  placing  the  te'likinane 
in  his  hands,  clasps  them  with  both  of  his  and  prays  for  rain,  corn, 
much  water  over  the  earth,  long  life,  and  all  good  things.  The  te'liki- 
nane is  now  passed  downward  several  times  before  the  face  in  order  that 
the  selected  one  may  draw  the  sacred  breath  from  the  plumes.  The 
same  ceremony  is  repeated  by  the  pe'kwin  with  Sa'yatasha,  Hu'tutu, 
the  two  Ya'muhakto,  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'yemshi,  and  Bi'"si'si.  The 
sticks  of  all  except  the  Ko'yemshi  are  colored  yellow,  while  that  of 
the  Ko'yemshi  is  colored  black,  and  all  are  decorated  with  feathers  of 
the  eagle,  turkey,  duck,  and  the  birds  of  the  six  regions.  After  the 
presentation  of  the  te'likinawe  the  chosen  personators  of  the  gods 
leave  the  ki'wi'sine,  the  personator  of  Sa'yatasha  taking  to  his  home 
all  the  te'likinawe  excepting  those  of  the  Ko'yemshi  and  Bi'"si'si. 

Shits'ukia  and  Kwe'lele  perform  during  the  day  on  the  roof  of  the 
ki'wi'sine.  All  the  exposed  parts  of  Shits'ukia's  body,  including  the 
upper  legs,  are  painted  white,  with  this  symbol  ^  just  above  the  knees, 
formed  by  scraping  off  the  white  paint.  He  wears  a  white  cotton  shirt, 
an  embroidered  Hopi  kilt  fastened  at  the  right  side,  an  embroidered 
Hopi  sash,  and  a  woman's  belt  around  the  waist  looped  on  the  right. 
A  fox  skin  is  pendent  at  the  back  of  the  waist.  A  sacred  embroid- 
ered blanket  is  doubled  and  fastened  over  the  right  shoulder,  passing 

a  Shu'laawi'si  must  belong  to  the  ki'wit'sine  of  the  Zenith.  (-See  p.  33.  osee  p.  408. 


134  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

under  the  left  arm,  both  arms  being  perfectly  free.  Several  strings 
of  archaic  black  and  white  beads,  with  an  abalone  shell  attached, 
pass  over  the  right  shoulder  and  under  the  left  arm;  the  deerskin 
leggings  are  fringed  at  the  side,  native  black  yarn  is  tied  around  the 
legs  below  the  knees  and  hangs  in  tassels,  with  sleigh  bells  attached; 
dance  moccasins  are  worn.  On  some  occasions  it  has  been  observed 
that  Shits'ukia  wears  white  cotton  leggings  knit  in  fanciful  designs. 
These  are  unquestionably  of  Spanish  origin.  A  bow  wristlet  is  on  the 
left  wrist  and  native  blue  yarn  encircles  the  right.  The  mask  (see  plate 
xxvi)  is  white  with  designs  of  lightning  in  yellow  and  blue,  and  a 
cornstalk  runs  over  the  forehead.  A  deer  tail  hangs  on  each  side  of 
the  mask  above  the  colored  wheels  that  symbolize  corn  and  squash 
blossoms.  White  fluffy  eagle  plumes  and  yellow  parrot  feathers  deco- 
rate the  top  of  the  mask  and  long  parrot  plumes  and  fluffy  eagle  feathers 
stand  up  at  the  back  of  the  mask;  an  aigret  of  hawk  plumes  is  below 
this  group.  A  collarette  of  spruce  is  worn  at  the  base  of  the  mask. 
Shits'ukia  carries  a  rhombus  in  his  right  hand,  which  he  uses  con- 
stant^, and  yucca  in  hi,s  left. 

Kwe'lele  has  his  body  colored  black  except  the  upper  legs,  which 
are  painted  white,  the  white  beginning  some  inches  above  the  knees. 
He  wears  an  embroidered  Hopi  kilt  fastened  at  the  right  side  and 
held  on  by  a  Hopi  woman's  belt  with  a  white  cotton  fringed  sash; 
a  fox  skin  is  pendent  at  the  back.  He  has  green  armlets  just  above 
the  elbows,  with  spruce  twigs  standing  from  the  upper  sides.  A  bow 
wristlet  is  on  the  left  wrist  and  native  blue  yarn  on  the  right,  the  yarn 
hanging  in  tassels.  Strings  of  archaic  beads,  similar  to  those  worn 
by  Shits'ukia,  hang  in  the  same  way  over  the  shoulder.  He  wears 
dance  moccasins  and  anklets  embroidered  with  porcupine  quills,  and 
carries  bunches  of  yucca  in  the  right  hand  and  fire  sticks  in  the  left. 
The  mask  (see  plate  xxvn)  is  black,  with  plume  decorations  similar  to 
that  of  Shits'ukia;  bells  of  white  paper  hang  on  each  side  of  the 
mask.  Shits'ukia  and  Kwe'lele  walk  about  over  the  roof  for  some- 
time; meanwhile  crowds  are  gathering  in  the  plaza  and  on  the  house 
tops. 

The  ladder  leading  into  the  ki'wit'sine  has  a  horizontal  bar  (sjmibolic 
of  the  bow  of  the  Sa'ya'hlia)  attached  to  it  several  feet  above  the  hatch- 
way, which  is  fringed  with  black  goat's  wool  about  5  inches  deep.  A 
squirrel  skin  is  pendent  at  the  middle  of  the  bar,  and  each  end  is  deco- 
rated with  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes.  The  songs  of  the  Great  Fire 
fraternity  are  to  be  heard  within  during  the  time  the  two  gods  are  on 
the  roof.  As  the  afternoon  draws  to  a  close  Shits'ukia  and  Kwe'lele 
descend  into  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  soon  reappear  with  ears  of  sweet  corn 
strung  together  horizontal^  with  strings  of  yucca,  which  they  throw 
to  the  populace.  The  corn  has  been  cooked  in  the  husk,  which  is  after- 
ward removed.     It  has  been  mentioned  that  no  meals  are  served  in  the 


stevenson]  WINTER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  135 

ki'wi'sine  during  the  winter  solstice  ceremonial;  no  rains  would  come 
if  food  should  be  eaten  there  at  this  season.  This  custom  and  that 
of  throwing  food  to  the  populace  are  associated  with  the  legend  here 
introduced. 

Legend  related  by  We'wha 

The  gods  of  Chi'pia"  were  hungry.  They  had  no  meat,  and  they  were  hungry  for 
meat.  There  had  been  no  rains  for  a  long  time,  but  there  had  been  a  little  lightning. 
Shits'ukla  said  to  Kwe'lele:  "I  think  I  will  go  to-morrow  to  look  for  deer."  The 
ancestral  gods  of  the  A'shiwi  were  also  hungry,  but  the  gods  of  Chi'pia  did  not 
know  this.  Shits'ukla  and  Kwe'lele  were  so  hungry  that  they  ate  their  moccasins, 
and  Shits'ukla  ate  his  earrings  of  deer  tails;  and  so  in  the  morning  he  started 
after  deer.  There  was  no  game  in  his  country,  and  he  considered:  "Which  route 
shall  I  take?  I  think  I  will  go  to  the  west,  whence  the  lightning  came;  the  deer,  I 
guess,  live  there."  He  was  barefoot  and  poorly  clad,  for  he  had  eaten  everything; 
he  had  only  a  little  meal  of  sweet  corn  and  a  few  seeds  of  the  same.  The  afternoon 
of  the  fourth  day  he  came  to  tall  green  grass,  and  sitting  in  the  grass  were  two  sisters 
washing  a  buckskin.  When  they  discovered  the  stranger  they  turned  a  large  pottery 
bowl  over  the  buckskin.  Shits'ukla,  approaching  them,  inquired:  "What  are  you 
doing?"  "I  have  been  washing."  "  What  have  you  been  washing?"  "I  have 
been  washing  myself."  "No,"  said  Shits'ukla,  "I  know  what  you  have  been 
washing;  you  have  been  washing  buckskin."  "Did  you  see?"  "Yes;  I  saw  you 
along  time.  I  have  been  watching  you."  The  girls  then  removed  the  bowl  and 
showed  the  buckskin,  and  then  continued  their  washing.  When  it  was  done,  one 
said,  addressing  her  sister:  "Now  we  will  go  home."  The  girl  then  invited 
Shits'ukla  to  accompany  her  home.  These  people  were  the  Kwal'ashi  kwin'na 
(Black  raven).  These  raven  people  then  lived  in  a  high  mountain.  On  reaching 
the  house  the  father  exclaimed:  "  Who  is  that  boy  who  has  come?"  The  mother 
also  asked  the  question.  The  daughter  replied  :  "I  don't  know;  he  has  been  travel- 
ing four  days  and  nights."  The  father  said  to  the  elder  girl:  "Well,  he  will  be  good 
for  your  husband."  The  parents  were  eating  and  had  much  meat  before  them. 
They  invited  Shits'ukla  to  eat.  The  father  had  just  returned  from  the  cornfield. 
After  he  had  finished  his  meal  he  said  to  the  stranger:  "I  will  take  you  for  my  son. 
You  are  poor.  You  will  live  with  me.  Look  at  both  my  children.  You  shall  have 
one  as  your  wife.  Look  at  both  and  tell  me  the  one  you  choose."  Shits'ukla 
replied:  "I  wish  the  elder  daughter  for  my  wife."  "It  is  well,"  said  the  father. 
At  bedtime  the  father  said:  "I  guess  you  are  very  tired.  You  will  sleep  alone  with 
your  wife  in  the  upper  room."  On  reaching  his  room  Shits'ukla  found  his  bed 
made  of  deerskins.  He  slept  all  night  with  his  wife.  When  they  arose  in  the  morn- 
ing the  father  said:  "Now  I  will  show  you  all  our  game — elk,  deer,  antelope,  rabbits, 
and  rats."  Going  a  short  distance  away,  he  exclaimed:  "Ah,  ha,  my  children,  I 
amglad to  see  you;  good  day."  The  game  answered:  "Kets'anishi  (all  good  come 
to  you)."  Shits'ukla  said  to  the  game:  "I  am  hungry  and  want  meat.  Which  of 
you  shall  I  kill?"  An  elk  replied,  "Kill  me;"  and  Shits'ukla  killed  the  elk,  flayed 
him,  and  then  returned  to  the  house.  For  four  days  he  killed  deer  and  dried  the  meat. 
The  fifth  day  he  asked  the  father:  "Where  is  a  good  place  to  plant  my  corn?  I  have 
a  few  seeds."  "A  little  way  off  there  is  agood  place."  "Well,  I  have  lots  of  meat. 
I  will  take  it  with  me  and  stay  two  nights  at  the  field."  He  went  off  and  planted  the 
corn;  he  did  not  intend  to  sleep  in  the  field.  That  night  he  wrapped  the  meat  up 
in  a  skin  and  went  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  Pau'tiwa  was  delighted  to  see  the  meat. 
He  asked:  "My  child,  where  did  you  find  the  deer?"     "I  sat  outside  my  house 

a  Chi'pia  is  the  abiding  place  ol"  certain  gods  who  preceded  the  Zufiis  to  this  world.  It  is  located, 
according  to  Zufii  history,  near  Shi'papolima,  the  home  of  the  Zuxii  prey  gods. 


136  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bxh.ann.23 

after  sundown  and  saw  a  little  lightning.  I  thought  I  would  look  for  my  children  in 
thf  direction  whence  it  came,  and  I  found  them."  He  told  the  story  of  meeting 
with  the  Kwal'ashi  people.  He  remained  all  night  at  Ko'thluwala'wa.  Shits'ukla 
said:  "Pretty  soon  I  will  steal  all  the  game."  He  also  told  of  his  planting  the 
corn.  "Well,"  said  Pau'tiwa,  "your  corn  will  be  ripe  in  four  days  and  I  shall  be  con- 
tented to  have  you  steal  all  the  game;  my  people  are  very  hungry  for  meat."  All 
night  they  talked.  Pau'tiwa  went  out  and  brought  in  a  beautiful  girl  and  said: 
"When  you  bring  the  deer,  then  this  girl  shall  be  your  wife.  I  sent  the  eagle  for 
game  and  he  returned  without  having  seen  it.  I  also  sent  the  hawk,  and  he  returned 
without  having  seen  any.  But  you  are  wiser  than  the  others;  you  are  my  child." 
Shits'ukla  returned  early  in  the  morning  to  where  he  had  planted  the  corn.  The 
corn  was  already  quite  high — over  a  foot.  He  hoed  the  ground  and  sang  till  sunset, 
anil  then  returned  to  the  Kwal'ashi  people  and  slept  that  night  with  his  wife.  He 
said  to  the  father:  "My  corn  is  good;  it  is  already  quite  high."  He  remained  four 
nights  with  these  people,  going  each  day  to  his  cornfield.  He  also  killed  many  deer, 
and  dried  the  meat.  The  fourth  day  he  said  to  the  K  wal'ashi  man :  ' '  Now  I  am  going 
to  my  cornfield.     My  corn  I  think  is  ripe.     Now  I  will  roast  some  corn." 

Shits'ukla  went  to  the  field,  and  made  a  great  fire  at  night  and  threw  the  corn  in, 
and  all  the  gods  came  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  ate  the  corn  and  meat.  After  all 
had  gathered,  Shits'ukla  said  to  the  cougar:  "Father,  I  wish  you  to  come  to  me." 
And  iu  a  little  while  the  cougar  appeared.  He  then  called  the  bear,  then  the 
lynx,  and  then  the  coyote.  Shits'ukla  said  to  the  cougar:  "Father,  what  will  you 
have  to  eat?  Will  you  have  the  rabbit?"  "No."  "Will  you  have  the  antelope?" 
"No;  I  wish  the  deer."  He  then  said  to  the  bear:  "My  father,  warrior,  what  will 
you  have  to  eat?"  "I  will  have  the  same  as  the  cougar — the  deer."  He  then  said 
to  the  lynx:  "My  warrior,  what  will  you  have?  Will  you  have  the  deer?"  "No." 
"Will  you  have  antelope?"  "No;  I  want  the  rabbit.  I  do  not  run  about  much;  I 
will  eat  the  rabbit."  Then  he  asked  the  coyote:  "  What  will  you  have?  Will  you 
have  the  rabbit?"  "No."  "  The  antelope?"  "No;  I  will  have  the  deer."  "Well, 
let  us  go."  And  they  all  went  to  the  deer  house.  When  they  came  close  to  the  great 
stone  fence  which  surrounded  the  game  he  said  to  all:  "  We  must  not  speak  loud." 
And  on  reaching  the  gate  he  spoke  to  the  deer,  saying:  "Deer,  my  children,  come 
hither;  my  father  and  warriors  wish  to  eat;  whom  shall  I  kill?"  A  deer  replied :  "Kill 
me."  "Come  outside,  my  child,"  said  Shits'ukla.  "Where  shall  I  go?  It  is  dark,  I 
can  not  see."  "Here;  come  out."  The  deer  passed  out  the  door.  The  cougar  made 
a  second  attempt  before  he  caught  the  deer.  Then  Shits'ukla  called  the  bear.  The 
hair  was  so  heavy  over  his  small  eyes  that  he  could  hardly  see.  "Stand  here," 
said  Shits'ukla.  A  second  deer  was  called.  AVhen  the  deer  passed  out  of  the  gate 
the  bear  walked  about,  but  could  not  see  the  deer;  the  deer  went  far  away,  and  the 
bear  failed  to  catch  him."  Shits'ukla  said:  "Now  you  have  failed  to  catch  the  deer; 
no  longer  shall  you  eat  deer.  You  will  be  my  warrior  still,  but  you  shall  eat  only 
medicine."''  Then  Shits'ukla  called  the  lynx,  who  has  eyes  like  the  cougar,  and 
he  caught  the  rabbit  and  ate  it.  Then  the  coyote  was  called  up,  and  the  deer  came, 
as  for  the  cougar.  "Pass  out,"  said  Shits'ukla.  The  coyote  had  fallen  asleep,  and 
awoke  after  the  deer  had  passed,  exclaiming:  "Where  is  the  deer?"  "He  has 
gone,"  Shits'ukla  said,  "go  after  him."  But  with  all  the  coyote's  running  he  could 
not  catch  the  deer.  When  he  returned  Shits'ukla  asked  him  if  he  had  caught  the 
deer.  The  coyote  replying  in  the  negative,  Shits'ukla  said:  "Well,  hereafter  you 
shall  not  eat  the  meat  of  any  animal.     You  shall  eat  only  blood.     In  the  past  the 

"  "The  cougar  has  eyes  like  fire  and  sees  all  things.  The  bear  only  walks  about  slowly,  continu- 
ally dropping  chips." 

'-This  medicine  is  found  in  the  earth  by  the  bear.  Whenever  the  Zufiis  see  him,  he  is  still  walking 
around,  dropping  chips  ami  hunting  in  the  earth  for  his  medicine.  In  the  old  time  Shits'ukla  gave 
the  bear  the  medicine,  which  he  still  eats. 


stevenson]  WINTER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  187 

coyote  ate  only  blood,  and  therefore  the  fetish  sus'ki  (coyote)  is  dipped  into  the 
blood  of  the  deer.     The  cougar  and  hear  fetishes  also  eat  blood  of  the  deer. 

Then  Pau'tiwa  ami  Shits'ukta  both  said  to  the  game:  "My  children,  you  shall  no 
longer  stay  here.  We  will  open  the  gates  that  you  may  pass  over  the  earth  anil  eat 
the  grass  of  the  earth."  The  game  had  but  little  to  eat  in  their  stone  house.  Pau'- 
tiwa said:  "You  will  find  good  places  where  you  can  have  your  young,  and  when 
we  want  food  we  will  kill  and  eat  you,  and  your  otherselves  will  come  and  live 
in  my  house."  And  all  the  game  passed  out  of  the  gates.  One  of  the  Kwal'ashi, 
hearing,  ran  to  tell  the  others,  and  all  left  the  house  to  see,  and  they  cried:  "  Who 
has  let  out  our  game?"  Shits'ukta  at  once  spat  out  the  medicine"  Pau'tiwa  had 
given  him  over  the  Kwal'ashi  people,  and  they  all  turned  into  ravens  and,  croaking, 
flew  away,  to  return  no  more  to  their  homes. 

The  collecting  of  the  corn  and  throwing  it  to  the  people,  timid 
shouts  and  cheers  of  the  latter,  continue  for  some  time.  When  throw- 
ing it  Kwe'lele  holds  the  yucca  in  his  left  hand.  Previous  to  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  corn  each  time  Shits'ukia  and  his  associate  walk 
about  over  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine  hooting  in  a  peculiar  wa}\  Their 
dexterity  in  throwing  the  great  bunches  of  corn,  often  as  many  as  a 
dozen  at  once,  is  remarkable. 

The  water  collected  on  the  fourteenth  day  is  drunk  late  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  following  day,  that  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  being  admin- 
istered by  the  director  of  the  fraternity,  and  that  from  'Kiap'kwena  by 
the  Ko'niosona.  The  water  is  dipped  with  a  shell,  the  one  receiving  the 
draft  saying,  "ta'chumo"  (father),  and  the  giver  replying,  "pa'pamo" 
(brother).  Pau'tiwa,  Shits'ukia,  Kwe'lele,  and  the  four  Sa'ya'hlia  do 
not  take  this  water.  Should  they  drink  of  it  the  Council  of  the  Gods 
would  refuse  to  water  the  earth.  The  pe'kwin  receives  his  two  drafts 
before  leaving  the  ki'wi'sine  to  accompany  Pau'tiwa  on  his  round  of 
the  ki'wi'siwe. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  five  men  of  the  Sun  clan  are  seen  coming 
over  the  plain  a  considerable  distance  south  of  the  village.  When 
they  left  the  ki'wi'sine  they  carried  the  mask  and  paraphernalia  of 
Pau'tiwa.  the  personator  of  this  god  havingalsogone  from  the  ki'wi'sine. 
Soon  after  the  men  of  the  Sun  clan  are  seen  Pau'tiwa  is  discovered 
coming  from  the  south  also,  but  he  is  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
east  of  the  group,  and  is  alone.  His  dress  is  the  same  as  previously 
described.  He  carries  in  each  hand  a  number  of  plume  wands  strung 
together  with  yucca  thread,  with  loops  at  the  top  of  each  group  to 
serve  as  handles.  The  base  of  each  wand  is  wrapped  with  a  bit  of  corn 
husk.  He  has  also  a  large  bunch  of  te'likinawe  in  each  hand.  A 
diminutive  game  of  'si'kon  tikwane.  a  slender  stick  with  a  hoop  colored 
blue  attached,  is  carried  in  the  right  hand,  the  whole  elaborately  dec- 

a  This  medicine  was  given  to  Shits'ukia  by  Pau'tiwa  when  he  first  visited  Ko'thluwala'wa  after 
Pau'tiwa  told  Mm  he  wished  him  to  steal  all  the  game.  Shits'ukta  replied  that  perhaps  the  Kwal'- 
ashi people'had  good  heads  and  would  find  out  and  kill  him.  Then  Pau'tiwa  gave  him  the  medi- 
cine and  said  it  would  destroy  the  people.  Shits'ukia  returned  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  with  Pau'tiwa, 
and  lived  there  a  longtime,  and  had  the  girl  as  his  wife.  He  did  not  take  his  Kwal'ashi  wife  with 
him  when  he  returned  to  his  home.  On  his  return  he  passed  south  of  I'tiwanna  (Zufii).  Shits'ukia 
and  Kwe'lele  still  visit  Ko'thluwala'wa. 


138  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

orated  with  eagle  plumes  and  feathers  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions. 
This  game  must  be  held  until  Pau'tiwa  deposits  it  after  leaving  the 
pueblo  at  sunset.  Pau'tiwa  also  has  in  his  left  hand  a  kia'puli  'hla'si- 
tonne  (a  twig,  suggestive  of  the  Navaho  scalp,"  having  a  crow's 
feather  and  owl  plume  attached,  which  must  have  dropped  from  the 
birds). 

Pau'tiwa  proceeds  with  a  slow,  even  tread.  He  circles  round  the 
village  four  times,  coil  fashion.  The  first  circle  is  a  short  distance 
from  the  village,  the  last  through  the  streets  of  the  town.  After  the 
fourth  circuit  he  stops  beside  a  house  on  the  east  side  of  the  village. 
A  stone  slab,  8  by  12  inches,  concealing  a  recess  in  the  wall  is  removed 
by  the  matron  of  the  house  and  laid  on  the  ground  some  minutes  pre- 
vious to  the  arrival  of  Pau'tiwa.  A  man  of  the  Sun  clan  and  two  of 
the  Dogwood  clan,  one  grandfather  to  the  other,  form  a  group  by  the 
house  on  this  occasion.  The  man  of  the  Sun  clan  personates  Pau'tiwa's 
father;  the  others,  his  elder  and  younger  brothers.  The  3'ounger 
brother  assists  Pau'tiwa  to  detach  the  te'likinawe  to  be  deposited  in 
the  recess  which  runs  some  2£  feet  along  the  wall  and  is  S  or  10  inches 
deep.  Much  of  this  space  is  filled  with  these  offerings  previously 
deposited,  manj'  of  them  looking  quite  as  fresh  as  the  new  ones.'' 

The  te'likinawe  deposited  by  Pau'tiwa  are  offered  to  the  sun  and 
moon,  to  the  former  the  blue  stick  and  to  the  latter  the  yellow.  The 
upper  ends  of  both  are  beveled  to  represent  the  face;  three  black  dots 
denote  the  eyes  and  mouth.  These  offerings  are  for  the  increase  and 
perpetuation  of  vegetable  and  animal  life,  especially  that  of  the 
Zuiiis.  The  plumes  are  deposited  with  prayers,  and  then  Pau'tiwa 
sprinkles  them  with  meal  which  he  carries  in  his  belt  and  proceeds  to 
a  house  on  the  north  side  of  the  village. 

As  soon  as  Pau'tiwa  leaves,  the  matron  of  the  house  appears,  carry- 
ing a  small  copper  kettle  of  plaster.  The  younger  brother  of  Pau'- 
tiwa after  replacing  the  slab  in  the  wall  hastens  after  the  party,  leaving 
the  woman  to  secure  it  with  the  plaster;  she  leaves  no  trace  of  the 
excavation.  The  ceremony  of  depositing  te'likinawe  is  repeated  at 
houses  on  the  north,  west,  and  south  sides  of  the  village,  and  at  two 
houses  in  the  inner  streets  for  the  zenith  and  nadir.  When  these 
offerings  to  the  sun  and  moon  have  all  been  deposited,  Pau'tiwa  goes 
to  theHe'iwa  ki'wi'sine  as  the  sun  is  sinking  behind  the  horizon.  He  is 
received  at  the  base  of  the  outer  ladder  by  Shits'ukia,  Kwe'lele,  and 
the  pe'kwin,  who  carries  a  basket  filled  with  te'likinawe.  The  ladder 
is  sprinkled  with  meal  by  Shits'ukia  and  the  pe'kwin,  and  Pau'tiwa 
sprinkles  it  as  he  ascends  by  throwing  the  meal  up  before  him. 

"In  times  of  hostility  the  Navahos  pass  about  at  night,  like  the  owl,  and  inform  the  enemy  of  the 
Zufiis  of  their  whereabouts. 

6  Mr  Stevenson  during  his  explorations  among  the  ruins  of  the  Southwest  found  many  objects  in 
the  walls  of  cliff  and  mesa  houses  which  had  been  deposited  in  the  same  way. 


stevenson]  WINTER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  139 

As  soon  as  Pau'tiwa  roaches  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sinS,  he  throws  the 
symbol  of  the  Navaho  scalp  into  the  ki'wi'sine,  which  indicates  that  the 
song  must  cease.  Stooping,  with  bended  knees,  and  facing-  east,  he 
separates  two  plume  wands  from  the  others,  one  to  be  given  to  the 
man  who  is  to  personate  a  Sha'lako  in  the  coming  autumn,  and  one 
for  the  man  who  is  to  entertain  the  god.  The  sticks  of  these  wands 
an'  the  length  of  the  bended  elbow  on  the  inner  side  to  the  tip  of  the 
middle  finger.  Pau'tiwa  deposits  them  with  four  smaller  te'likinawe 
while  he  prays,  on  the  end  log  of  the  hatchway,  this  opening  of  the 
ki'w  i'sine  being  finished  on  the  four  sides  with  substantial  logs,  and 
draws  four  lines  of  meal  with  his  index  and  second  fingers  on  the  inner 
side  of  the  log  upon  which  he  places  the  plumes,  meaning  that  the  gods 
will  come  four  times,  the  reference  being  to  the  Sal'imobiya  bringing 
seeds  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  (abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods). 

Pau'tiwa  now  sprinkles  meal  through  the  hatchway.  Rising,  he 
kicks  the  twig,  which  has  been  thrown  out  upon  the  roof,  four  times 
with  his  left  foot,  symbolic  of  the  treatment  of  the  Navaho  scalps. 
He  then  lifts  the  twig  in  his  left  hand  and,  descending  the  outer  ladder, 
departs  with  those  who  await  him  at  the  base  of  the  ladder  to  Chu'- 
pawa  ki'wi'sine."  Shits'ukla  leads,  whirling  the  rhombus,  and  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  pe'kwin  and  Kwe'lele.  Shits'ukla  and  the  pe'kwin,  on 
reaching  the  ki'wi'sine,  sprinkle  the  ladder  with  meal,  and  pass  beyond 
to  allow  Pau'tiwa  to  approach.  He  sprinkles  meal  upon  it  as  he 
ascends  to  the  roof,  and  repeats  the  deposition  of  the  te'likinawe  as 
described.  After  all  the  ki'wi'siwe  have  been  visited  Pau'tiwa  and 
his  party  proceed  to  the  northwest  corner  of  the  village,  where  he 
turns  to  face  the  east,  and  receives  from  a  woman  of  the  Dogwood 
clan,  she  facing  north,  a  ha'kwani  (a  number  of  cotton  loops  sj'mbol- 
izing  the  sacred  embroidered  blanket).  The  woman,  in  presenting  the 
ha'kwani.  repeats  a  long  prayer  for  food  and  raiment. 

The  three  gods  leave  the  village  by  the  western  road,  and  are  sup- 
posed to  go  to  Ko'thluwala'wa,  where  Shits'ukla  and  Kwe'lele  spend  a 
night,  after  which  they  return  to  their  home  in  the  east,  passing  south 
of  Zuui  in  their  journey.  In  reality  they  go  to  a  bend  in  the  river 
which  serves  as  the  greenroom.  The  pe'kwin  accompanies  them  a 
short  distance.  Handing  the  plumes  he  carries  to  Pau'tiwa,  to  deposit 
on  the  road  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  he  returns  to  the  village.  After  depos- 
iting the  te'likinawe,  the  gods  disrobe,  their  masks  and  paraphernalia 
being  brought  to  the  village  under  the  blankets  of  those  dispatched 
for  the  purpose.  After  the  departure  of  Pau'tiwa,  those  who  are  in 
the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  go  to  their  homes  to  eat,  with  the  exception 
of  the  four  Sa'ya'hlia,  who  must  remain  in  the  ki'wi'sine  to  receive  the 
'Cha'kwena/ who  arrives  soon  after  dark.  Those  in  the  other  ki'wi'siwe 

a  The  entrance  to  this  ki'wi'sine  maybe  seen  in  the  center  of  pi.  x  at  a  point  marked  A. 
&  See  p.  89,  note  a. 


140  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

also  return  to  their  homes  for  food.  The  chief  wor'li "  of  each  ki'wi'sine 
carries  the  plume  wands  and  te'likinawe  left  by  Pau'tiwa  to  his  home. 

The  personator  of  the  'Cha'kwena  must  be  a  man  of  the  Badgei  clan. 
As  the  'Cha'kwena  proceeds  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  all  pregnant 
women  hasten  to  look  upon  her,  that  they  may  pass  through  the  trials 
of  parturition  safely  and  without  pain.  The  'Cha'kwena  descends  into 
the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  and  the  gods  accompanying  her  tramp  about 
over  the  roof.  She  sits  by  the  Sa'ya'hlia,  to  whom  she  speaks  for  a  few 
minutes.  While  here  'Cha'kwena  is  visited  by  personators  of  her  peo- 
ple, the  Kia'nakwe  from  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.  She  does  not  sta}T  long, 
soon  leaving  for  Si'aa'  te'wita  (sacred  dance  plaza)  b}r  the  eastern  cov- 
ered way,  having  entered  it  from  the  west,  and  passing  to  the  east 
side;  thence  by  the  north  way  to  the  southwest  corner,  whence  she 
departs  from  the  village.  As  she  proceeds,  she  prays  for  the  good 
health  of  the  people,  their  increase,  more  game,  and  bountiful  crops. 

After  accompanying  the  'Cha'kwena  a  short  distance  from  the  village 
the  other  gods  return.  The  A'toshle.  angry  gods,  remain  in  the  town 
and  announce  that  four  times  the  gods  will  come:  "For  so  my  grand- 
father," referring  to  Pau'tiwa,  "he  who  has  been  here,  has  said."  The 
A'toshle  go  about  the  village  scolding  the  men  and  women  and  fright- 
ening the  children,  who  stand  in  abject  fear  of  them.  Many  of  the 
people  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine  remain  in  the  He'iwa  to  see  the  whip- 
ping, by  the  Sa'ya'hlia,  of  those  who  wish  to  be  cured  of  headaches 
and  bad  dreams.  These  gods  show  little  mercy  in  the  use  of  their 
great  bunches  of  yucca. 

About  11  o'clock  great  excitement  prevails  over  the  arrival  of  the 
'Hle'lele.  In  the  old  time  these  beings  wore,  in  addition  to  the  breech- 
cloth,  a  bison  robe  over  their  backs,  the  hair  inside;  at  present,  owing 
to  the  scarcity  of  these  robes,  a  sheepskin  or  piece  of  canvas  is 
usually  substituted. 

Large  tires  burn  in  every  house  and  bonfires  light  up  the  village 
eveiy  where.  This  is  a  real  gala  time  for  the  j^oungsters,  who  are  per- 
mitted to  keep  the  fires  blazing.  All  hands  pelt  the  'Hle'lele  with 
coals  of  fire  as  the}'  pass  through  the  streets,  calling  for  fire:  "More 
fire.     Give  us  more  beautiful  flowers,"  referring  to  the  coals  of  fire. 

The  dancing  continues  in  all  the  ki'wi'siwe  until  long  after  midnight, 
when  the  gods  depart  over  the  western  road.  Previous  to  their 
departure  the  Sal'imobiya  cany  baskets  of  seeds  into  each  ki'wi'sine, 
giving  a  portion  of  the  contents  to  each  person  present.  The  seeds, 
which  are  afterward  planted,  are  sure  to  yield  bountifully  if  those  to 
whom  they  are  given  have  good  hearts. 

"The  wor'we  (plural  for  wor'li)  of  the  ki'wi'siwe  are  also  the  Sha'liiko  wor'we,  the  chief  wor'li  select- 
ing such  members  of  his  ki'wi'sine  as  he  may  choose  to  have  serve  with  him  in  attending  upon  the 
Sha'liiko.  The  wor'we  are  appointed  for  life.  In  case  one  should  die  the  chief  wor'li  chooses  a  man 
to  till  the  vacancy.    When  a  chief  wor'li  dies  the  next  in  rank  takes  the  office. 


steve.nson]  WINTER    DANCES    OF    KOR'kOKSHI  141 

The  visits  of  the  Sal'imobiya,  with  the  dances  and  distribution  of 
seeds,  are  repeated  at  each  ki'wi'sine  every  fourth  night  until  the  four 
visits  have  been  made.  Each  member  of  the  Ko'tikili  carries  a  bowl  of 
food  to  the  road  leading  to  Ko'thluwala'wa,  praying  as  he  goes  that 
the  gods  will  bless  the  A'shiwi  with  rain  to  fructify  the  earth,  that 
she  may  boar  to  them  the  fruits  of  her  being.  The  food  is  emptied 
into  the  river  as  offerings  to  the  Kok'ko  A'wa  (all  the  gods). 

The  Sa'ya'hlia  leave  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  after  the  whipping,  but 
return  at  midnight  and  are  sprinkled  with  meal  by  the  Ko'pi"lashi- 
wanni,  after  which  they  depart  over  the  western  road,  accompanied 
by  the  'Hle'lele. 

When  the  Sa'ya'hlia  leave  the  ki'wi'sine  the  mi'wachi  (plural  of  mi'li, 
see  page  41(5)  and  other  objects  are  removed  from  the  meal  painting, 
and  the  Ko'pekwin  gathers  the  meal  of  the  painting  together  and 
deposits  it  in  the  circular  hole  in  the  floor  of  the  ki'wi'sine  (sym- 
bolic of  the  entrance  to  the  undermost,  or  fourth  world),  with  a 
prayer  for  corn  and  all  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  the  winter  solstice 
ceremonies  are  closed. 

Winter  Dances  of  the  Kor'kokshi 

On  the  day  following  the  winter  solstice  ceremonies,  about  sunset, 
the  chief  Sha'lako  wor'li  of  each  ki'wi'sine  calls  upon  some  man  to 
notify  the  older  and  more  important  members  of  his  ki'wi'sine  to  meet 
in  his  (the  wor'li's)  house  at  night.  When  all  are  gathered  some  one 
present  asks  the  wor'li:  ltWhat  do  you  wish  to  say?"  He  replies: 
'"What  do  you  think?  What  man  will  take  the  te'likinane  (referring 
to  the  wand  to  be  given  to  the  entertainer  of  the  Sha'lako)  ?  What 
man  will  entertain  the  Sha'lako  in  his  house?"  Someone  present 
replies:  "I  will  receive  the  te'likinane  and  have  the  Sha'lako  in  my 
house."  The  wor'li  then  stands  and  hands  over  the  wand  with  the 
words:  "I  pray  that  all  things  will  be  well  with  you;  I  pnry  that  you 
may  have  much  rain,  that  you  will  have  much  corn  and  all  things  to 
eat.  that  your  -family  may  keep  well,  and  that  jrou  may  all  live,  not 
die.  but  sleep,  and  awake  in  Ko'thluwala'wa."  The  wor'li  then  selects 
a  man  to  serve  as  elder  brother  Sha'lako  and  gives  to  him  the  other 
waud.  composed  of  feathers  of  eagles'  legs,  of  ducks,  and  of  birds  of 
the  six  regions. 

The  wor'li  blows  his  breath  upon  the  plume  wand  four  times,  each 
time  drawing  it  before  the  mouth  of  the  chosen  man,  and  praj's:  "  May 
you  speak  with  one  tongue:  ma}1  you  be  gentle;  may  you  be  good  to 
others,  that  we  may  have  much  rain,  much  corn,  all  things  to  eat, 
and  all  clothing.  May  your  life  be  long,  and  may  you  pass  over  your 
road  to  the  end  and  sleep,  not  die,  to  awake  in  Ko'thluwala'wa."  The 
four  smaller  te'likinawe  left  at  each  ki'wi'sine  by  Pau'tiwa  are  also 
given  to  the  chosen  personator  of  the  Sha'lako.     The  wor'li  then  selects 


142  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [btb.anh.23 

a  man  to  act  as  younger  brother  Sha'lako,  and  the  chosen  Sha'lako 
breathes  four  times  upon  the  plume  wand  he  has  received,  and  each 
time  passes  it  before  the  mouth  of  the  chosen  younger  brother, 
repeating-  the  prayer  that  was  said  b}'  the  wor'li  to  him."  The 
elder  brother  Sha'lako  now  passes  the  wand  before  the  mouth  of  all 
the  men  present. 

At  sunrise  on  the  following  morning,  accompanied  by  his  younger 
brother,  he  visits  the  houses  of  all  members  of  his  ki'wi'sine,  including 
the  youngest  children,  excepting  those  who  were  gathered  at  the 
wor'li's  house  on  the  previous  night,  and  passes  his  plume  wand,  as 
before  described,  before  the  mouth  of  each.  He  selects  four  men  to 
act  as  Mo'lawe  (fruit  and  seed  bearers)  from  such  houses  as  he  may 
choose  while  he  is  making  his  round  of  calls. 

On  the  same  morning  the  wife  and  daughters  of  the  man  who  is  to 
have  the  Sha'lako  dance  in  his  house  go  through  the  town  and  notify 
all  persons  connected  with  the  family  by  consanguinity,  and  also  the 
close  neighbors  and  the  people  of  the  clan,  to  come  to  the  house.  No 
time  is  set  for  the  visit;  sometimes  only  one  or  two  wTomen  with 
their  children  will  meet  there,  at  other  times  large  numbers  may 
chance  to  come  together.  The  men  and  their  wives  and  children  go  at 
different  times.  The  man  of  the  house  stands  before  each  guest  and 
breathes  four  times  upon  his  wand,  passing  it  each  time  before  the 
lips  of  the  other,  who  inhales  the  sacred  breath  or  better  part  of 
the  man.  On  the  fourth  day  after  Pau'tiwa  leaves  the  plumes  at  the 
hatchways  of  the  ki'wi'siwe  the  people  of  each  ki'wi'sine  meet  in  the 
house  of  their  chief  Sha'lako  wor'li  to  discuss  what  dances  they  shall 
have  as  soon  as  they  can  get  the  masks  ready.  It  is  usual  to  select 
gods  whose  masks  are  easy  to  prepare. 

The  people  of  companion  ki'wi'siwe  often  dance  together,  one 
ki'wi'sine  inviting  the  people  of  the  other.  This  is  done  by  the  wor'li 
sending  some  of  his  people  to  the  companion  ki'wi'sine,  when  those 
who  wish  to  dance  go  to  the  wor'li's  house  on  the  same  evening  and 
say:  "We  will  dance  with  you."  It  is  usual  for  the  guests  to  prepare 
their  own  masks  to  suit  the  dance  in  which  they  are  expected  to  join, 
and  they  must  not  only  prepare  te'likinawe  of  the  ki'wi'sine  to  which 
they  belong,  but  must  make  others  for  the  one  in  which  they  are 
to  dance.  It  is  the  privilege  of  guests  to  make  a  choice  among  the 
masks  belonging  to  the  ki'wi'sine  in  which  they  are  to  dance,  and  they 
may  appropriate  any  mask  they  wish.  For  instance,  the  wor'li  may 
have  decided  that  two  of  his  men  should  personate  the  A'toshle,  but, 
should  a  guest  choose  one  of  these  masks,  it  is  given  to  the  latter. 
When  Ko'yemshi  masks  are  chosen  they  are  secured  from  a  man  of 
Eagle  clan  who  has  charge  of  these  particular  masks.     Only  seven  of 

a  Should  one  of  these  men  be  caught  fighting  or  quarreling  or  intimate  with  any  woman  except  his 
wife,  he  is  expelled,  and  another  is  chosen  to  fill  his  place. 


stevenson]  WINTER   DANCES   OF   KOR'kOKSHI  143 

the  Ko'yemshi  masks,  however,  may  he  borrowed;  those  of  the  three 

officers  — Groat  Father,  deputy,  and  warrior — must  not  be  borrowed  on 
this  occasion.  The  guest  carries  his  two  eagle-wing  feathers,  which 
are  associated  with  the  esoteric  fraternities,  and  four  te'likinawe  to  be 
offered  to  the  deceased  wor'we  of  the  ki'wi'siwe  with  the  prayer:  "Take 
all  disease  from  out-  people."    The  head  wor'li  receives  the  te'likinawe. 

The  dances  occur  in  the  ki'wi'siwe  the  fourth  night  and  the  gods 
appear  in  the  plaza  on  the  fifth  morning  after  Pau'tiwa  announces 
the  coming  of  the  gods.  The  A'toshle  do  not  dance  in  the  plazas, 
but  go  about  the  village,  and  are  joined  later  in  the  day  !ry  some  of 
the  Ko'yemshi.  As  the}-  approach  a  house  blank  cartridges  are 
sometimes  tired  by  a  man  of  the  house  at  the  A'toshle,  symbolizing 
that  the  Navaho  will  be  frightened  away  or  killed  and  not  enter  the 
Zuni  homes.  AVhen  an  A'toshle  falls  as  if  dead  the  door  of  the  house 
is  closed  upon  him,  and  he  soon  rises  and  walks  away.  At  other  times 
the  A'toshle  and  Ko'yemshi  are  shot,  symbolizing  the  killing  of  game. 
The  one  who  tires  the  shot  is  sure  to  be  successful  in  the  hunt.  The 
one  supposed  to  be  shot  falls  to  the  ground,  the  hunter  places  a  hand 
each  side  of  the  mask  and  draws  in  the  breath,  and  the  game  is  carried 
into  the  house,  laid  upon  a  blanket  on  the  floor  with  the  head  to  the 
east,  facing  south,  and  an  embroidered  sacred  blanket  is  spread  over 
him.  All  present  sprinkle  meal  upon  him,  and  the  children  are  told 
that  the  A'toshle  who  was  shot  is  now  a  deer.  All  the  personators 
of  the  gods  return  at  dusk  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  remove  their  masks,  put 
on  their  ordinary  dress,  and  return  to  their  homes.  Each  chosen 
Sha'lako,  with  his  younger  brother,  goes  over  the  western  road  and 
plants  the  four  te'likinawe  in  an  excavation  the  depth  of  the  lower 
arm.  Prayer  meal  is  sprinkled  in  and  the  excavation  is  covered; 
this  is  repeated  for  all  the  ki'wi'siwe.  A  week  or  more  is  consumed 
with  these  particular  dances  and  exhibitions.  On  the  day  following 
the  last  of  these  performances  the  Ko'pekwin  makes  four  te'likinawe, 
and  plants  them  in  his  cornfield  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  the 
rain-makers. 

The  following  is  a  description  of  the  first  of  the  Kor'kokshi  cere- 
monies in  the  winter  of  1891.  The  fourth  afternoon  following  the 
planting  of  prayer  plumes  by  the  Ko'pekwin  two  Mu'luktakia  gods 
(see  plate  lxxiii)  from  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  this  being  the  one 
which  begins  the  Kor'kokshi  dances,"  visit  the  other  ki'wi'siwe,  going 
first  to  the  He'kiapawa.  where  the  two  men  who  are  to  act  as  Sha'lako 
and  his  younger  brother  the  following  autumn  and  the  chief  officei's 
of  the  ki'wi'sine  are  gathered  to  receive  them.  They  announce:  "  On 
the  fourth  night  the  gods  will  come  [referring  to  the  Kor'kokshi]." 

a  The  ki'wi'sine'  that  is  to  furnish  the  Kor'kokshi  dancers  for  the  summer  solstice  ceremonies 
begins  the  Kor'kokshi  dances  of  the  preceding  winter. 


144  THE    ZUNI    INDrANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

The  two  gods  sit  facing-  east.  The  wor'li  lights  a  reed  cigarette  of 
native  tobacco  and  waves  it  to  the  six  regions,  each  time  taking  a  puff. 
He  then  hands  it  to  one  of  the  gods,  who  pushes  back  his  mask  and 
repeats  the  puffing  of  the  cigarette,  also  motioning  it  to  the  six 
regions,  and  then  returns  the  cigarette  to  the  wor'li,  who  again 
extends  it  to  the  six  regions,  puffing  each  time.  He  next  hands  it 
to  the  second  god,  who  repeats  the  performance  and  returns  the 
cigarette  to  the  wor'li,  who  now  deposits  it  in  a  basket  tray.  The 
wor'li  then  inquires  of  the  gods:  "  Why  are  you  here?"  The  gods 
reply:  "I  come  that  }7ou  may  raise  much  corn  and  all  things  to  eat, 
that  you  may  have  main'  children,  that  you  may  be  happy,  and  to  tell 
you  that  the  gods  will  be  here  on  the  fourth  night;  prepare  for  them." 
A  long  prayer  is  then  repeated  b}r  these  gods  in  the  archaic  tongue 
and  in  it  a  history  is  given  of  their  coming  to  this  world  and  of  their 
migrations,  the  springs  they  passed,  etc. 

The  Sha'lako  wor'we  and  two  men  who  are  to  act  as  the  Sha'lako  and 
his  younger  brother  each  give  te'likinawe  to  the  gods.  The  elder 
brother  god,  standing  about  the  center  of  the  room,  now  draws  four 
parallel  lines  of  meal  extending  east  and  west,  and  places  a  cigarette 
which  he  carries  and  a  corn-husk  package  of  meal  on  the  south  line. 
The  gods  now  leave  the  ki'wi'sine,  the  wor'li  takes  the  package  of  meal 
and  cigarette,  and  all  present  smoke  the  cigarette  and  wave  it  to  the 
six  regions  for  rain.  The  wor'li  carries  the  package  of  meal  home  with 
him.  The  ceremony  described  is  repeated  in  each  ki'wi'sine  visited, 
except  that  no  package  of  meal  is  left.  Then  they  return  to  the 
He'iwa  and  disrobe. 

There  may  be  some  dances  in  the  plaza  during  the  tour  of  these  gods, 
but  these  have  no  direct  connection  with  the  gods  or  with  what  they 
have  to  say.  The  two  who  make  the  announcement  of  the  coming  of 
the  gods  deposit  the  te'likinawe  given  them  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
in  an  excavation  the  depth  of  an  arm  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and 
the  rain-makers.  The  excavation  is  covered  after  meal  has  been 
sprinkled  in  it. 

It  is  the  business  of  two  men  in  each  ki'wi'sine  to  collect  the  dancers. 
These  men  are  called  o'taikia  pe'yenakwe  (dance  talkers).  They  address 
the  men  they  wish  to  have  dance.  The  men  often  decline,  but  after-^ 
ward  yield  to  persuasion.  The  same  men  take  part  as  often  as  the 
Kor'kokshi  dance  of  a  ki'wi'sine  is  repeated,  as  others  who  have  not 
rehearsed  the  songs  would  not  be  sufficiently  familiar  with  them.  On 
the  fourth  afternoon  following  the  announcement  by  the  two  gods  they 
repeat  their  tour  of  the  ki'wi'siwe,  remaining  but  a  short  time  in  each 
one,  to  announce  that  the  gods,  referring  to  the  Kor'kokshi,  will  come 
at  night,  and  this  night  is  referred  to  as  Kok'ko  A'wan  i'tiwannan 
(great  gods  in  the  middle,  meaning  that  the  great  gods  come  in  the 
middle  of  the  year). 


stevexson]  WINTER    DANCES    OF   KOR'kOKSHI  145 

While  the  two  gods  from  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  are  notifying  the 
people  of  the  other  ki'wi'siwe  that  the  gods  will  come  at  night,  two 
men  from  He'iwa  go  through  the  village  collecting  corn  and  all  varie- 
ties of  cultivated  seeds  in  their  blankets.  At  the  same  time  the  wor'we 
and  members  of  all  the  ki'wi'siwe  excepting  He'iwa  prepare  te'liki- 
nawe  for  the  Kok'ko  A'wan  (Council  of  the  Gods),  which  are  made 
into  a  kla'etchinc  by  the  head  wor'li  of  each  ki'wi'sine. 

On  the  return  of  the  seed-gatherers  they  empty  the  contents  of  their 
blankets  on  one  blanket.  The  corn  is  removed  from  the  col)  and  the 
seeds  are  mixed  together,  equally  measured  into  five  parts  with  a  basket 
tray,  deposited  in  five  sacks,  and  placed  before  the  altar  of  the  frater- 
nity chosen  by  the  chief  wor'li  of  the  ki'wi'sine  to  receive  the  gods  and 
furnish  music.  There  arc  elaborate  preparations  throughout  the  da}^ 
for  the  entertainment  of  the  gods.  Every  member  of  the  Ko'tikili, 
including  the  women,  deposits  food  of  every  variety  that  has  been 
made  in  the  home  into  the  river  to  na'nakwe  (grandfathers)  and  ho'ta- 
kwe  (grandmothers). 

After  the  two  Mu'luktakia  have  announced  ''The  gods  will  come 
to-night,"  they  return  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine.  The  people  of  each 
ki'wi'sine,  including  those  who  are  to  personate  the  Kor'kokshi  (the 
female  Kor'kokshi  represent  such  women  as  belonged  to  the  Ko'tikili 
when  they  were  alive,  and  symbolize  fecundity)  proceed  to  their 
homes  to  eat,  and  afterward  go  to  the  house  of  the  head  wor'li  of 
their  ki'wi'sine.  Later  on,  the  personators  of  the  Kor'kokshi  go  to 
the  river  bank  a  short  distance  west  of  the  village.  They  are  covered 
with  their  blankets,  which  hide  the  masks.  Each  Kor'kokshi  deposits 
his  tortoise-shell  rattle,  which  is  worn  on  the  calf  of  the  right  leg, 
on  the  ground  and  places  his  mask  upon  it,"  and  sprinkles  the  sacred 
objects  with  meal  and  prays,  addressing  the  rain-makers:  "Come,  let 
us  go  to  our  people  and  dance  and  make  rain  for  them."  Then, 
addressing  the  Sun  Father  and  Council  of  the  Gods,  they  say:  "I 
hope  you  will  let  me  live.  May  1  have  a  good  heart.  May  1  raise 
much  corn  and  many  sheep  and  have  all  things  to  wear.  Let  me  be 
happy;  let  all  people  have  much  and  be  happjv'  The  Kor'kokshi 
then  come  masked  to  the  village,  and  after  dancing  in  the  four  plazas 
they  retire  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  and  dance.  The  fraternity  stops 
singing  as  soon  as  the  Kor'kokshi  are  heard  without,* 

a  If  the  mask  is  not  to  be  worn,  then  only  the  rattle  is  laid  on  the  ground.  When  the  Kor'kokshi 
dance  in  winter  they  may  be  masked  or  not,  according  to  the  dictates  of  the  dance  director,  when 
they  come  over  the  western  road.  If  they  are  masked,  they  dance  in  the  four  plazas  before  retiring 
to  their  ki'wi'sine.    If  they  are  not  masked,  they  go  directly  to  the  ki'wi'sine. 

fcThe  Kor'kokshi  can  wear  their  masks  in  their  own  ki'wi'sine  and  others  as  they  choose,  except 
those  of  the  ki'wi'sine  of  the  Zenith.  They  must  always  wear  the  mask  when  dancing,  not  only  in 
other  ki'wi'sine,  but  in  their  own. 

23  ETH— 04 10 


14b'  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [Era.  ANN.  23 

After  the  Kor'kokshi  have  danced  and  sung  songs  that  have  been 
made  for  the  occasion  by  members  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  five  of  the  god- 
desses take  each  a  sack  of  seeds  from  before  the  altar.  The  person 
who  was  chosen  Sha'liiko  of  this  ki'wi'sine  and  who  is  now  persona- 
ting a  Kor'kokshi,  receives  a  bunch  of  reed  cigarettes  wrapped  in  a 
corn  husk  from  the  head  wor'li  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  taking  a  pinch 
of  meal  from  the  bowl  before  the  altar  places  it  in  his  sash  and  leads 
the  dancers  to  the  other  five  ki'wi'siwe,  the  same  ceremonies  being 
repeated  in  each.  They  usually  go  to  the  nearest  one  first,  but  the 
director  of  the  dance,  who  is  always  midway  the  line  of  dancers,  has 
the  privilege  of  choosing.  There  are  gods,  but  no  Kor'kokshi,  in 
the  other  ki'wi'siwe,  and  these  gods  must  complete  their  dances  before 
stopping,  so  that  it  sometimes  happens  that  the  Kor'kokshi  must  wait 
outside,  for  the  others  must  not  dance  when  the  Kor'kokshi  are  dancing. 
.  On  reaching  the  roof  of  each  ki'wi'sine  the  leader  of  the  dancers 
takes  the  meal  from  his  belt,  waves  it  to  the  four  regions,  and  throws 
it  through  the  hatchway,  trying  to  strike  the  small  excavation  before 
the  fire  altar  that  is  symbolic  of  the  entrance  to  the  undermost  world, 
at  the  same  time  exclaiming:  "A'wisho,  althtiha  (Water  moss,  open 
the  door);'"  and  all  draw  in  the  sacred  breath.  The  water-moss  world 
being  next  above  the  undermost,  if  the  door  be  opened,  the  rain- 
makers may  come  from  there  and  be  present  in  the  ki'wi'sine.  The 
Kor'kokshi  now  descend  the  ladder,  make  the  circuit  of  the  room,  form 
in  single  file,  facing  east,  and,  turning  to  the  north,  begin  the  dancing. 
The  bearer  of  the  cigarettes  soon  approaches  the  chief  wor'li  of  the 
ki'wi'sine,  puts  a  pinch  of  meal  from  his  sash  into  his  left  hand,  places 
one  of  the  cigarettes  upon  the  meal,  takes  both  hands  of  the  wor'li  in 
his,  and  waves  them  to  the  six  regions,  saying:  "May  my  Great 
Fathers  bring  much  rain;  may  my  Great  Fathers  bring  many  seeds." 
One  of  the  goddesses  then  advances  with  a  sack  of  seeds  and  deposits 
it  by  the  second  wor'li.  The  several  wor'we  and  aged  men  of  the 
ki'wi'sine  sit  in  line  on  the  south  side  of  the  room  near  the  west  end. 
The  two  Kor'kokshi  return  to  the  line  of  dancers,  and  each  wor'li  and 
aged  man  in  turn  holds  the  sack  of  seeds  close  to  his  face  and  prays. 
After  which  the  wor'li  who  received  the  cigarette  lights  it,  and  after 
puffing  it  passes  it  down  the  line  for  each  to  smoke. 

The  women  of  the  house  adjoining  the  ki'wi'sine  and  their  imme- 
diate friends  are  present  and  give  food  to  such  dancers  as  appear  when 
the  Kor'kokshi  are  not  there.  The  women  also  sprinkle  the  gods 
with  meal.  The  dances  may  be  repeated  several  times  at  the  request 
of  the  members  of  the  ki'wi'sine.  After  the  Kor'kokshi  have  danced 
in  a  ki'wi'sine  the  people  of  it,  who  dress  in  the  house  of  the  wor'li, 
visit  their  ki'wi'sine  and  receive  from  the  Sha'liiko  wor'li  of  their 
ki'wi'sine  the  kla'etchine  composed  of  te'likinawe  made  by  members 


stevenson]  WINTER   DANCES    OF   KOK'kOKSHI  147 

of  each  of  the  other  ki'wi'siwe.  After  prayers  they  go  to  the  ki'wi'sine 
furnishing-  the  Kor'kokshi,  and,  passing-  around  in  an  ellipse,  form  in 
single  file,  facing  north,  and  dance.  In  a  short  time  the  one  who  is 
to  personate  a  Sha'lako,  and  who  carries  the  kia'etchine,  advances  to 
the  wor'we  and  elderly  men  and  hands  the  kia'etchine  and  a  reed 
cigarette  to  the  chief  wor'li.  He  holds  both  hands  of  the  giver  of  the 
cigarette,  who  stoops  before  Lira  and  prays.  At  the  close  of  the 
prayer  the  god  returns  to  the  line  of  dancers. 

The  bla'etchiwe  (plural  of  kia'etchine)  are  kept  in  the  homes  of  those 
who  receive  them,  the  chief  wor'li  selecting  men  for  this  purpose, 
until  after  the  morning  meal,  when  each  man  deposits  his  in  a  place 
associated  with  the  region  of  his  ki'wi'sine.  The}'  are  deposited  as  fol- 
lows: The  one  from  the  ki'wi'sine  furnishing  the  Kor'kokshi  deposits 
the  kia'etchine  at  a  spring  associated  with  the  region  of  his  ki'wi'sine; 
the  next  kia'etchine  is  deposited  in  an  arroyo  or  a  small  canyon;  the 
next,  in  a  cornfield  of  the  region  with  which  the  ki'wi'sine  is  associated; 
the  next,  on  the  road  running  west  from  the  village;  another,  at  a 
still  greater  distance  on  the  western  road;  the  last,  in  the  bed  of  the 
river  some  miles  west  of  the  village. 

These  dancers,  who  may  be  masked  or  not  according  to  the  choice 
of  the  director,  the  exception  being  the  Ko'yemshi  who  must  invari- 
ably wear  their  masks,0  continue  around  to  the  other  ki'wi'siwe,  giving 
one  reed  cigarette  to  each  wor'li  of  a  ki'wi'sine. 

After  each  body  of  dancers  has  made  a  tour  of  the  ki'wi'siwe,  they 
spend  the  remainder  of  the  night  dancing  in  their  own.  As  soon  as 
the  visiting  dancers  leave  a  ki'wi'sine,  a  wor'li  passes  around  among 
the  people  carrying  the  sack  of  seeds  and  gives  a  handful  to  those 
present,  including  women  and  children.  The  seeds  are  carried  home 
and  planted  the  coming  season  with  those  given  by  the  Ko'loowisi, 
apart  from  the  other  seeds.  A  draft  of  medicine  water  is  adminis- 
tered by  the  director  of  the  fraternity  to  all  unmasked  dancers  and 
others  who  may  be  in  the  ki'wi'sine  during  the  ceremonies.  He 
sprinkles  the  masks,  dipping  two  eagle  plumes  into  the  water.  All 
dancers  are  sprinkled  with  meal  at  the  close  of  each  dance. 

Each  ki'wi'sine  is  supposed  to  follow  in  regular  succession  in  pre- 
senting the  Kor'kokshi,  but  this  does  not  always  happen;  for  instance, 
if  a  head  wor'li  of  the  ki'wi'sine  is  engaged  with  his  fraternity,  the 
dance  of  his  ki'wi'sine  is  delayed  until  he  is  free,  and  it  not  infrequently 
happens  that  some  other  ki'wi'sine  takes  the  place  of  the  one  which 
would  come  in  regular  order. 

While  the  Kor'kokshi  dances  are  classed  among  the  most  sacred 
observances,  for  the  rain-makers  themselves  are  not  only  personated 

a  The  masks  of  the  Ko'yemshi  are  frequently  worn  by  others  than  the  real  Ko'yemshi,  and  in  such 
cases  they  must  be  returned  to  the  keeper  ot  these  masks  at  the  close  of  the  dances:  no  matter 
what  the  hour  may  be. 


148  THE    ZTJNI   INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

but  are  spiritually  present,  the3T  also  furnish  great  entertainment  to 
the  people.  The  sacred  dance  court  of  the  Zunis  is  not  onty  their 
temple  where  the}T  invoke  their  god,  but  it  is  their  theater  where  they 
gratify  their  love  for  the  spectacular. 

From  the  close  of  the  Kor'kokshi  dances  to  the  latter  part  of  March 
the  ki'wi'siwe  hold  a  variety  of  dances,  which  furnish  great  interest 
and  enjoyment  to  the  people.  When  a  wor'li  or  some  prominent 
member  of  a  ki'wi'sine  wishes  to  have  a  dance,  he  calls  at  some  house 
where  he  will  find  a  number  of  his  people  gathered,  as  it  is  customary 
for  people  of  a  ki'wi'sine  to  meet  almost  nightly,  when  not  other- 
wise engaged,  in  the  different  houses  of  the  members.  He  says: 
"I  wish  to  have  a  dance;  let  us  arrange  for  it."  They  begin  making 
songs  at  once — there  are  song-makers  in  Zuiii  as  well  as  elsewhere. 
The  wor'li  makes  four  te'likinawe  on  the  following  day  and  plants 
them  during  the  same  afternoon  to  the  Kok'ko  A'wa  (all  the  gods), 
and  the  dance  occurs  on  the  fourth  night.  On  the  fourth  afternoon 
the  wor'li  makes  a  reed  cigarette,  carries  it  to  the  house  of  the  Great 
Father  Ko'yemshi,  or  to  the  director  of  a  fraternity,  and  presents  it, 
with  the  request  that  the  recipient  furnish  Ko'yemshi  for  the  dance. 

The  wor'li  and  dancers  assemble  in  the  ki'wi'sine  and  dance  and  sing 
during  the  night.  The  man  who  is  selected  by  the  wor'li  to  act  as 
leader,  or  priest,  of  the  dancers  goes  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  where  he  remains 
while  the  others  visit  the  house  of  the  Great  Father  Ko'3'emshi,  or  the 
director  of  a  fraternity,  as  the  case  may  be,  and  dance.  At  dawn  they 
go  to  the  river  bank,  deposit  their  tortoise-shell  rattles,  and,  putting 
on  their  masks,  sprinkle  meal  and  pray.  Thej'  wear  their  ordinary 
dress,  and  on  their  return  to  the  village  dance  in  the  four  plazas. 
The  Ko'yemshi  do  not  appear  at  this  hour  with  the  dancers,  who  go 
later  to  their  homes  and  eat,  after  which  they  bathe  and  wash  their 
hair  if  onlj'  the  sho'yanne  (mask  which  covers  onty  the  face)  is  worn. 
After  the  bath  they  carry  their  dance  paraphernalia  to  the  ki'wi'sine, 
the  masks  being  already  there.  The  leader,  dressed  in  his  regalia, 
returns  to  the  ki'wi'sine  in  the  morning  to  lead  the  dancers. 

Summer  Solstice  Ceremonies'2 

Though  the  visits  of  the  pe'kwin  (deput}T  to  the  Sun  Father  and 
Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith)  to  the  petrified  stump  referred  to  in  the 
winter  solstice  ceremonies  are  continued  daity  for  the  purpose  of 
offering  meal  and  prayers  to  the  rising  sun,  no  further  observations 
are  made  from  this  point  after  those  for  the  winter  solstice.  The 
pe'kwin  observes  Yal'lan  'hlan'na  (Great  mountain),  a  mesa  northwest 
of  Zuni,  from  the  shrine  at  Ma/'sakia  (see  figure  3)  for  a  number  of 

aYa'lokla  te''chi  (sun  reaches  there),  the  summer  solstice,  is  indicated  by  the  setting  sun  striking 
a  certain  point  on  a  mesa  northwest  of  Zuiii. 


stevenson]  SUMMER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  149 

evenings  prior  to  the  summer  solstice.  The  sun  strikes  a  certain  point 
of  this  mesa  at  sunset  for  five  consecutive  days.  The  Zuiiis  say  that 
the  Sun  Father  rests  five  times  in  succession  over  this  mesa  in  his  daily 
journeys  over  the  world.  At  other  times  he  does  not  halt  twice  in  the 
same  place.  Upon  the  first  observation  of  the  sun  at  this  point  the 
pe'kwin  informs  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  is  also  Shi'wanni 
of  the  Nadir,  and  he  notifies  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni.  The}r 
gather  the  same  evening  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi 
(Shiwanni  of  the  North). 

The  following  morning  the  pe'kwin  makes  four  te'likinawe  and  ties 
them  in  pairs,  to  be  offered  to  the  Sun  Father  and  Moon  Mother. 
Those  for  the  sun  have  their  sticks  colored  blue  and  those  for  the 
moon  }Tellow.  He  plants  them  at  a  shrine  on  Yal'lan  'hlan'na.  The 
fourth  day  following  he  prepares  four  te'likinawe  to  the  deceased 
a'pekwin  (sun  priests)  and  plants  them  in  his  field.  On  the  fourth 
morning  following  the  deposition  of  these  plumes  he  plants  two  to  the 
sun  and  two  to  the  moon  on  Yal'lan  'hlan'na;  the  fourth  morning  after- 
ward he  repeats  the  planting  of  four  te'likinawe  to  the  deceased 
a'pekwin  in  the  field;  again  on  the  fourth  morning  succeeding  he 
plants  two  to  the  sun  and  two  to  the  moon  on  Yal'lan  'hlan'na,  and 
the  fourth  morning  afterward  he  deposits  four  to  the  deceased  a'pekwin 
in  the  field.  The  same  fast  is  observed  by  the  pe'kwin  in  connection 
with  the  planting  of  these  plumes  as  that  practiced  in  depositing  the 
plumes  previous  to  the  winter  solstice. 

At  early  dawn  of  the  last  day  of  depositing  the  plumes  he  announces 
from  the  roof  of  the  ceremonial  house  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  that  ya'tokia 
te'ehi  (summer  solstice)  will  occur  on  the  eighth  day  after  the  issuing 
of  this  notice.  As  he  stands  facing  the  rising  sun  while  making  the 
announcement  to  the  people,  it  is  believed  that  he  is  repeating  the 
words  given  him  at  the  time  by  the  Sun  Father.  At  this  season 
the  pe'kwin  is  supposed  to  have  direct  communication  with  the  Sun 
Father.  In  addition  to  the  notice,  the  pe'kwin  says:  "1  wish  my 
children  to  make  te'likinawe  to  my  Sun  Father,  Moon  Mother,  and  to 
the  u'wannami  (rain-makers).  I  wish  the  A'pi"lashiwanni  (Bow  priest- 
hood) to  make  te'likinawe  to  Ku'pishtaya  and  to  the  u'wannam  A'pi"la- 
shiwanni.'" "  Though  he  looks  upward  as  he  speaks,  his  words  are 
heard  by  the  mass  of  people  who  have  congregated  for  the  purpose. 
In  1891  the  solstice  occurred  on  June  21,  and  the  ceremonies  of  that 
year  will  be  described. 

Two  days  previous  to  the  solstice  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  assem- 
ble in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  prepare  te'li- 
kinawe, and  the  Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwin  prepare  te'likinawe  in 

a  Deceased  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood  become  lightning-makers  and  work  with  Ku'pishtaya, 
the  chief  of  lightning-makers. 


150  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

their  respective  houses.  All  the  fraternities  except  the  'Hle'wekwe 
and  A'pi'lashiwanni  convene  on  the  day  previous  to  the  solstice 
and  remain  in  session  throughout  the  day  and  night;  the  members 
if  the  latter  fraternity  meet  with  those  to  whom  they  are  allied. 
Altars  are  erected  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  and  embellished  with 
the  mi'wachi  and  other  fetishes.  Medicine  water  is  consecrated  by 
the  a'kwampsi  (maker  of  medicine  water),  and  suds  from  certain  roots 
are  made,  symbolic  of  clouds.  The  day  is  consumed  principally  in 
the  preparation  of  te'likinawe  to  Kok'ko  A'wan  (Council  of  the  Gods). 
There  are  no  fetishes  of  the  Beast  Gods  present  at  this  time,  but  at 
night  prayer  songs  are  offered  to  these  gods  to  invoke  their  influence 
upon  the  u'wannami.  The  members  of  the  A'pi'lashiwanni  offer 
special  prayers  to  Ku'pishtaya  and  u'wannam  A'pi"lashiwanni. 
Prayers  are  also  offered  to  Pa'yatamu  (god  of  music).  The  songs 
are  sung  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle,  no  drum  being  used  on 
this  occasion.  The  closing  song  to  the  rising  sun,  when  the  flute  is 
played,  is  exceedingly  impressive.  The  te'likinawe  prepared  by  mem- 
bers of  the  fraternities  are  deposited,  with  their  individual  offerings, 
on  the  day  of  the  solstice  in  the  manner  described  on  page  119. 

Pottery  is  made  and  decorated  on  the  three  following  days.  Though 
pottery  may  be  made  at  any  season,  this  is  a  special  time  for  the  work- 
ing of  this  art,  and  women  and  girls  are  to  be  found  busy  molding 
clay  or  painting  in  every  house  in  Zuiii.  Pottery  is  fired  on  the  fourth 
day.  when  the  village  at  night  is  ablaze  and  has  the  appearance  of  a 
smelting  town  of  civilization.  A  bit  of  wafer  bread,  the  spiritual 
essence  of  which  is  believed  to  feed  the  spirit  of  this  object,  is  depos- 
ited in  each  piece  of  pottery  as  it  is  balanced  on  stones  to  be  baked 
(see  plate  lxxxviii). 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  prepare  te'likinawe  in  the  ceremonial 
chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  on  the  fifth  day  following  the  solstice. 
The  men  prepare  those  for  the  Shi'wano"kia  (Priestess  of  fecundity). 
Each  shi'wauni  makes  two  to  the  sun,  two  to  the  moon,  four  to  the 
u'wannami  of  each  of  the  six  regions,  and  four  to  his  deceased  prede- 
cessors. The  offerings  are  made  into  a  kia'etchine,  which  is  carried  b}^ 
the  Kia'kwemosi  and  his  first  associate  to  'Kia'nanaknana,  a  spring  in 
the  lava  beds  some  miles  east  of  Zuiii,  and  is  sunk  in  the  waters  of  the 
spring.  The  Kia'kwemosi  carries  a  gourd  water  jug  covered  with  a 
network  of  cotton  and  with  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes  attached,  which 
he  fills  from  the  spring  while  his  associate  whirls  a  rhombus.  On  his 
return  he  goes  into  retreat  with  his  et'tone  for  eight  nights,  accom- 
panied by  his  associates  and  the  Shi'wano"kia." 

On  the  last  night  of  his  retreat,  which  is  the  night  of  the  return  of 
the  pilgrims  from  Ko'thluwalawa,  he  makes  a  cloud  symbol  of  meal  and 

a  Each  member  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  follows  in  order  in  going  into  retreat  (see  p.  180). 


stevenson]  SUMMER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  151 

corn  pollen  on  the  floor,  which  is  embellished  with  his  et'tone  and  other 
fetishes,  including  the  mi'wachi  of  himself  and  associates.  The  jug  of 
water,  which  is  also  placed  by  the  painting,  is  afterward  emptied  into 
a  medicine  bowl  and  drunk  on  the  closing  night  of  the  ceremonies  by 
those  present,  it  being  the  privilege  of  the  families  of  the  shi'wanni  and 
his  associates,  including  the  youngest  children,  to  gather  in  the  chamber 
on  that  night.  The  party  in  retreat  rarely  speak,  and  they  sing  but 
little  until  the  last  night,  when  they  invoke  the  presence  of  the  u'wan- 
nami.  They  sit  most  of  the  time  perfectly  quiet,  giving  their  thoughts 
to  their  desired  object,  that  the  u'wannami  may  water  the  earth. 
Their  prayers  go  from  their  hearts  to  the  Sun  Father  and  the  u'wan- 
nami without  spoken  words.  Should  the  Shi'wano"kia  be  nourishing 
an  infant,  the  child  is  brought  into  the  ceremonial  chamber  by  a  female 
relative  and  handed  to  the  mother  in  perfect  silence,  who,  after  feeding 
the  child,  returns  it  in  silence  to  the  bearer,  who  leaves  the  chamber 
without  a  word.  The  thoughts  of  the  A'shiwanni  at  this  time  must  not 
be  given  to  earthly  things.  The  pe'kwin  visits  the  Kia'kwemosi  dur- 
ing his  retreat,  as  he  does  all  the  others  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni 
during  their  retirement. 

On  the  eighth  day  the  A'shiwanni  of  the  West,  South,  East,  Zenith, 
Xadir.  and  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests,  join  the  Kia'- 
kwemosi and  his  associates  who  are  in  retreat,  and  prepare  te'likinawe 
in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi.  The  Ko'mosona  and 
Ko'pekwin  with  their  Ko'pialashiwanni,  six  men  to  act  as  Sha'lako" 
and  their  alternates  (each  of  the  six  men  who  are  to  personate  the 
Sha'lako  and  each  of  the  alternates  has  two  associates  present,  whose 
duties  are  to  prepare  the  masks  and  paraphernalia  of  the  Sha'lako), 
the  personator  of  Shu'laawi'si,  a  man  designated  as  his  father 
(whose  duty  it  is  to  prepare  the  mask  and  attend  to  the  general  adorn- 
ment of  the  person  of  the  Shu'laawi'si),  Sa'j^atasha,  first  Ya'muhakto, 
Hu'tutu,  second  Ya'muhakto,  and  ten  men  who  prepare  the  masks  and 
dress  of  the  last  four  mentioned  (see  page  33)  gather  in  the  chamber 
adjoining  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  the  one  to  which  the  Ko'mosona  is 
allied,  for  the  purpose  of  preparing  te'likinawe.  Each  person  present 
makes  four  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  and  each  one  who  is  to  person- 
ate a  god  in  the  Sha'lako  festival  the  coming  autumn  makes  four 
additional  offerings  to  the  god  he  is  to  represent.  The  te'likinawe 
must  be  completed  by  noon  and  deposited  in  basket  trays. 

The  personators  of  the  ten  Ko'yemshi  (see  page  33)  are  busy  at  the 
same  time  in  a  house  chosen  by  the  A'wan  tanchu  (Great  Father) 
Ko'yemshi  making  their  plume  offerings;  but  one  other  besides  the 
Ko'yemshi  is  present,  he  being  a  man  who  labors  for  them.  Each  one 
makes  four  te'likinawe  to  the  Ko'yemshi  and  four  to  the  Council  of 

a  See  Annual  festival  o£  the  Sha'lako,  p.  227. 


152  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.23 

the  Gods.  The  offerings  of  the  Ko'yemshi  must  also  be  completed 
and  deposited  in  basket  trays  by  noon.  Immediately  after  noon  the 
Ko'yemshi,  who  are  now  termed  the  Du'michimchi,  leave  the  house. 
They  are  nude,  excepting  a  bit  of  old  black  cloth  about  their  loins, 
their  hair  hanging  loose  before  each  shoulder.  They  proceed  in  tile, 
each  man  grasping  with  both  hands  the  string  which  holds  the  loin 
cloth  of  the  man  preceding  him.  As  they  pass  through  the  streets 
women  on  the  house  tops  pour  over  them  water  into  which  sacred  meal 
has  been  sprinkled,  with  a  prayer  for  rain.  Though  this  scene  causes 
merriment  among  the  spectators,  it  is  of  a  strictl}'  religious  character. 
After  passing  through  the  streets  the  Du'michimchi  retire  to  dry 
themselves,  after  which  they  put  on  their  masks  and  visit  the  house 
tops  (see  plate  xxix)  and,  after  making  a  tour  of  the  village,  return  to 
their  ceremonial  chamber,  resume  their  dress,  and  then  retire  to  their 
homes,  when  the  name  of  Du'michimchi  is  renounced. 

Near  sunset  the  Ko'mosona  makes  a  meal  painting  in  Mu'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine,  where  a  number  of  his  associates  are  gathered,  and  deposits 
about  it  sacred  objects,  including  a  kia'etchine  composed  of  the  plume 
offerings  in  a  basket  tray,  making  a  long  prayer  for  rains  to  fructify 
the  earth. 

All  now  go  to  their  homes  to  eat.  The}'  do  not  abstain  from  animal 
food,  as  at  the  winter  solstice,  as  Shits'ukia"  plays  no  part  at  the  present 
time.  After  eating,  all  return  to  the  ki'wit'sine,  when  the  Ko'mosona 
and  Ko'pekwin  each  make  three  po'newe  (singular,  po'ne),  reeds  tilled 
with  native  tobacco,  the  tobacco  being  pressed  in  by  the  use  of  a 
slender  stick  or  the  quill  end  of  a  plume.  After  the  reeds  (which  are  as 
long  as  from  the  metacarpus  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger)  are  tilled 
they  are  colored  black,  each  one  wrapped  in  a  corn  husk,  and  deposited 
in  an  Apache  basket,  which  is  set  by  the  meal  painting.  Those  who 
are  to  personate  the  Sha'lako  and  their  alternates  are  present. 

Members  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  visit  the  ki'wi'sine,  wear- 
ing ordinary  dress  and  each  carrying  a  rattle.  They  sit  south  of 
the  meal  painting  and  sing  invocations  to  the  Beast  Gods  of  the  six 
regions,  to  A'chiyala'topa  (a  being  of  the  zenith  with  wings  and  tail  of 
knives),  and  to  their  original  director.  One  song  is  addressed  to  each 
being,  imploring  his  intercession  with  the  u'wannami  for  rain.  The 
song  closes  at  midnight  with  the  drawing  of  the  sacred  breath  of 
A'wonawil'ona,'"  and  the  Ko'mosona,  without  rising  from  his  seat,  offers 
a  prayer  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  for  rain.  The  director  of  the  Great 
Fire  fraternit3r  afterward  prays  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  and  the 
sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona  is  inhaled  by  all  present.  The  Ko'mo- 
sona hands  one  of  the  wrapped  cigarettes  to  the  Sha'lako  wor'li  of  the 
He'iwa  ki'wi'sine;  returning  to  the  basket,  he  takes  a  second  cigarette 

a  See  p.  135.  6  See  p.  22. 


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stevenson]  SUMMER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  153 

and  hands  it  to  the  Sha'lako  wor'li  of  the  ki'wi'sine  of  the  west.  The 
remaining  cigarettes  are  in  turn  distributed  to  the  Sha'lako  wor'we 
of  the  other  ki'wi'siwe,  and  all  but  the  Ko'mosona,  the  Ko'pekwin, 
and  their  A'pi'lashiwanni  leave  the  ki'wi'sine  for  their  homes,  each 
Sha'lako  wor'li  carrying  home  his  cigarette  in  a  corn  husk. 

Those  who  are  to  make  the  pilgrimage  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  those 
who  are  to  aid  them  in  getting  off  are  astir  betimes  on  the  following 
morning.  The  Ko'yemshi  gather  in  their  ceremonial  chamber  and  cer- 
tain others  join  the  Ko'mosona  in  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  others  start 
directly  from  their  homes.  After  the  Ko'yemshi  collect  their  te'li- 
kinawe  from  the  basket  trays  the}'  proceed  to  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine 
when  the  Ko'mosona  divides  the  kia'etchine  which  has  stood  on  the 
meal  painting  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  giving  a  portion  of  the  te'likinawe  to 
the  Ko'pekwin  and  keeping  the  others  for  himself.  He  is  also  pro- 
vided with  te'likinawe  made  by  men  of  his  (the  Deer)  clan,  and  the 
Ko'pekwin  has  offerings  made  by  a  man  of  his  (the  Bear)  clan.  Each 
places  his  te'likinawe  in  a  hu'chapone  (deep  basket),  which  is  carried 
on  the  back  and  held  in  place  by  a  strap  crossing  the  chest  or  forehead. 
A  long-necked  ancient  gourd  jug  is  provided  with  a  sprinkling  stick, 
colored  black,  and  freshly  painted  for  each  occasion.  The  bulb  of  the 
jug  is  partially  covered  with  cotton  netting,  around  the  bottom  of  which 
four  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes  are  arranged  at  equal  distances.  The 
jug  is  carried  in  the  right  hand  by  means  of  a  cotton  cord,  which 
forms  a  handle,  and  four  te'likinawe  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  a 
crooked  stick,  symbolic  of  longevity,  are  held  in  the  left.  Prayer 
meal,  which  is  carried  in  the  belt,  is  thrown  out  with  the  right  hand  in 
a  line  before  them  as  they  proceed.  The  two  Ko'pi'Mashiwanni  whirl 
rhombi,  calling  the  clouds  to  gather.  The  director  of  the  fraternity  of 
Hunters  carries  on  his  back  a  hu'chapone  filled  with  te'likinawe. 

The  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi  carries  a  kia'etchine  in  a  piece  of  white 
commercial  cotton  cloth,  which  passes  over  the  right  shoulder  and 
across  the  back,  and  is  tied  in  front.  He  and  his  nine  fellows  each 
carry  four  te'likinawe  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods.  The  ceremonial 
father  of  Shu'laawPsi  carries  four  te'likinawe  for  the  Council  of  the 
Gods  and  the  personator  of  Shu'laawi'si  the  same  number.  Those 
who  personate  Sa'yatasha,  Hu'tutu,  the  two  Ya'muhakto  and  the  six 
Sha'lako,  with  their  alternates,  each  carry  four  te'likinawe  to  the 
Council  of  the  Gods. 

The  party  leaves  the  village  about  8  o'clock  in  the  morning,  bare- 
foot and  clad  in  ordinary  dress,  which  is  new  for  the  occasion."  The 
Ko'mosona,  with  his  Ko'pi'"lashiwanni  on  his  right,  leads  the  party. 

a  In  the  past  the  party  has  always  made  these  journeys  on  foot;  but  at  the  present,  while  the 
Ko'mosona.  Ko'pekwin.  the  two  Ko'pi'ltlashiwanni,  and  Ko'yemshi  adhere  to  the  old  custom,  others 
proceed  to  the  base  of  the  mountains  on  burros. 


154  THE    ZUNJ    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

The  ceremonial  father  of  Shu'laawi'si,  the  personators  of  Shu'laawi'si, 
Sa'yatiisha,  Ya'muhakto,  Hu'tutu,  a  second  Ya'muhakto,  and  tbe 
Sha'lako,  with  their  fellows,  come  next.  The  director  of  the  Hunters 
fraternity  follows  some  distance  behind  alone,"  and  after  him  a  man  of 
Deer  clan  and  one  of  Badger  clan  go  on  burros.  After  these  follow  the 
Ko'pekwin  with  his  Ko'pi'"lashiwanni  and  then  the  ten  Ko'yemshi.6 

After  sunset  the  canteens  are  tilled  at  a  spring,  then  tbe  party 
ascends  a  mountain,  where  they  camp  for  the  night.  After  the  even- 
ing meal  the  Ko'mosona  requests  the  party  to  dance.  Early  in  the 
morning  they  proceed  on  their  journey,  arriving  at  the  forks  of  the 
road.  A  mile  or  so  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  the  Ko'yemshi  take  tbe  right- 
hand  trail,  which  leads  northwest  to  their  mountain.  The  Ko'mosona 
and  others  take  the  left-hand  trail,  which  carries  them  southwest  to 
Kor'kokshi  mountain,  which  the}7  ascend/ 

The  Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwin,  each  with  his  Pi'illashiwanni,  the 
one  to  the  Ko'mosona  preceding  and  carrying  a  torch,  enter  a  cave  on 
the  summit  of  the  mountain.  They  are  supposed  to  go  by  an  inner 
passageway  to  the  depths  of  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  return.  Each  car- 
ries a  number  of  te'likinawe,  which  are  deposited  within  tbe  cave. 

The  Zufii  priests  humbug  their  people  by  declaring  that  there  is  a  direct  passageway 
from  this  cave  to  the  dwelling  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  in  the  depth  of  the 
lake,  and  that,  opening  from  this  passageway,  there  are  four  chambers,  equal  distances 
apart,  where  those  privileged  to  enter  the  underground  road  may  rest  on  their  jour- 
ney to  and  from  the  lake.  A  stone  which  was  carefully  placed  to  conceal  the 
entrance  to  this  shallow  cave  was  removed  in  1881  by  Mr  Stevenson,  and  two  of  his 
party  and  himself,  including  the  writer,  succeeded  in  squeezing  in  to  the  depth  of 
16  feet.  At  the  end  of  this  passageway  they  found  a  space  of  not  more  than  3  feet. 
It  was  examined  carefully  by  candlelight,  and  it  was  discovered  that  nothing  of  any 
size  could  pass  beyond.     Numbers  of  te'likinawe  were  found  in  the  passageway. 

The  visit  of  Mr  Stevenson  and  the  writer  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  was  interesting. 
Spending  one  night  in  St.  John,  Ariz.,  they  left  there  with  a  view  to  visiting  the  lake. 
Most  cautiously  they  approached  their  Indian  guide  on  the  subject,  but  on  learning 
their  object  he  declared  they  must  not  go.  Extreme  persuasion  was  necessary  to  induce 
him  to  guide  them  to  the  sacred  spot.  As  the  day  advanced  and  the  party  proceeded 
on  their  journey  the  old  Indian,  so  fearless  in  battle,  became  greatly  alarmed;  he 
declared  the  marshy  ground  which  the  party  crossed  with  difficulty  was  made  so  by 
the  gods  who  did  not  wish  them  to  approach  the  lake;  his  usually  merry  voice  was 
reduced  to  a  whisper;  in  fact  before  camp  was  made  he  was  unable  to  speak. 
He  said  to  the  writer:  "If  you  insist  on  going,  I  will  show  you  the  way,  but  I 
shall  offend  the  gods  and  I  shall  surely  die."  Finally,  after  the  party  had 
traveled  for  several  hours,  he  said  in  a  low  whisper:  "  We  will  camp  here."  As  the 
writer  could  see  no  water,  she  thought  the  Indian  had  yielded  to  his  superstitious 

a  The  director  of  the  Hunters  and  his  deputy  alternate  in  the  quadrennial  visits  to  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

bin  the  intervening  years  the  personators  of  the  gods,  including  the  Ko'yemshi,  visit  a  spring 
south  of  Zufii,  while  the  others  go  to  To'seluna  spring  at  Ojo  Caliente. 

"These  mountains  are  prominent  landmarks.  According  to  a  Zufii  legend,  Kor'kokshi  mountain 
is  the  spot  where  their  first  ancestral  god  and  goddess  originated;  and  the  other  is  the  home  of 
the  Ko'yemshi.  It  "was  on  Ko'yemshi  mountain  that  the  Gods  of  War  prepared  for  the  attack 
upon  the  Kla'nakwe.  The  vast  amount  of  flint  chips  show  it  to  have  been  a  great  center  for  arrow- 
making. 


stevexson]  SUMMER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  155 

fear.  Just  then  a  Mexican  youth  appeared,  and  the  writer  inquired  of  him  if  a 
lake  was  near.  He  replying  in  the  affirmative,  the  old  Indian  whispered:  "And 
you  have  seen  it'.'"  "Yes."  "  And  you  have  looked  into  it?"  "Yes,"  replied  the 
Mexican,  looking  up  with  surprise.  "And  you  were  not  afraid?"  "No;  why 
should  I  be  afraid?"  The  youth  was  still  more  puzzled  when  the  old  man  said  to 
the  writer  :  "He  has  looked  into  the  waters  of  the  Kok'ko  A' wan  and  he  did  not 
die."  'Plie  superstitious  notion  is  that  anyone  who  looks  on  the  waters  of  this  lake, 
unless  by  special  permission  of  the  Ko'mosona,  will  die  in  four  days. 

In  deference  to  the  wishes  of  the  old  guide  the  party  camped  half  a  mile  from 
Ko'thluwala'wa.  When  they  remounted  to  visit  the  lake  no  amount  of  persuasion 
could  induce  the  Indian  to  accompany  them,  but  some  time  later,  when  they  had 
completed  the  circuit  of  the  lake,  they  discovered  the  old  man  as  near  the  water  as 
the  marshy  ground  would  permit,  engaged  in  prayer.  The  headkerchief  had  been 
removed,  a  custom  usually  observed  by  these  people  when  taking  part  in  any  reli- 
gious ceremony.  He  stood  erect,  his  hair  blowing  in  the  breeze.  His  right  hand  was 
extended  toward  the  setting  sun,  and  with  it  he  was  scattering  prayer  meal  toward 
the  lake.  He  gave  no  evidence  of  being  aware  of  the  approach  of  others  until  his 
prayer  was  completed,  then  turning  with  the  old  smile  upon  his  face  and  his  eyes 
again  bright,  he  exclaimed:  "I  am  very  happy,  and  yet,  I  know  I  must  die.  I  shall 
be  contented  to  die,  for  I  have  looked  upon  the  waters  of  the  house  of  my  departed 
fathers."  He  had  approached  the  lake  on  foot,  as  this  sacred  ground  must  not  be 
desecrated  by  the  tread  of  beasts.  The  old  Indian  desired  to  remain  behind  after  camp 
was  broken,  but  the  writer  determined  not  to  be  separated  from  him.  Several  times 
he  urged  her  to  follow  the  party,  but  she  insisted  upon  waiting  for  him.  Finally  he 
said:  "Well,  I  suppose  you  must  see  all."  Whereupon  he  took  a  large  quantity  of 
bread,  which  he  had  secreted  behind  a  tree,  and  consigned  it  to  the  camp  fire,  with 
a  prayer  to  the  dead  that  they  would  intercede  with  the  Sun  Father  and  the  Kok'ko 
A'wan  for  his  people  and  all  the  world.  The  old  man  had  observed  a  strict  fast 
during  his  stay  in  this  camp  for  the  purpose  of  saving  his  food  to  offer  to  the  departed. 

In  crossing  a  low  mountain  not  far  from  the  lake  several  pieces  of  pinkish  clay 
were  collected.  This  is  greatly  prized  by  the  Zuni,  who  believe  that  if  the  smallest 
portion  should  be  parted  with  no  rain  would  again  fall  upon  the  land.  The  priests 
claim  that  this  clay  conies  directly  from  the  house  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  in  the 
depths  of  the  lake.  The  Indian  guide  could  not  be  persuaded  to  touch  a  piece,  and 
when  he  found  that  he  could  not  make  the  party  desist  from  gathering  it  he  begged 
that  they  would  not  let  it  be  seen  in  Zuni. 

The  main  road  had  scarcely  been  reached  when  two  Zuni  Indians  appeared,  return- 
ing from  a  visit  to  Camp  Apache.  They  expressed  surprise  at  the  meeting,  and  the 
guide  was  not  long  in  informing  them  that  Mr  Stevenson  had  been  to  St  John  to 
see  a  collection  of  ancient  pottery  which  had  been  found  in  a  cave  by  a  Mexican, 
and  he  adroitly  endeavored  to  have  the  Indian  travelers  continue  their  journey. 
His  efforts  to  ward  off  any  suspicion  of  the  party  having  visited  Ko'thluwala'wa  was 
dramatic.  He  kept  the  attention  of  the  visitors  so  riveted  upon  his  fictitious  narra- 
tion of  the  visit  to  St  John,  describing  the  bowls  of  turquoise  and  other  precious 
beads  found  with  the  pottery,  that  there  was  no  time  for  inquiry  on  the  part  of  the 
visitors.  He  recited  many  anecdotes  of  his  trip,  all  originating  within  his  brain. 
His  hearty  laughter  became  contagious,  and  so  the  night  passed  without  his  permit- 
ting the  others  to  sleep  or  even  to  lie  down;  they  must  have  no  time  for  thought  or 
dreams. 

The  punishment  for  visiting  the  lake  without  the  permission  of  the  Ko'mosona  is 
not  only  death  within  four  days  by  the  anger  of  the  gods,  but  severe  corporal  pun- 
ishment and  perhaps  death  by  the  order  of  the  Ko'mosona. 


156  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

While  the  Ko'mosona  and  party  are  in  the  cave  the  personators  of  the 
Council  of  the  Gods  and  Sha'liiko  deposit  te'likinawe  at  a  shrine  on  the 
summit  of  the  mountain  to  the  west  (see  plate  xxx).  There  are  many 
precious  beads  and  large  numbers  of  te'likinawe  in  position  at  this 
shrine,  and  hundreds  of  the  plume  offerings  lie  scattered  about,  hav- 
ing been  removed  to  make  room  for  others. 

The  Ko'vemshi  make  offerings  at  a  shrine  on  their  mountain,  and  by 
the  time  the  others  are  through  with  their  ceremonies  on  Kor'kokshi 
mountain  the  Ko'vemshi  are  coming  over  the  trail  singing. 

Song  of  the  Ko'yemshi  at  Ko'lhluwala'wa 

Ha'liliko,     ha'liliko,     a'yaltonanfi,     a'yaltonan?. 

Mountain        mountain      walking  on  the    walking  on  the 
sheep,  sheep,        mountain  edge,    mountain  edge. 

Lilth'note    \va"su'sukla    a'thlashi     a'lana     ye'maku     a'lana    ye'maku. 

Here  gopher,  old,  many  go  up,         many  go  up. 

Ha'liliko     ha'liliko     a'wuhl'hlanane     a'wuhl'hlanane 
Mountain      mountain        walking  below,  walking  below, 

sheep,  sheep, 

Lilth'note     wa"su'sukla     a'thlashi     a'lana     pan'iyu     alana     pan'iyu. 
Here  gopher,  old,  many    come  down,    many  come  down. 

Both  parties  gather  on  a  hill  to  the  east  of  the  lake.  The  Ko'mosona 
and  Ko'pekwin  remove  their  clothing  preparatory  to  entering  the  lake. 
They  tie  up  their  hair  and  secure  their  many  necklaces  around  their 
throats.  Each  one  suspends  a  sack  from  his  neck  in  which  to  place 
the  tortoises  they  may  secure.  The  Great  Father  Ko'3Temshi  gives  the 
kia'etchine  he  carries  to  the  Ko'pekwin  and  the  director  of  the  Hunters 
fraternity  hands  his  to  the  Ko'mosona.  The  two,  owing  to  the  marshy 
condition  of  the  ground,  approach  the  lake  on  their  hands  and  feet, 
somewhat  in  the  fashion  of  frogs.  They  deposit  the  kia'etchine  which 
they  have  brought  from  Zufii  and  the  others  in  the  water,  weights  being 
attached  for  the  purpose  of  sinking  them.  The  kia'etchiwe  are  offered 
to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  without  being  separated,  with  prayers  for 
rain,  and  also  that  their  otherselves,  the  tortoises,  may  come  out  through 
their  doors,  their  homes  being  deep  in  the  water.  Four  holes  are  sup- 
posed to  exist  in  the  walls  of  the  lake,  which  are  termed  the  home  of 
the  tortoises.  The  Ko'pekwin  also  deposits  fire  sticks,  which  are  old 
and  used  only  for  this  occasion,  into  the  lake,  after  applying  a  coat  of 
mud  from  the  lake,  he  having  previously  made  notches  on  the  hori- 
zontal stick.  These  sticks  are  of  giant  yucca  stalks  and  must  be 
broken,  not  cut,  from  the  plant.  When  depositing  the  fire  sticks  he 
offers  a  pra3'er  for  much  rain. 

Others  of  the  party  gather  as  near  the  lake  as  the  marsh  will  permit, 
and  each  one  plants  four  te'likinawe  to  his  ancestors.  All,  including  the 
Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwin,  return  to  the  hill  and  dress,  after  which 
they  take  their  evening  meal.     After  dancing  for  a  time,  they  again 


stevenson]  SUMMER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  157 

undress  and  go  as  near  as  possible  to  the  lake,  where  each  one  deposits 
food.  Those  who  are  to  personate  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  Sha'- 
lako  in  the  coming  autumn  offer  the  prayers  while  at  the  lake  which 
they  will  repeat  at  the  time  of  the  Sha'lako  festival.  They  now  pro- 
ceed to  the  south  side  of  the  lake  and  dance.  At  the  close  of  the 
dance  they  return  to  the  hill  and  retire  for  the  night.  In  the  early 
morning  the  Ko'mosona,  Ko'pekwin.  and  the  two  Ko'pi'lashiwanni 
return  mule  to  the  lake  and  gather  cat-tails  (Tvpha  Iatifolia),  which 
they  distribute  to  the  others.  The  pe'kwin  also  secures  the  tire  sticks 
which  he  deposited  in  the  water  on  the  previous  evening. 

Before  departing  for  the  lake  the  Ko'mosona  dispatches  most  of  the 
party  for  tortoises  with  the  words:  "  Go,  look  for  our  otherselves." 
Only  members  of  the  fraternity  of  Hunters  may  strike  the  tortoise  with 
the  rabbit  stick;  others  pat  them  with  their  hands  until  the  head  is  pro- 
jected, when  a  string  is  tied  around  the  neck. 

A  favorite  place  for  the  tortoise  is  said  to  be  the  house  of  the  deer, 
a  spring  a  short  distance  from  Ko'thluwala'wa,  above  the  general  level 
of  the  country,  and  so  named  because  deer  congregate  there  to  drink. 
An  underground  passage  is  supposed  to  extend  from  this  spring  to  the 
lake;  in  fact,  Ko'thluwala'wa  is  said  to  be  connected  with  all  sacred 
springs  and  lakes  by  underground  roads. 

After  the  return  of  the  Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwin  from  the  lake  to 
the  hill  the  sacred  tire  is  made  by  wood  friction.  A  small  quantity  of 
cedar  fiber  is  crushed  and  deposited  on  the  ground  and  the  stick,  to  be 
used  horizontally,  with  bits  of  mud  attached  to  each  point  where  the 
other  stick  is  to  be  used,  is  laid  upon  it.  The  Ko'mosona/'  Ko'pekwin, 
the  two  Ko'pr'lashiwanni,  the  personator  of  Shu'laawi'si  for  the  coming 
autumn,  the  ceremonial  father  of  Shu'laawi'si,  and  other  members  of 
the  Badger  clan,  form  a  broken  circle.  The  process  of  tire  making 
begins  with  the  Ko'mosona,  who,  after  using  the  drill,  passes  it  to  the 
Ko'pekwin  who  sits  at  his  left.  After  the  first  handling  of  the  drill 
these  two  do  not  touch  it.  The  sticks  being  damp,  a  long  time  is 
required  in  making  the  fire.  It  would  not  do  to  work  on  a  spot  that 
had  been  touched  with  a  drill.  When  combustion  occurs  and  the 
crushed  fiber  is  ignited,  the  one  who  produces  the  fire  lifts  the  fiber, 
holding  it  in  partly  closed  hands,  moving  them  back  and  forth  that  the 
fiber  may  be  fanned  b}T  the  breeze.  The  breath  must  never  be  blown 
upon  it,  as  this  would  so  offend  the  Council  of  the  Gods  that  there 
would  be  no  rain.  If  rain  is  not  the  result  of  the  fire  making,  the 
hearts  of  those  who  work  with  the  drill  are  not  good. 

The  cedar  brand  is  ignited  from  the  burning  fiber,  which  is  now 
thrown  into  the  spring  with  a  prayer  for  rain.     The  one  who  produces 

o  The  Ko'mosona  being  a  child  of  the  Badger  elan  (see  List  ol  clans)  is  privileged  to  use  the  lire 
drill. 


158  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  28 

fire  and  lights  the  brand  is  termed  Shu'laawi'si,  but  he  must  not  be 
confounded  with  the  one  who  is  to  personate  Shu'laawi'si  in  the 
autumn  festival  of  the  Sha'lako.  He  lays  the  brand  on  the  ground, 
the  burning  end  to  the  east,  this  being  the  signal  for  the  return  to 
Zuni.  Extra  brands  are  held  in  readiness,  as  the  sacred  fire  must  not 
die  out  on  the  way.  As  they  proceed  they  sing,  and  the  two 
Ko'pi'Mashiwanni  whirl  their  rhombi,  imploring  the  u'wannami  (rain- 
makers) to  water  the  earth.  When  they  are  a  short  distance  from 
Ko'thluwala'wa,  the  pinkish  clay  used  by  the  personators  of  the 
gods  is  collected  by  the  Ko'mosona  and  others. 

As  they  proceed,  Shu'laawi'si  runs  about  setting  fire  to  grass,  trees, 
or  whatever  comes  in  his  way,  that  smoke  may  rise  in  clouds  like  the 
breath  clouds  from  the  gods  of  Ko'thluwala'wa."  When  crossing  from 
one  side  to  the  other  of  the  procession,  Shu'laawi'si  must  pass  back  of 
it,  never  before.  The  Council  of  the  Gods  hold  te'likinawe  between 
their  hands,  not  the  actual  plumes  offered  by  the  Zuni,  but  the  ghost- 
selves  of  the  plumes,  and  blow  them  to  the  heavens,  they  forming 
clouds  as  they  ascend.  ''Breath  comes  from  the  mouths  of  the  Kok'ko 
A' wan  like  steam." 

The  party  returns  to  the  mountain  or  ridge  where  they  camped  on 
their  journey  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  Shu'laawi'si  builds  a  fire  at  a  dis- 
tance from  the  others  and  lays  his  firebrand  near  by,  the  end  pointing 
to  the  east.  The  Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwin  each  place  beside  the 
firebrand  their  gourd  jugs,  which  they  filled  with  water  from  the 
spring,  the  home  of  the  deer,  near  Ko'thluwala'wa.  After  dancing 
until  midnight,  the  party  rest  and  sleep  until  early  morning,  when 
they  start  for  Zuni.  They  visit  the  springs  of  Ko'loowisi  (Plumed 
Serpent)  and  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  (great  god)  of  the  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy) 
fraternity  as  they  pass  through  Ojo  Caliente.  Shu'laawi'si  continues 
the  destruction  of  whatever  may  come  in  his  way. 

The  party  is  met  by  the  Kor'kokshi,  who  on  the  present  occasion  are 
representatives  of  the  Heiwa  ki'wi'sine,  about  1£  miles  southwest  of 
Zuni.  A  bonfire  is  lighted  here,  just  as  at  the  camping  place,  from  the 
brand  that  is  afterward  laid  on  the  ground,  the  burnt  end  to  the  east, 
and  the  jugs  of  water  brought  by  the  Ko'mosona  and  the  Ko'pekwin 
are  placed  either  side  of  it  at  the  west  end.  The  party  from  the  lake, 
except  the  Ko'yerushi,  are  seated  facing  east,  while  the.  Kor'kokshi, 
who  have  donned  their  masks  and  paraphernalia,  dance.  The  Ko'yem- 
shi,  likewise,  are  attired  in  their  scanty  ceremonial  dress,  including 
their  masks.  On  proceeding  to  Zuni  the  brand  is  ignited  at  the  bonfire 
and  is  now  carried  by  the  one  who  is  to  personate  Shu'laawi'si  in  the 
Sha'lako  ceremonial  of  the  coming  autumn. 

a  When  the  fence  of  a  ranchman  was  burned  some  years  ago,  the  Zuiii  regarded  this  American,  as 
they  called  him.  as  a  most  depraved  character  because  he  objected  to  the  burning  of  his  fence  when 
the  object  was  to  bring  rains. 


stevesson]  SUMMER    SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  159 

The  Ko'mosona  leads  the  party,  carrying  his  gourd  jug  of  water; 
his  Ko'pr'liishiwanni  is  at  the  right,  whirling  the  rhombus;  the  Kor'- 
kokshi  follow,  with  those  who  are  to  personate  the  Sha'l&ko  on  either 
side.  The  Ko'pekwin,  earning  his  jug  of  water,  follows  next,  with 
his  Ko'pi-,l;ishi\vanni  whirling  the  rhombus;  the  personator  of  Shu'- 
laawi'si  with  his  firebrand  held  horizontally,  the  burning  end  to  the 
front,  is  next  to  the  Ko'pekwin.  Those  who  personate  the  others  of  the 
Council  of  the  Gods  proceed  on  either  side  of  the  Kor'kokshi,  carry- 
ing great  bunches  of  cat-tails,  and  several  have  rhombi  which  are  kept 
in  constant  motion.  On  reaching  the  village  at  dusk  the  party  visits 
He'kiapa  (back  wall)  plaza,  and  after  the  Kor'kokshi  dance  here  the 
procession  passes  up  the  west  street  to  the  north  of  the  village  and  a 
short  distance  down  the  street  and  enter  Ko'china  (rat)  plaza.  After 
a  dance  here  they  pass  to  'Si'aa'  te'wita,  sacred  dance  plaza,  and,  after 
one  dance,  they  visit  te'wita  'hlanna  (great  plaza),  where  they  give  one 
dance. 

The  Ko'mosona,  followed  by  his  Ko'pi'lashiwanni,  now  leads  the 
Kor'kokshi  and  those  who  are  to  personate  Sha'lako,  with  their  attend- 
ants, into  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine.  The  Ko'pekwin  with  his  Ko'pi"- 
lashiwanui  leads  to  his  home,  the  wife's  house,  those  who  personate 
the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  the  Ko'yemshi. 

The  Ha'lo'kwe  (Ant fraternity)  has  its  altar  erected  in  the  Mu'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine.  The  altar  is  embellished  with  mi'wachi  and  other  fetishes, 
and  a  bowl  of  medicine  water  is  in  front  of  it.  The  fraternity  is 
grouped  south  of  the  altar,  which  faces  east.  The  tortoises  are  depos- 
ited in  a  large  bowl  of  water  which  is  set  before  the  altar,  and  the 
cat-tails  are  stood  either  side  and  rest  against  it. 

The  altar  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  is  placed  in  the  home  of  the 
Ko'pekwin.  with  mi'wachi  and  many  other  fetishes  about  it,  and  a  bowl 
of  medicine  water  deposited  before  it.  Tortoises  and  cat-tails  are  also 
placed  by  this  altar.  The  members  of  this  fraternity  are  grouped 
south  of  the  altar  with  their  rattles  read}?  to  furnish  music  for  the 
dance.  This  fraternity  is  alone  privileged  to  meet  in  the  Ko'pekwin's 
house  at  the  summer  solstice. 

Soon  after  entering  the  house.  Shu'laawi'si  knocks  off  the  burning- 
end  of  his  brand  at  the  fireplace  and  lays  it  before  the  altar  of  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity.  The  Kor'kokshi  remove  their  masks  and 
change  their  ceremonial  dress  for  ordinary  clothing,  and  all  except  the 
Ko'mosona,  his  Ko'pr'lashiwanni,  and  the  officers  of  the  fraternity 
go  to  their  homes  for  refreshment.  The  wife  of  the  Ko'mosona  and 
the  women  of  her  family  bring  food  to  the  ki'wi'sine  for  those  who 
remain.  After  the  evening  meal  nothing-  must  pass  the  lips  of  the 
actors  excepting  the  drafts  administered  by  theurgists  until  afternoon 
of  the  da}-  following.     The  Ko'pekwin,  his  Ko'pi;tlashiwanni,  and  the 


Kill  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [f.th.  ann.  23 

officers  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  remain  in  the  house  of  the  former. 
his  wife  and  family  and  clan  relations  serving-  food  to  them,  while  the 
others  go  to  their  homes  to  eat.     All  gather  later  in  the  evening. 

The  Kor'kokshi  prepare  themselves  in  the  ki'wi'sine  for  the  dance, 
the  masks  being  discarded  for  the  night  dancing.  The  Ko'mosona 
leads  the  Kor'kokshi  from  the  ki'wi'sine  to  the  Ko'pekwin's  house. 
He  carries  his  mi'li  and  meal  basket  in  his  left  hand  and  sprinkles  meal 
with  his  right  from  the  time  he  enters  the  house  until  the  dancers  form 
in  line.  After  one  dance,  they  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  accompanied 
by  two  Ko'yemshi  wearing  masks.  In  this  way  the  Kor'kokshi  dance 
alternately  four  times  in  the  Ko'pekwin's  house  and  the  ki'wi'sine. 
In  tin'  former  place  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  sing  to  the  accompani- 
ment of  their  rattles  and  in  the  ki'wi'sine  the  Ant  fraternity  furnishes 
the  music.  When  the  Kor'kokshi  are  not  present  in  the  Ko'pekwin's 
house,  Shu'laawi'si,  the  Ko'yemshi,  and  others  dance. 

The  night  is  passed  in  dancing,  and  at  daylight  the  Ko'mosona,  hold- 
ing a  corn  husk  of  mud  from  Ko'thluwala'wa,  dips  his  index  finger  into 
the  mud  and  anoints  the  breast,  the  palm  of  the  right  hand,  and  the  sole 
of  the  right  foot  of  each  of  the  Kor'kokshi,  who  are  now  standing, 
saying:  "  Kok'ko  A'wan  hel'li'kwe  kwa  ho'o  an'teshema  to'o  i'ton, 
kwa  an'teshema  to'o  tu'tu  (I  anoint  you  with  the  mud  of  the  Council 
of  the  Gods;  1  do  not  wish  you  to  eat:  I  do  not  wish  you  to  drink)." 
A  fast  is  observed  from  this  time  until  noon.  After  the  anointing  the 
Kor'kokshi  prepare  themselves  to  dance,  after  which  the  Ko'mosona, 
taking  a  large  medicine  bowl,  prepares  paint  with  the  pinkish  clay 
from  Ko'thluwala'wa.  Calling  to  him  each  man  who  personates  a  Kor'- 
kokshi god.  he  a^ks  each  in  turn  where  he  will  have  the  paint  applied, 
and,  dipping  his  index  finger  into  the  bowl,  daubs  the  paint  on  the 
spot  indicated— foot,  hand,  shoulder,  or  elsewhere.  Then  handing  the 
bowl  of  paint  to  the  dance  director,  he  tells  him  that  the  Kor'kokshi 
are  to  paint  themselves.  Each  man  covers  his  face,  body,  arms,  hands, 
feet,  and  his  legs  nearly  to  the  thighs,  with  the  paint.  The  Ko'mosona 
now  calls  the  eight  men  who  personate  the  Kor'kokshi  goddesses,  and 
after  asking  them  a  similar  question  daubs  them  with  yellow  paint, 
mixed  in  a  medicine  bowl,  brought  also  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Ko'thluwala'wa.  Addressing  the  chief  goddess,  who  stands  midway 
in  the  line  of  the  goddesses  in  the  dance,  and,  handing  over  the  bowl 
of  yellow  paint,  he  directs  that  all  shall  decorate  their  persons.  The 
hands  and  arms  to  the  elbows  and  feet  and  legs  to  the  knees  are  painted. 
The  ceremonial  dress  is  now  put  on  and  the  tortoises  are  distributed 
as  far  as  they  will  go;  others  carry  gourd  rattles  only. 

The  howl  containing  the  tortoises  is  deposited  near  the  middle  of 
the  floor  before  the  dancers  are  supplied,  where  it  remains  through- 


oteyenson]  SUMMER   SOLSTICE    CEREMONIES  161 

out  the  day.  The  tortoises"  arc  returned  to  the  bowl  each  time  the 
Kor'kokshi  come  to  the  ki'wi'sine. 

The  Ko'vemshi  are  the  first  to  visit  'Si'aa'  te'wita  in  the  early  morn- 
ing, this  being  the  morning  which  closes  the  retreat  of  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi. They  are  led  by  the  Ko'pckwin,  carrying  his  mi'li  and  meal 
basket  in  his  left  hand  and  sprinkling  meal  with  his  right.  Each 
Ko'vemshi  has  a  bunch  of  cat-tails  in  his  left  hand  and  a  rattle  in  his 
right.  They  present,  the  cat-tails  to  the  Shi'wano"kia  (Priestess  of 
fecundity),  who  descends  from  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'- 
kwemosi  to  receive  them.  The  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi  is  in  the  second  story  of  a  house  opening-  on  the  Si'aa'  te'wita. 
Returning  to  the  chamber,  the  Shi'wano"kia  hands  the  cat-tails  to  the 
Kia'kwemosi.  who  lays  them  near  the  meal  painting  on  the  floor. 

The  Ko'vemshi  are  followed  by  the  Kor'kokshi  led  by  the  Ko'mo- 
sona  who  wears  a  white  shirt,  white  embroidered  kilt  held  on  by  an 
embroidered  sash  tied  at  the  right  side,  blue  knit  leggings,  and  red 
garters.  The  feet  are  bare.  A  line  of  pinkish  clay  extends  across 
the  nose  and  under  the  ejTes.  There  are  thirty  gods,  of  whom  twenty- 
eight  are  Kor'kokshi  and  two  are  younger  brothers  of  Pau'tiwa, 
director-general  at  Ko'tkluwala'wa.  One  of  the  brothers  stands  mid- 
way the  line  and  leads  the  dances.  There  are  eight  goddesses.  One 
walks  beside  the  foremost  dancer  in  the  rile,  and  faces  him  in  the 
dunce.  The  others  are  companions  to  the  gods,  who  number  from 
thirteen  to  nineteen,  inclusive,  in  the  line.  The  Kor'kokshi  dance  in 
He'kiapa  and  Ko'china  plazas  before  going  to  Si'aa'.  The  arrival  of 
the  Kor'kokshi  in  Si'aa'  te'wita  is  the  signal  for  the  Kia'kwemosi  to 
play  his  tiute  in  the  ceremonial  chamber.  After  the  first  dance  in  the 
plaza,  the  Kia'kwemosi  descends  from  the  ceremonial  chamber  and 
passes  from  west  to  east  down  the  line  of  gods,  halts  for  a  moment 
before  the  Ko'mosona,  and  then  passes  by  the  goddesses.  He  sprinkles 
each  goddess  and  the  cat-tails6  she  carries  with  meal  and  then  receives 
the  cat-tails  and  returning  down  the  line  of  gods  he  sprinkles  them  and 
the  cat-tails  with  meal,  receiving  from  each  god,  except  six,  the  cat- 
tails he  carries.  He  then  halts  before  the  Ko'mosona  and,  sprinkling 
a  line  of  meal  clown  the  mi'li,  which  the  Ko'mosona  holds  in  his  right 
hand,  offers  a  prayer. 

The  Kia'kwemosi  returns  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  and  deposits  the 
cat-tails  by  the  cloud  symbol  on  the  floor  (see  page  150).  Leaving  the 
Si'aa'  te'wita.  the  Kor'kokshi  proceed  to  the  te'wita 'hlanna,  and,  after 

"After  the  ceremonial  the  tortoises  are  taken  home  by  those  who  caught  them  and  are  hung  by 
their  necks  to  the  rafters  till  morning,  when  they  are  thrown  into  pots  of  boiling  water.  The  eggs 
are  considered  a  great  delicacy.  The  meat  is  seldom  touched  except  as  a  medicine,  which  is  a  curative 
for  cutaneous  diseases.  Part  of  the  meat  is  deposited  in  the  river,  with  ko'hakwa  (white  shell  beads) 
and  turquoise  beads,  as  offerings  to  Council  of  the  Gods. 

*>The  stems  of  the  cat-tails  are  afterward  used  by  the  A'shiwanni  for  te'likinawe. 

23  eth— 04 11 


162  THK    ZUNI    INDIANS  [KTH.  ANN.  28 

dancing  there,  they  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  Lay  aside  their  masks, 
indulge  in  a  smoke,  and  rest  a  short  time.  The  dancing  in  the  four 
plazas  is  repeated  four  times  before  noon.  The  fourth  time  they  dance 
in  the  Si'aa'  te'wita  the  Ko'mosona,  who  leads  the  file  of  dancers,  tells 
the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi  that  it  is  time  to  eat. 

After  this  dance  the  Kor'kokshi  are  followed  for  the  first  time1  by  the 
Ko'yemshi,  who  have  previously  awaited  them  in  the  Si'aa'  te'wita. 
After  dancing  in  the  te'wita  'hlanna  the  Ko'mosona  leads  the  Kor'kok- 
shi to  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  and  the  Ko'yemshi  follow  the  Ko'pekwin 
to  his  house,  (treat  leasts  are  spread  in  both  houses,  those  who  have 
spent  the  night  in  the  two  places  being  .still  present. 

There  is  no  dancing  in  the  house  of  the  Ko'pekwin  during-  the  day. 
and  no  one  hut  the  Ko'pekwin  and  the  Ko'yemshi  leave  the  house. 
Those  who  are  to  personate  the  gods  at  the  Sha'lako  festival  receive 
instructions  in  their  duties  in  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  during  the  day. 
The  Ko'mosona  administers  to  each  one  in  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine 
from  a  shell  the  water  from  the  spring,  which  has  been  previously 
emptied  from  the  gourd  jug  into  a  medicine  bowl,  saying  "Drink." 
The  one  receiving  the  draft  says:  "Ta"chumo"  (father).  The  Ko'mo- 
sona replies:  "Tal'lemo"  (younger  one).  After  all  have  been  helped, 
the  Ko'mosona  says:  "I  am  well  pleased,  my  children;  you  have  danced 
four  times:  we  will  dance  no  more  now,  for  neither  did  the  people  of 
old.  You  may  drink  all  you  wish."  The  water  vases  brought  in  by 
the  women  of  the  Deer  clan  are  soon  surrounded  by  the  thirsty  men 
■who  have  neither  eaten  nor  drunk  since  the  previous  evening.  The 
same  is  repeated  in  the  Ko'pekwin's  house,  water  being  carried  thither 
by  women  of  the  Badger  clan.  They  indulge  in  a  great  feast  served 
by  women  of  the  Deer  and  Badger  elans. 

After  .smoking  and  resting  for  a  time  the  dancing  in  the  four 
plazas  is  repeated  four  times.  The  fourth  time  they  dance  in  the 
Si'aa'  tewita  (see  plate  xxxi)  the  Ko'mosona  again  tells  the  Great 
Father  Ko'yemshi  that  it  is  time  to  eat.  After  dancing  in  the  te'wita 
'hlanna.  they  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine  and  to  the  house  of  the  Ko'pek- 
win. where  a  second  feast  is  enjoyed.  Here  they  smoke  and  have  their 
heads  washed  in  yucca  suds  by  women  of  the  Deer  and  Badger  clans. 
The  summer  solstice  ceremonies,  strictly  speaking,  are  now  over,  yet 
it  is  hut  the  beginning  of  the  Kor'kokshi  dances  for  rains  to  fructify 
I  he  earth  that  the  crops  may  grow,  the  Kor'kokshi  being  personated 
in  turn  from  the  five  other  ki'wi'siwe. 


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stbveksok]  KAIN    PRIESTHOOD  163 

A'SHIWANNI  (RAIN  PRIESTHOOD) 

The  rain  priesthood  consists  at  the  present  time  of  fourteen  A'shi- 
wanni (those  who  fast  and  pray  for  rain),  the  elder  and  younger  Bow 
priests,  and  Shi'wano"kia  (Priestess  of  fecundity).  Of  the  A'shiwanni, 
-ix  are  known  as  Kia'kwe  a'niosi  (directors  of  the  house).  The  house 
referred  to  marks  the  middle  of  the  world,  and  is  the  ceremonial  house 
of  the  Kiakwe  amosi.  A  room  in  this  house,  in  which  the  et'tone  of  the 
Shi'wanni  of  the  North  is  kept,  is  supposed  to  he  directly  over  the  cen- 
ter of  the  world.  While  the  term  Kia'kwe  a'mosi  is  applicable  to  the 
A'shiwanni  of  the  six  regions,  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  North,  being  the 
head  of  the  priesthood,  is  always  referred  to  as  the  Kia'kwemosi; 
the  others  are  termed  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  the  Shi'wanni  of  the 
South,  etc.  Throughout  this  paper  the  term  Kia'kwemosi  wrill  refer 
to  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  North.  The  six  regions  in  order  are  North, 
West,  South.  East,  Zenith,  and. Nadir,  the  center  being  always  sub- 
sumed. The  A'shiwanni  are  described  by  the  Zuiii  as  those  who  do 
no  secular  work,  and  it  is  their  special  duty  to  fast  and  pray  for  rain. 

Each  shi'wanni,  excepting  the  Shi'wanni  of  the 
Zenith,  is  the  possessor  of  an  et'tone,  which  is  sup 
posed  to  have  descended  directly  from  the  shi'wanni 
who  brought  it  in  a  basket "  clasped  to  his  breast  from 
the  undermost  to  the  outer  world.  The  et'tone  is 
dual:  'kia'ettone  and  chu'ettone  (see  plates  xxxn  and 
xxxiii).  The  'kia'ettone  (the  first  syllable,  Ida,  is  from 
'Ida we,  water)  consists  of  four  hollow  reeds,  each  of  the  FIG.  4— Toad  kept 
length  of  the  middle  finger  measured  on  the  under  side,       in  6t'tonS  reed, 

■  1  ■    1  1  »  1 1  •  actual  size. 

>  me  reed  being  thicker  than  the  rest.  All  contain  water. 
The  larger  one  also  contains  in  the  water  a  diminutive  toad  (Bufo  punc- 
tatus,  figure  -i).  which  seems  to  thi'ive  in  its  restricted  quarters.  The 
ends  of  the  reeds  are  closed  with  a  blackish  clay,  said  by  the  A'shiwanni 
to  have  been  brought  from  the  undermost  world,  and  native  cotton. 
The  chu'ettone  (the  first  syllable,  chu,  is  from  chu'we,  seeds)  is  com- 
posed of  eight  hollow  reeds  filled  with  all  the  edible  seeds  known  to 
the  A'shiwi  (Zunis)  and  closed  at  the  ends  with  native  cotton.  Origi- 
nally the  reeds  contained  only  kia"sanna,  the  only  food  then  known  to 
the  A'shiwi.  Each  group  of  reeds  is  wrapped  with  cord  of  native  cot- 
ton, the  end  of  the  cord  on  the  'kia'ettone  being  left  -free,  to  symbolize 
the  tail  of  a  toad,  which  would  indicate  that  the  A'shiwi  were  aware  of 
the  evolution  of  the  toad  from  the  tadpole.  A  number  of  precious 
beads  are  attached  to  the  cord  wrapping  of  the  et'tone,  and  a  fine 
arrow  point  rests  on  the  top. 

'T.See  p.  26.    Since  the  A'shiwi  learned  the  art  of  making  pottery  the  et'tone  has  rested  in  a  vase 
instead  of  a  basket. 


1(U  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  Ann. 23 

The  sacredness  of  the  et'tone  is  indicated,  not  only  by  its  promi- 
nence in  legend,  but  by  the  care  with  which  it  is  guarded.  The 
writer  was  fortunate  in  being  able  to  handle  and  examine  the  et'tone 
of  Nai'uchi,  since  deceased,  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  who  was  also 
elder  brother  Bow  priest.  On  removing  the  toad  from  the  reed 
it  was  found  to  be  in  a  livery  condition.  The  writer  is  indebted  to 
Nai'uchi  for  models  of  the  sacred  fetish,  which  are  in  the  National 
Museum. 

When  the  A'shiwi  were  divided  into  clans  these  sacred  objects 
became  associated  with  the  clans  chosen  by  their  possessors,  and  while 
an  et'tone  may  pass  from  a  shi'wanni  of  the  parent  clan  to  one  of  the 
children  of  the  clan,"  it  remains  in  the  care  of  a  woman  of  the  parent 
clan,  when  not  in  the  hands  of  the  shi'wanni,  this  office  passing  from 
mother  to  daughter  or  from  sister  to  sister. 

When  not  in  use  each  et'tone  rests  in  a  sealed  vase  in  a  special 
chamber  in  the  dwelling  house  of  its  keeper.  The  chamber  has  no 
windows,  and  the  door  is  kept  sealed  except  when  the  sacred  fetish 
is  brought  to  a  larger  chamber  in  the  same  house  for  the  winter  and 
summer  retreats  or  is  taken  from  the  house  for  the  'Hle'wekwe  cere- 
monial.* Should  there  be  a  small  opening  in  the  roof  of  the  chamber 
of  the  et'tone,  it  is  covered  with  a  slab  set  in  plaster,  and  is  opened 
only  for  the  purpose  of  sprinkling  meal  into  the  chamber  during  a 
retreat  of  the  shi'wanni  and  his  associates.  Two  of  the  et'towe  are 
supposed  to  have  come  from  the  conquered  Kia'nakwe,  to  have  been 
brought  by  the  boy  who,  with  his  sister,  was  adopted  bjr  the  A'shiwi. 
The  aged  woman  who  has  the  care  of  these  fetishes  is  said  to  be  the 
direct  descendant  of  the  foster  mother  of  the  brother  and  sister. 

Through  the  earnest  persuasion  of  a  nephew  to  the  shi'wanni  pos- 
sessing these  fetishes,  the  wife  being  also  in  sympathy  with  his  wishes, 
the  aged  woman  in  charge  of  them  (his  mother-in-law)  was  induced 
to  allow  the  door  of  the  room  to  be  opened.  The  entire  family 
incurred  danger  in  giving  their  assistance.  The  front  chamber  was 
carefully  guarded,  so  that  no  one  should  enter  an  inner  room  into  which 
the  sacred  apartment  opens.  It  was  necessary  to  be  expeditious,  there 
being  no  surety  against  intrusion,  for,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
A'shiwi,  the  people  of  the  same  clan  are  regarded  as  one  family  and 
have  access  to  all  parts  of  a  house.  While  the  old  woman  was  opening 
the  sealed  door  of  the  room  containing  the  et'towe  the  writer,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  nephew,  hurriedly  prepared  her  flashlight  and  camera, 
and  in  a  few  moments  a  picture  was  taken.  The  illustration  (figure  5) 
sin  iws  the  room,  which  is  about  7  by  5  feet,  with  two  vases  containing  the 
sacred  objects  and  other  fetishes  associated  with  the  et'tone.  The  door 
was  soon  closed  again  and  sealed  with  plaster.     The  family  was  in 


oSee  List  of  elans.  &See  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity. 


STEVENSOX] 


RAIN    PRIESTHOOD 


165 


groat  distress,  the  young  wife  being  prostrated  with  fear,  for  she  knew 
that  if  her  husband  and  mother  were  detected  in  tins  breach  of  trust 
their  lives  would  lie  in  great  danger.  When  the  writer  expressed  her 
thanks,  the  wife,  after  Iter  condition  had  improved,  said:  "We  are  all 
very  much  afraid  and  very  unhappy,  but  we  were  glad  to  serve 
yon."*  Two  et'towe  rest  undisturbed  in  sealed  vases  in  their  ehambers, 
the  divisions  of  the  A'shiwanni  to  whom  they  belong  having  ceased 
to  exist  because  the  families  privileged  to  form  these  divisions 
have  either  expired  or  been  considered  unworthy  to  join  the  sacred 
priesthood. 

Except  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith,  who  is  pe'kwin  (deputy)  to  the 
Sun  Father,  each  shi'wanni  has  a  corps  of  associates,  including  a  woman, 


except  the  shi'wanni  possessing  the  Kia'nakwe  et'towe.  He  has  no 
female  associate,  as  none  has  ever  been  found  possessing  a  sufficiently 
good  heart  for  this  position.  One  of  the  duties  of  the  women  asso- 
ciated with  the  A'shiwanni  is  the  grinding  of  white  corn  into  a  coarse 
meal  in  the  family  mills.  This  kia'waiawe  (prayer  meal)  is  mixed 
with  crushed  turquoise,  ko'hakwa  (white  shell),  and  abalone  shell. 
The  wife,  daughter,  or  sister  of  the  pe'kwin  grinds  that  which  he  uses. 
This  priesthood  is  confined  to  families,  the  rule  being  that  each 
member  of  a  division  of  the  priesthood  must  be  of  the  clan  or  a  child 
of  the  clan  of  the  shi'wanni  of  the  division.  The  son  or  brother  of 
the  shi'wanni  fills  a  vacancy,  preference  being  given  to  the  eldest  son. 
There  are  exceptions,  however,  to  this  rule,  such  as  the  Shi'wanni  of 


166  THE    ZI'Sl     INDIANS  [bth.akk.23 

the  Zenith,  who  is  appointed  by  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  from  the 
Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood  clan),  and  may  belong  to  cither  division  of  the 
clan  (see  page  40),  the  directors  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  Shu'maakwe 
fraternities.  The  et'tone  of  the  Shu'maakwe  is  distinctly  different 
from  the  others.  The  songs  over  this  et'tone  are  in  the  Pima  tongue." 
The  associate  priests  are  in  the  line  of  promotion,  but  should  the 
first  body  of  A'shiwanni  consider  one  unworthy  of  advancement.1''  it 
convenes,  and  a  discussion  occurs  in  regard  to  the  proper  party  for 
the  place.  This  meeting,  however,  appears  to  be  a  mere  formality,  it 
being  the  prerogative  of  the  shi'wanni  in  whose  division  an  appoint- 
ment is  to  be  made  to  select  the  man.  Nevertheless,  be  addresses  the 
priesthood,  saying,  referring  to  himself  and  his  associates:  ""Wedo 
not  know  who  is  best.  We  leave  the  selection  to  you."  At  the  same 
time  he  has  already  made  known  his  choice.  The  Kia'kwemosi,  who 
is  the  head  of  the  priesthood,  formally  requests  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  to  notify  the  person  of  his  appointment.  The  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  enjoys  great  power  in  Zuiii.  and  nowhere  is  this  superior  per- 
sonage (earthly  representative  of  the  elder  God  of  War)  more  revered 
than  in  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni.  Though  the  female  associate  of 
the  Kia'kwemosi,  whose  position  is  quite  different  and  far  superior  in 
character  to  that  of  the  other  female  associates,  she  being  Shi'wano"kia 
(Priestess  of  fecundity),  is  present  at  these  meetings,  she  holds  her 
peace  when  one  is  to  be  appointed,  but  is  free  to  express  herself 
when  there  is  any  suggestion  of  impeachment.  Any  shi'wanni  or 
associate  maj'  be  impeached  for  proper  cause. 

Some  years  since,  the  Shi'wano"kIa  denounced  the  pe'kwin,  Shi'wanni  of  the 
Zenith,  declaring  the  droughts  and  failure  of  crops  to  be  due  to  his  impure  heart. 
She  even  expressed  her  suspicion  of  his  being  a  sorcerer.  Some  one  must  be  held 
responsible  for  the  absence  of  rains,  and  the  poor  pe'kwin,  a  most  excellent  man, 
was  the  victim.  He  was  impeached  and  removed  and,  after  much  discussion,  a 
young  man  of  the  Raven  division  of  the  Dogwood  clan  was  selected  to  fill  the  place. 
The  Kia'kwemosi  dispatched  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  to  make 
the  announcement  to  the  chosen  party.  The  mother,  who  was  present,  wept 
bitterly  and  begged  her  son  not  to  accept  the  position,  saying  to  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest:  "He  is  so  young,  and  he  might  make  some  mistake,  and  then  perhaps 
he  would  be  condemned  as  a  sorcerer."  The  mother's  grief  touched  the  heart  of 
the  son,  and  he  declined  the  honor  which  he  most  earnestly  desired  to  attain. 
Another  meeting  of  the  A'shiwanni  was  held,  when  a  man  of  the  Macaw  division  of 
the  Dogwood  clan  was  chosen,  and  in  due  time  he  was  installed  in  his  high  office. 

The  A'shiwanni  are  becoming  much  concerned  regarding  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  pe'kwin.  They  say  it  is  hard  to  find 
good  men  who  are  eligible,  either  of  the  Dogwood  clan  or  children  of 


See  Shu'maakwe  fraternity. 

'<  The  vital  requisite  is  that  one  shall  he  pure  of  heart,  otherwise  his  prayers  for  rain  would  avail 
nothing,  and  in  this  arid  land,  where  the  greatest  hoon  to  man  conies  from  the  clouds,  it  means 
much  to  these  people  to  have  an  infallible  rain  priesthood. 


stkvessok]  RAIN    PRIESTHOOD  167 

the  clan.  It  was  due  to  the  impossibility  of  finding  suitable  persons 
that  the  presenl  Kia'kwemosi  had  but  one  male  associate  for  some 
time.  He  is  the  eldest  son  of  the  former  Kia'kwemosi  and  nephew  of 
the  present  one,  and  will  in  time  attain  that  position.  The  present 
Kia'kwemosi  and   his   predecessor  were  brothers. 

The  following  is  an  enumeration  of  the  A'shiwanni  as  it  existed  in 
November,  L896: 

Kia'kwemosi  (Shi'wanni  of  the  North),  Dogwood  elan,  younger  brother  of  hia  pred- 
ecessor; first  associate,  Turkey  elan,"  son  of  the  former  Kia'kwemosi  and  nephew 
on  the  paternal  side  of  the  present  one;  second  associate,  Dogwood  clan;  third  asso- 
ciate, vacant,  no  eligible  person  being  available;  fourth  associate,  Shi'wano"kIa, 
Dogwood  clan,  elder  sister  of  the  former  and  the  present  Kia'kwemosi. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  Dogwood  clan,  deceased;  first  associate,  Sun  clan,  son  of 
the  deceased  shi'wanni;''  second  associate,  Dogwood  clan,  younger  brother  of  the 
deceased  shi'wanni;  third  associate,  Dogwood  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Dog- 
wood clan. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  South,  Badger  clan;  first  associate,  Badger  clan;  second  associate, 
Badger  clan;  third  associate,  Badger  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Badger  clan. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  East,  Eagle  clan;  first  associate,  Eagle  clan;  second  associate, 
Eagle  clan:  third  associate,  Eagle  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Eagle  clan. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith,  Dogwood  clan,  c 

Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  Eagle  clan;  first  associate,  Sand  hill  crane  clan,  son  of  the 
shi'wanni;  second  associate,  Eagle  clan,  younger  brother  of  the  shi'wanni;  third 
associate,  Eagle  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female/'  Eagle  clan. 

Seventh  shi'wanni,  Eagle  clan;  first  associate,  Eagle  clan;  second  associate,  Eagle 
clan;  third  associate,  Eagle  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Eagle  clan. 

Eighth  shi'wanni,  Dogwood  clan;  first  associate,  Dogwood  clan;  second  associate. 
Dogwood  clan;  third  associate,  Dogwood  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Dogwood 
clan. 

Ninth  shi'wanni, <•  Black  Corn  clan;  first  associate,  Black  Corn  clan;  second  asso- 
ciate, Ai'yaho'kwe  (a  plant);  third  associate,  Corn  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female, 
Corn  clan. 

Tenth  shi'wanni.  Chaparral  Cock  clan,  director  of  Shu'maakwe  fraternity;  first 
associate,  Dogwood  clan,  deputy  to  director;  second  associate,  Sand  hill  crane  clan, 
maker  of  medicine  water;  third  associate,  Sun  clan,  warrior  to  the  fraternity;  fourth 
associate,  a  female,  Ai'yaho'kwe,  great  mother  of  the  fraternity. 

Eleventh  shi'wanni,  Sun  clan;  first  associate,  Sun  clan;  second  associate,  Sun  clan; 
third  associate,  Sun  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Sun  clan. 

Twelfth  shi'wanni,  Corn  clan;  first  associate,  Corn  clan;  second  associate,  Corn 
clan:  third  associate,  Corn  clan;  fourth  associate,  Corn  clan. 

"At  the  time  of  his  father's  death  this  man  was  too  young  to  be  associated  with  the  A'shiwanni. 

*>The  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  Lai'walsilun'kla,  Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  was  notfilled  imme- 
diately because  the  A'shiwanni  were  doubtful  for  a  time  whether  the  first  associate  possessed  a  suffi- 
ciently pure  heart;  but  after  considerable  discussion  it  was  decided  that  the  son  of  the  former  shi'u  an  n  i 
should  be  advanced  to  his  father's  position.  Lai'wa'silun'kla's  death  was  followed  by  the  demise  of 
the  female  associate,  whose  place  was  filled  by  hermother'ssister'sdaughter.  Nai'uchi,  elder  brother 
Bow  priest,  declared  that,  though  this  woman  was  pure  of  heart,  no  other  of  her  immediate  family 
should  succeed  her,  as  her  brother  was  a  sorcerer,  and  he  had  strong  suspicions  of  the  father.  The 
father  held  the  important  position  of  scalp  custodian  in  the  A'pi'<lashiwanni  (Bow  priesthood). 

c  Pe'kwln  (deputy)  to  the  Sun  Father;  he  has  no  associate. 

''Nai'uchi,  as  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  is  preparing  his  grandchild,  the  daughter  of  his  first  asso- 
ciate, to  fill  the  place  of  female  associate  when  the  present  incumbent  shall  have  passed  away. 

"The  ninth  shi'wanni  is  the  possessor  of  the  et'tone  secured,  according  to  Zuiii  legend,  through 
the  aged  shi'wanni  of  the  Black  Corn  clan,  who  was  found  with  his  wife  and  two  grandchildren  in 
the  village  He'shotiyalla.  west  of  I'tiwanna,  and  who  became  allied  with  the  A'shiwi  (see  p.  45). 


168  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

Thirteenth  shi'wanni,  Corn  clan;  first  associate,  Corn  clan;  second  associate,  Corn 
clan;  third  associate,  Corn  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Corn  clan. 

Fourteenth  shi'wanni,  Corn  clan;  first  associate,  Corn  clan;  second  associate,  Corn 
clan;  third  associate,  Corn  clan;  fourth  associate,  a  female,  Corn  clan. 

Fifteenth  shi'wanni,"  Coyote  clan. 

Sixteenth  shi'wanni,"  Frog*  clan.' 

Installation  of  an  Associate  Shi'wanni  of  the  North 

An  elaborate  ceremonial  of  installation  occurs  when  the  appointee 
is  received  as  an  associate  shi'wanni.  He  passes  from  this  position  to 
that  of  shi'wanni  without  further  ceremonial  of  special  importance. 

The  ceremonial  described  began  about  midday  on  December  13, 
1896,  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi,  where  all  such 
ceremonies  associated  with  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  take  place. 
The  man  to  be  installed  was  a  nephew  of  the  Kia'kwemosi.  He 
belonged  to  the  Dogwood  clan,  was  married,  and  did  not  appear  to  be 
over  20  years  of  age.  Each  shi'wanni  was  accompanied  bj^  his  male 
associates;  and  each  director  of  a  fraternity,  having  been  notified  in 
the  early  morning  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  was  accompanied 
by  his  fellow-officers.  The  Shi'wano"kia  and  the  writer  were  the 
only  women  present.  In  most  cases  a  fraternity  has  but  one  warrior, 
owing  to  the  limited  membership  of  the  A'pi"lashiwanni.  The  onty 
fraternity  not  represented  as  a  body  is  the  A'pi'liishiwanni,  the  mem- 
bers of  this  organization  appearing  separately  with  the  other  fraterni- 
ties to  which  they  are  allied  as  warriors. 

The  first  body  of  the  A'shiwanni,  including  the  first  associate  of 
the  Kia'kwemosi,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  the  Shi'wano"kia, 
have  seats  in  the  south  end  of  the  room  and  east  of  the  doorwaj'.  As 
each  division  of  A'shiwanni  or  group  of  a  fraternity  arrives  it  finds 
seats  which  are  most  agreeable  on  the  ledge  which  extends  around 
the  room,  and  after  the  ledge  is  filled  seats  are  taken  on  the  floor, 
the  room  becoming  crowded. 

Great  ceremony  is  observed  on  entering  the  chamber.  As  the 
groups  come  in  each  man  of  a  group  greets  those  present,  who  in 
return  make  response.  The  second  party  of  the  group  entering  does 
not  extend  this  greeting  until  that  of  the  first  one  has  been  responded 
to.  Moccasins  are  removed  after  entering  the  room.  The  Kia'kwe- 
mosi acts  as  master  of  ceremonies  until  the  arrival  of  the  younger 
brother  Bow  priest,  whose  duty  it  is  to  look  to  the  seating  and  to  see 
that  no  one  sleeps  during  the  long  ritual.  The  associate  shi'wanni  to 
the  Kia'kwemosi  spreads  a  large  blanket  on  the  floor  near  the  tirst 
body  of  A'shiwanni  and  places  on  the  blanket  a  large,  tine  white  buck- 

« These  are  extinct.  The  two  ct'towe  of  these  shi'wanni  are  the  ones  referred  to  as  remaining 
permanently  in  sealed  vases. 

i>  The  writer  believes  when  a  specimen  is  secured  and  examined  it  will  be  found  to  be  a  toad  and 
not  a  frog.    Until  then  she  gives  the' common  translation  of  the  Indian  word  tii'kla  (frog). 


stevenson]  INSTALLATION    OF    A    SHIWANNI  169 

skin,  furnished  by  the  Kia'kwemosi,  with  the  head  to  the  east.  He 
receives  from  the  Kia'kwemosia  small  bucksldn  sack  containing  corn 
pollen,  and  proceeds  to  sprinkle  a  line  of  pollen  from  one  extremity  of 
the  deerskin  to  the  other,  great  care  being  observed  that  the  line  of 
pollen  shall  he  perfectly  straight  and  end  in  the  center  of  the  month 
portion  of  the  skin.  Quantities  of  necklaces  of  coral,  turquoise,  and 
ko'hakwa  beads,  furnished  by  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  other  A'shiwanni, 
are  laid  over  the  line  of  pollen,  forming  a  slight  ridge,  this  line  being 
symbolic  of  the  road  of  life  and  truth,  the  road  which  must  be  fol- 
lowed in  order  to  win  the  favor  of  A'wonawil'ona.a 

The  decoration  is  somewhat  different  when  a  pe'kwin  (deputy  to  the 
Sun  Father)*  is  installed.  A  sun  symbol,  composed  of  a  disk  colored 
blue-green,  with  three  dots  of  black  representing  eyes  and  mouth, 
encircled  by  a  block  of  black  and  white,  symbolizing  the  house  of  the 
clouds,  and  four  lines  of  pollen  extending  from  four  points  of  the 
periphery,  is  made  in  the  center  of  the  deerskin.  The  line  of  pollen 
and  beads  on  the  skin  is  broken  by  the  disk.  A  line  of  meal  extends 
from  the  deerskin  to  the  entrance  of  the  chamber,  and  the  meal  is 
crossed  near  the  skin.  The  novice  stands  upon  the  deerskin,  and  the 
A'shiwanni  and  others  in  turn  stand  upon  the  cross  line  of  meal.  The 
novice  is  appealed  to  to  do  his  dutjj-  as  becomes  the  deputy  of  the  Sun 
Father:  to  follow  the  straight  road  of  the  Sun  Father,  which  will 
insure  the  good  of  his  people.  Should  he  find  evil  or  discontent  in 
his  heart,  to  take  it  out  and  throw  it  behind  him;  and  to  keep  straight 
in  the  path  of  truth  and  virtue.  The  sun  priest  prays  that  the  bless- 
ings of  A'wonawil'ona  may  continue,  and  that  the  Sun  Father  ma}'  not 
send  his  son  (the  rainbow)  to  call  the  rain-makers  from  above  to  send 
them  elsewhere.  He  prays  that  all  people  of  all  lands  may  be  bounti- 
fully supplied  with  food  and  clothing,  and  that  his  people  and  all  other 
people  may  have  no  great  sickness  among  them,  and  that  the}7  may  be 
preserved  from  death.  He  also  addresses  prayers  to  Ko'hakwa  (white 
shell)  mother''  of  the  sun,  and  Ma' we  (salt)  sister c  to  the  sun. 

The  novice  now  takes  a  seat  west  of  the  deerskin  and  near  it.  Each 
person  pi'esent  removes  the  head-kerchief  before  taking  part  in  the 
ceremony.  Soon  after  noon  the  pe'kwin  takes  the  hand  of  the  novice, 
who  rises  and  stands  in  the  center  of  the  skin  facing  east,  with  a  foot 
on  each  side  of  the  line  of  pollen  and  beads.     The  pe'kwin,  still  facing 

"  See  Classification  of  the  higher  powers. 

bThe  pe'kwin  to  theSun  Father  is  supposed  to  practice  celibacy,  and  from  the  time  of  assuming 
his  office  to  regard  his  wife,  if  he  have  one,  as  a  sister,  he  remaining  in  the  family  and  she  perform- 
ing all  the  domestic  duties  as  before.  Should  celibacy  not  be  strictly  observed,  the  A'shiwi  would 
soon  die  and  I'tiwanna  become  depopulated.  At  least  such  is  said  to  have  been  the  ancient  law, 
but  at  present  the  pe'kwin  resumes  conjugal  relations  when  not  occupied  with  his  religious  duties, 
from  which  he  is  seldom  free.  He  must  be  so  pure  of  heart  that  he  can  make  no  mistakes,  otherwise 
he  would  not  keep  the  calendar  correctly,  and  the  people  would  be  overwhelmed  with  infinite 
troubles. 

c  Mother  and  sister  are  figurative. 


170  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ans.  23 

the  aovice,  places  his  arms  about  the  shoulders  of  the  novice,  who 
places  his  around  the  pe'kwin's  waist,  and  prays.  The  pe'kwin  then 
places  his  hands  behind  him  and  clasps  each  hand  of  the  novice  by 
placing  his  fingers  across  the  palm  and  his  thumb  on  top  of  the  hand; 
and,  bringing  the  clasped  hands  around  raises  them  nearly  to  the 
novice's  chin,  and  prays  four  times;  the  novice  responds  "Yes"  each 
time.  During  the  prayers  the  pe'kwin  draws  the  novice's  hands  to 
his  own  mouth  and  breathes  upon  them;  then  he  moves  them  down- 
ward tour  times  before  the  mouth  of  the  novice  that  the  latter  niay 
receive  the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona.  When  the  pe'kwin 
closes  his  prayers  the  first  associate  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  clasps 
cadi  hand  of  the  novice,  the  pe'kwin  being  careful  not  to  relinquish 
his  hold  until  his  successor  shall  have  taken  the  novice's  hands.  This 
requirement  is  strictly  observed  throughout  the  ceremonial.  The 
second  associate  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  is  the  next  to  appear  before 
the  novice  and  prays  with  him,  and  after  him  each  shi'wanni  with 
his  associate,  the  Shi'wano"kia  excepted,  in  the  sauie  order  in  which 
they  go  into  retreat.  Then  follow  the  officers  of  the  Shi'wannakwe, 
the  Ne'wekwe  come  next,  then  the  'San'iakia'kwe,  followed  by  the 
'Hle'wekwe.  then  the  Ko'mosona  (director  of  the  Ko'tikili),  the 
Ko'pekwin  (deputy  to  the  Ko'mosona),  two  Ko'pi^lashi'wanni  (war- 
riors to  the  Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwin),  and  then  the  officers  of 
the  Ha'lo'kwe.  The  last  fraternity  to  take  part  is  the  'Ko'shrkwe." 
When  the  warrior  of  this  fraternity  has  closed  his  ceremony  the 
pe'kwin  takes  the  novice's  hands  from  those  of  the  Pi'"lashiwanni 
and  conducts  him  to  his  place,  not  loosening  his  hold  until  the  new 
associate  shi'wanni  is  seated.  The  associate  to  the  Kia'kwemosi,  who 
arranged  the  deerskin,  now  removes  the  beads,  returning  them  at 
once  to  their  owners.  Beginning  at  the  east  end  of  the  buckskin,  he 
raises  it  slightly  so  as  to  throw  the  pollen  toward  the  center;  he  now 
shakes  the  sides  and  other  end  of  the  skin  for  the  same  purpose,  and 
gathers  the  pollen  into  a  corn  husk,  which  he  folds  ami  hands  to  the 
Kia'kwemosi,  who  ties  the  package  with  a  ribbon  of  corn  husk  and 
deposits  it  in  his  pouch.  The  associate  also  folds  the  deerskin  and 
hands  it  to  the  Kia'kwemosi,  and  afterward  removes  the  blanket. 

The  Kia'kwemosi  now  removes  his  head  kerchief  in  preparation  for 
his  part.  He  offers  a  long  prayer,  which  is  responded  to  occasionally 
by  those  present.  When  this  prayer  is  over  all  join  in  another  prayer, 
and  at  its  close  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  repeats  one  much 
like  that  offered  by  the  Kia'kwemosi,  the  difference  being  that  the 
younger  brother  Bow  priest  appeals  to  the  Gods  of  War  (who  are 
associated  with  the  liehtning'-makers)  in  addition  to  other  o-ods. 


«  The  fraternities  mentioned  will  be  fully  explained  under  the  heading  "  Esoteric  fraternities." 


sievenson]  PLANTING    OK   TE'LIKINAWE  171 

All  the  prayers,  which  are  repeated  in  low  and  impressive  tones, 
are  much  the  same,  the  burden  being  that  the  incoming  shi'wanni  may 
be  pure  of  heart,  live  the  straight  life  indicated  by  the  line  of  pollen 
and  beads;"  and  so  please  A'wonawil'ona,  who  is  life  itself,  that  the 
people  may  be  blessed  with  much  rain  so  that  all  seeds  may  develop;  and 
that  they  may  have  long  life,  without  death,  and  grow  to  that  old  age 
when  one  sleeps  to  awake  young  again  in  Ko'thluwala'wa  (abiding 
place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods).  It  could  not  be  discovered  that 
any  other  special  instruction  was  given  to  the  novice.  The  symbolic 
lines  over  the  deerskin  seemed  to  be  so  full  of  meaning  as  to  render 
spoken  words  unnecessary. 

Many  pleasantries  and  jokes  are  indulged  in  under  the  breath  during 
the  long  ritual,  anil  commercial  tobacco  is  constantly  smoked  by  those 
who  are  waiting  their  turn.  The  only  service  performed  by  the  Shi- 
wano"kia  is  the  supplying  of  corn  husks  from  an  adjoining  room  for 
the  smokers. 

At  the  close  of  the  ceremony,  which  continues  six  hours,  the  new 
associate  shi'wanni,  who  remains  in  position  four  hours,  and  showing  no 
signs  of  exhaustion  until  the  last  moment,  is  escorted  to  his  dwelling, 
the  wife's  house,  by  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests.  There 
is  no  further  ceremony  over  him  until  he  meets  with  the  Kla'kwemosi 
and  other  associates  in  the  winter  retreat,  when  the  dual  fetish  'kia'et'- 
tone  and  chu'et'tone  is  placed  in  his  hands  that  he  may  draw  from  it 
the  sacred  breath. 

Preparation  and  Planting  of  Te'likinawe 

The  preparation  and  planting  of  te'likinawe  are  among-  the  princi- 
pal features  of  Xufii  worship  and  ritual.  Thousands  of  these  plume 
offerings  are  made  annually.  Every  god  and  goddess  in  the  Zuiii  pan- 
theon receives  his  or  her  particular  offerings,  which  are  readily  dis- 
tinguished by  them.  Individual  offerings  are  insignificant  compared 
with  those  made  by  the  various  fraternities  and  organizations. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  make  offerings  each  month  at  the 
appropriate  points  of  the  compass.  At  each  place  an  excavation  is 
made,  in  depth  equal  to  the  length  of  the  arm  of  the  man  who  removes 
the  earth,  and  te'likinawe,  with  meal  ground  from  toasted  sweet 
corn  and  kia'waiawe  (prayer  meal)  are  deposited.  The  swTeet  corn  is 
first  sprinkled  into  the  opening,  then  the  prayer  meal,  after  which 
te'likinawe  are  planted  to  the  sun,  moon,  deceased  predecessors,  and 
others.  The  portion  of  the  stick  symbolizing  the  face  always  faces  the 
east.  The  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  make  additional 
offerings  to  the  lightning-makers  of  the  six  regions,  the  A'pi"lashiwanni 
becoming  after  death   colaborers   with    Ku'pishtaya,   the  lightning- 

oThis  straight  road  must  be  followed  in  order  to  receive  the  gifts  of  the  gods. 


172  THK    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

makers.  The  first  prayer  is  to  the  Earth  Mother  to  invoke  the  Sun 
Father's  embrace  to  warm  her  children  (fruits  of  the  earth)  into  being. 
Prayers  are  also  offered  to  the  deceased  predecessors. 

The  plume  stick  indicates  to  whom  the  te'likinane  is  offered,  and 
the  plumes  attached  convey  the  breath  prayers  to  the  g-ods.  The 
breath  of  the  prayer  combines  with  the  breath  of  the  gods  to  whom  it 
is  offered  to  form  clouds,  behind  which  the  rain-makers  work.  After 
the  prayers  the  excavation  is  covered  so  that  no  trace  of  it  remains. 

The  preparation  of  te'likinawe  is  as  follows:  The  first  stick  is 
measured  by  the  hand,  the  part  of  the  hand  used  depending-  on  the 
length  of  the  stick  required.  Sometimes  the  under  side  of  the  middle 
finger  is  used;  then  again,  the  length  of  the  stick  is  equal  to  the  dis- 
tance from  the  metacarpus  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger.  Others  are 
measured  from  the  carpus  and  still  others  from  the  inner  side  of  the 
bend  of  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger.  After  the  first  stick 
is  cut  it  is  used  as  a  measure  for  the  others.  As  each  stick  is  made 
it  is  laid  carefully  in  a  basket  tray  or  on  the  floor  beside  the  worker 
until  all  are  completed.  The  plumes  are  then  attached  with  cotton 
cord,  the  character  of  the  plumes  depending  on  the  character  of  the 
person  to  whom  the  offering  is  to  be  made.  The  offerings  are  again 
laid  side  by  side,  but  once  more  are  removed  for  the  coloring  of  the 
sticks.  If  a  la'showanne  (one  or  more  plumes  attached  with  cotton 
cord)  is  added,  the  string  of  the  latter  is  dotted  four  times  in  black, 
symbolic  of  rain  clouds. 

The  plumes  used  by  the  A'shiwanni  are  fluffy  eagle  plumes,  from 
the  under  wing,  and  feathers  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions.  To  these 
are  added  butterflies,  each  shi'wanni  using  those  of  the  color  appro- 
priate to  the  region  he  represents;  darning  needles  (Enallagma  exulans 
Hagen),  and  artificial  flowers  of  the  te'nas'sali  (mythical  medicine 
plant  bearing  flowers  of  the  colors  of  the  six  regions).  Each  of  the 
fourteen  A'shiwanni  has  two  paint  pots  of  black  and  one  of  red  earth. 
These  earth  paints  are  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  undermost 
world.  The  pots,  when  not  in  use,  are  covered  with  buckskin  securely 
tied  with  cotton  coi'd,  to  which  bits  of  turquoise,  ko'hakwa,  and  aba- 
lone  shell  are  attached.  The  sticks  of  the  te'likinawe  offered  for  cold 
rains  and  snows  are  colored  with  paint  from  one  of  the  black  pots  and 
those  for  the  summer  rains  are  colored  with  paint  from  the  other,  an 
exception  being  when  neither  paint  is  used,  but  instead  paint  used  by 
laymen.  Should  the  paint  of  the  A'shiwanni  be  used  in  the  month  of 
May,  cold  winds  would  come  and  destroy  the  fruit.  At  this  time  the 
paint  in  common  use  for  the  te'likinawe  is  employed  b}'  the  A'shiwanni. 


stevenson]  RETREAT    OF    SHl'WANNI    OF    NADIR  173 

Winter  Retreat  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir" 

One  of  the  most  pleasing-  ceremonies  observed  during  the  writer's 
studies  among-  the  Zuiiis  was  the  occasion  of  the  winter  retreat,  in  1896, 
of  Nai'uchi,  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir.  Every  opportunity  was  given  to 
observe  closely  all  the  features  of  the  ritual  and  to  photograph,  by 
Hash  light,  the  elaborate  meal  painting  with  its  interesting  embel- 
lishments. 

The  day  is  spent  in  silent  prayers  for  rains  and  at  night  Nai'uchi 
and  his  associates,  who  have  gathered  in  the  large  chamber  of  the 
house  in  which  the  et'tone  is  kept,  are  joined  by  their  families,  includ- 
ing the  youngest  infants.  The  vases  containing  the  et'tone  and  other 
sacred  objects  are  brought  from  the  et'tone  chamber,  which  adjoins 
this  room.  The  shi'wanni  begins  a  pollen  and  meal  painting  in  the 
eastern  end  of  the  room,  the  painting  extending-  from  the  north  toward 
the  south,  by  running  a  line  of  meal  south;  he  afterward  forms  lines 
at  right  angles  by  sprinkling  meal  from  the  east,  and  again  from  the 
west,  to  the  main  line.  He  now  outlines  the  cloud  symbol,  using  his  two 
eagle-wing  plumes  to  efface  any  imperfections.  Afterward  he  adds 
slightly  to  the  length  of  the  main  line  of  meal,  and  an  associate  on  the 
opposite  side  continues  the  line.  The  shi'wanni  and  his  third  associate 
sit  on  wadded  blankets  west  of  the  meal  line,  and  his  first  and  second 
associates  sit  on  the  east  side.  After  the  meal  line  is  completed,  the 
shi'wanni  tills  in  the  outlines  of  the  cloud  symbol  with  white  meal, 
while  an  associate  on  the  other  side  outlines  six  scallops  in  meal,  corn 
pollen,  and  charred  corncob,  which  vary  in  size,  the  largest  being- 
next  to  the  cloud  design,  east  of  the  line  of  meal  and  connected  with 
it.  The  associate  west  of  the  line  forms  circles  by  adding  similar  scal- 
lops on  his  side,  and  the  circles  are  filled  in  with  meal.  The  shi'wanni 
now  proceeds  to  empty  one  of  two  vases. 

A  number  of  concretion  fetishes  are  removed  and  deposited  in  a 
basket  containing  eight  mi'wachi.6  These  are  most  sacred  fetishes 
and  emblems  of  inystei-y  medicine.  They  are  afterward  handed  one 
by  one  to  an  associate  opposite,  who  places  them  along  the  meal  line. 
Other  stone  objects  from  a  medicine  box  and  buckskin  sacks  are  added 
until  the  line  seems  a  solid  mass  of  irregular  stones,  some  of  them 
very  attractive.     A  reed  flute  is  laid  on  one  side/' 

As  soon  as  the  shi'wanni  has  handed  over  rnany  objects  to  the  asso- 
ciate he  proceeds  to  arrange  the  fetishes  about  the  cloud  symbol.  A 
most  beautiful  obsidian  knife,  8  inches  in  length,  is  deposited  on  the 
east  side  of  the  painting;  then  one,  half  the  size,  on  the  opposite  side. 
The  shi'wanni   afterward  distributes  a  number  of  arrow  points  of 

a  While  each  .shi'wanni,  with  his  associates,  makes  a  retreat  of  one  day  and  night  in  winter,  when 
the  fit'tone"  and  other  fetishes  are  placed  about  a  meal  painting,  the  summer  retreat  is  for  a  longer 
period. 

»Seep.  416. 

cThis  flute  was  secured  after  Xai'uchfs  death  for  the  United  States  National  Museum. 


174  THE    Zt'NI    INDIANS  [eth.  axn.  28 

various  sizes  and  forms  over  the  cloud  symbol,  unci  an  arrow  point  is 
placed  at  the  end  of  each  of  the  two  lines  radiating-  from  the  extreme 
end  of  the  meal  and  pollen  circles. 

Nai'uchi  and  an  associate  each  form  a  small  cross  of  meal  on  oppo- 
site sides  of  the  meal  line  by  running  four  lines  inward  to  the  center. 
symbolic  of  the  four  regions.  The  cross  is  encircled  with  meal,  sym- 
bolizing the  whole  world.  The  circle  is  afterward  covered  with  strings 
of  precious  beads,  which  form  a  cincture  pad,  upon  which  the  two 
men  place  medicine  bowls.  The  eight  mi'wachi"  are  placed  in  line 
across  the  back  of  the  cloud  symbol,  and  tortoise  shells,  the  first 
objects  taken  from  the  second  vase,  are  deposited  at  either  end  of  the 
line  of  mi'wachi.  The  shi'wanni  now  bathes  his  hands  in  prayer  meal 
and  removes  the  dual  et'tone  from  the  vase,  the  wrappings  about  each 
part  forming  a  sort  of  square  package.  These  are  laid  back  of  the 
line  of  mi'wachi  for  a  short  time,  and  then  the  shi'wanni  opens  each 
package  in  the  most  reverent  and  impressive  manner,  for  they  are 
almost  too  precious  to  be  touched  even  by  the  hands  of  the  shi'wanni 
himself.  This  dual  fetish  is  placed  midway  on  the  cloud  symbol,  the 
'kia'et'tone  being  east  of  the  chu'et'tone  (see  plate  xxxiv).  A  more 
solemn  occasion  than  that  of  the  placing  of  the  et'tone  on  the  cloud 
symbol  and  the  ceremonies  attending  its  presence  could  not  be  imag- 
ined. All  hearts  and  minds  are  filled  with  the  adoration  of  the  holiest 
of  fetishes,  with  hopes  for  the  dualistic  influence  upon  the  gods  to 
water  the  earth.  This  is  a  supreme  moment  with  the  Zuiiis,  and  can 
be  compared  only  with  the  administering  of  the  Holy  Eucharist  in 
the  Roman  Catholic  church. 

Nai'uchi  now  raises  the  third  associate,  who  has  recently  been  ordained. 
by  taking  both  hands  in  his.  and  stands  him  next  to  the  mi'wachi  and 
cloud  symbol.  The  shi'wanni  again  washes  his  hands  in  meal  and. 
taking  the  kia'et'tone  in  his  right  hand  and  the  chu'ettone  in  his 
left,  he  holds  them  with  the  clasped  hands  of  the  newly  ordained 
associate  and  makes  a  long  prayer,  that  the  man  may  walk  in  the 
straight  road  of  day,  be  pure  of  heart,  and  so  please  the  gods  that 
they  will  make  the  earth  rich  with  her  being.  This  prayer  is  repeated 
over  the  new  associate  by  the  other  two  in  turn,  each  washing  his 
hands  in  meal  before  handling  the  et'tone.  When  the  second  associate 
closes  his  prayer  Nai'uchi  receives  the  et'tone,  first  having  rubbed  his 
hands  with  meal,  and  returns  its  two  parts  to  the  meal  symbol. 
The  new  associate  is  now  seated  in  his  former  place  by  Nai'uchi,  who 
places  his  hands  on  the  associate's  shoulders,  motioning  to  the  six 
regions,  and  gives  him  a  push  into  his  seat,  resuming  his  own. 

a  The  beautiful  mi'wachi  displayed  at  the  ceremony  of  the  et'tone  are  the  property  of  the  A'shi- 
wnnni  by  virtue  of  their  membership  in  the  order  of  O'naya'nakia  (mystery  medicine)  of  an 
esoteric  fraternity.  The  altars  seen  during  the  ceremonies  associated  with  anthropic  worship  are 
iil-o  the  property  of  these  fraternities,  who  arc  present  by  invitation,  to  furnish  music  lor  the 
dances  of  the  gods. 


stevenson]  RETREAT    OF    SHl'\VANNI    OF    NADIR.  175 

Nai'uchi  calls  for  a  vas6  of  water,  which  is  brought  by  the  female 
associate,  and,  dipping  six  gourdfuls,  empties  it  into  the  medicine  bowl 
on  the  west  side  of  him.  and  hands  six  gourdfuls  to  the  associate  oppo- 
site, who  empties  the  water  into  the  medicine  bowl  on  his  side  of  the 
line.  The  shi'wanni  now  sprinkles  meal  into  his  bowl  and  drops  six 
concretion  fetishes  for  fructification  separately  into  the  water;  as  he 
holds  each  one  he  prays  to  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  of  one  of  the 
six  regions.  The  associate  forms  a  cross  of  powdered  root  and  encir- 
cles the  cross  with  it.  afterward  sprinkling  the  root  over  the  surface 
of  the  water. 

After  Nai'uchi,  with  long  prayers,  consecrates  the  water  in  his  bowl, 
he  stands  and  whirls  the  rhombus,  while  the  associate  whips  the  mix- 
ture in  his  bowl  into  frothy  suds,  symbolic  of  clouds.  A  single  reed 
is  used  in  making  the  suds,  a  more  slender  one  being  applied  to  keep 
them  in  place  in  the  bowl." 

The  other  associate  on  the  east  side  plays  the  flute.  All  this  is  an 
invocation  to  the  gods  for  rain — the  one  great  and  perpetual  prayer  of 
the  people  of  this  arid  land.  The  shi'wanni  now  lays  aside  the  rhom- 
bus and.  dipping  his  two  eagle  plumes  into  the.  consecrated  water, 
sprinkles  the  offerings.  This  dipping  of  the  plumes  into  the  water 
and  sprinkling  is  repeated  six  times,  and  quiet  reigns  for  a  short 
while.  Again  the  shi'wanni  stands  and  whirls  the  rhombus  while 
an  associate  plays  the  flute,  and  the  recently  ordained  member 
shakes  the  rattle  of  shells  suspended  from  a  crooked  stick  to  which 
plumes  are  attached.  This  rattle  is  used  only  in  ceremonials  of  the 
A'shiwanni.  The  other  associate  constantly  sprinkles  meal  over  the 
meal  line,  beginning  always  at  the  far  end  of  the  line,  with  prayers, 
which  continue  throughout  the  ceremony  of  invocation  to  the  rain- 
makers,* to  enter  and  pass  up  the  line  of  pollen  and  meal.  The  shi'- 
wanni and  associates  each  in  turn  sprinkle  meal  up  the  line,  though 
the  shi'wanni  is  the  principal  actor.  All  night  the  appeal  to  the 
gods  continues  in  low,  weird,  yet  musical  tones.  The  invocation  is  as 
follows: 

[iirocation  to  the  Ciirnniami 
I 

Come  you,  ascend  the  ladder;  all  come  in;  all  sit  down. 
We  were  poor,  poor,  poor,  poor,  poor,  poor, 
When  we  came  to  this  world  through  the  poor  place, 
Where  the  body  of  water  dried  for  our  passing. 

a  The  Sia  Indians  are  much  more  expert  than  the  Zufiis  in  making  suds  and  keeping  the  mass  in 
place.  It  was  not  observed  that  the  Sia  used  the  extra  reed,  yet  they  bank  the  suds  much  higher 
than  the  Zuiiis. 

6  It  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  rain-makers  are  the  deceased  A'shiwi. 


17(3  THE    ZUN1    INDIANS  [bth.ann.23 

Banked  up  clouds  [cumuli]  cover  the  earth. 
All  come  four  times  with  your  showers, 
Descend  to  the  base  of  the  ladder  and  stand  still; 
Bring  your  showers  and  great  rains. 
All,  all  come,  all  ascend,  all  come  in,  all  sit  down." 

[The  above  stanza  is  repeated  four  times.  ] 

II 

I  throw  out  to  you  my  sacred  meal  that  you  may  all  come. 

Hold  your  gaming-stick;  throw  it  forward;  all  come. 

Hold  your  gaming-ring;  throw  it  forward;  all  come. 

All  come  out  and  give  us  your  showers  and  great  rains;  all  come, 

That  the  seeds  may  be  strong  and  come  up,  that  all  seed  2)lants  may  come 

up  and  be  strong. 
Come  you  that  all  trees  and  seeds  may  come  up  and  be  strong. 
Come  you  hither;  all  come. 

Ill 

Cover  my  earth  mother  four  times  with  many  flowers. 

Let  the  heavens  be  covered  with  the  banked  up  clouds. 

Let  the  earth  be  covered  with  fog;  cover  the  earth  with  rains. 

Great  waters,  rains,  cover  the  earth.     Lightning  cover  the  earth. 

Let  thunder  be  heard  over  the  earth;  let  thunder  be  heard; 

Let  thunder  be  heard  over  the  six  regions  of  the  earth. 

IV 

Rain-makers,  come  out  from  all  roads  that  great  rivers  may  cover  the  earth; 

That  stones  may  be  moved  by  the  torrents; 

That  trees  may  be  uprooted  and  moved  by  the  torrents. 

Great  rain-makers,  come  out  from  all  roads,  carry  the  sands  of  our  earth 
mother  of  the  place. 

Cover  the  earth  with  her  heart,''  that  all  seeds  may  develop, 

That  my  children  may  have  all  things  to  eat  and  be  happy; 

That  the  people  of  the  outlying  villages  may  all  laugh  and  be  happy; 

That  the  growing  children  may  all  have  things  to  eat  and  be  happy. 

This  way  our  great  father  "kia'ettone  wishes  you  to  come. 

This  way  c  our  great  mother  chu'ettone  wishes  you  to  come; 

That  we  may  have  all  kinds  of  seeds  and  all  things  good; 

That  we  may  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  life; 

That  our  fathers  'kla'ettowe  and  our  mothers  chu'ettowe  may  bring  us  happy 
days. 

Let  our  children  live  and  be  happy. 

Send  us  the  good  south  winds. 

Send  us  your  breath  over  the  lakes  that  our  great  world  may  be  made  beau- 
tiful and  our  people  may  live. 

o  At  these  words  tin.-  A'shiwanni  sprinkle  meal  up  the  line  of  fetishes,  symbolic  of  the  ruin-makers 
passing  over  the  meal  line. 
''Reference  to  rains.    The  unexpressed  idea  is,  water  is  the  heart  and  life  of  the  earth. 
"Reference  to  the  spirits  of  the  rain-makers  passing  over  the  meal  line  to  the  et'tone. 


stevenson]  RETREAT    OF   SHi'wANNI    OF    NADIR.  177 

V 

There,  far  off,  my  Sun  Father  arises,  ascends  the  ladder,  comes  forth  from 

his  place. 
May  all  complete  the  road  of  life,  may  all  grow  old. 
May  the  children  inhale  more  of  the  sacred  breath  of  life. 
May  all  my  children  have  corn  that  they  may  complete  the  road  of  life. 
Here  sit  down;  here  remain;  we  give  you  our  best  thoughts. 
Hasten  over  the  meal  road;  we  are  jealous  of  you. 
We  inhale  the  sacred  breath  through  our  prayer  plumes. 

In  the  summer  retreat  of  the  A'shiwanni  thunder  stones  are  brought 
out  and  during-  the  invocation  to  the  rain-makers  are  rolled  down  the 
line  of  meal  and  pollen  to  a  disk  formed  by  two  concentric  circles  of 
corn  pollen  just  beyond  the  arrow  points  at  the  far  end  of  the  meal 
and  pollen  line  (see  plate  xxxv).  The  shi'wanni  is  the  first  to  roll  the 
stone,  and  his  associate  removes  it  from  the  disk,  which  is  spoken  of 
as  the  house  of  the  thunder  stone,  and,  returning  to  the  meal  painting, 
starts  it  down  the  line.  In  this  way  the  shi'wanni  and  his  associates 
take  their  turns  in  rolling  the  thunder  stones.  These  stones  vary 
from  1J  to  -t  or  5  inches  in  diameter  and  are  among  the  most  sacred 
objects  to  be  found  among  the  Zufiis,  who  believe  that  these  stones 
were  dropped  to  the  earth  by  the  rain-makers  while  playing  their 
games." 

At  the  rising  of  the  morning  star  a  kla'etchine  (group  of  te'liki- 
nawe  wrapped  together  at  the  base)  is  carried  by  the  first  associate 
shi'wanni  to  a  field  of  Nai'uchi's;  he  is  accompanied  by  another  whirling 
a  rhombus.  Each  is  provided  with  a  long  necked  gourd  jug,  the  bulb 
covered  with  cotton  netting  and  having  four  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes 
attached  at  equal  distances  around  the  lower  edge  of  the  netting. 
Meal  ground  from  roasted  sweet  corn  and  prayer  meal  are  sprinkled 
into  an  excavation*  and  the  te'likinawe  are  placed  with  the  ejres 
looking  to  the  east,  as  the  A'shiwanni  express  it,  each  te'likinane 
having  three  black  dots  on  the  upper  end  of  the  stick,  representing  eyes 
and  mouth.  A  prayer  is  repeated  by  the  two  associates  after  the  te'liki- 
nawe are  planted;  meal  is  sprinkled  during  the  prayer.  The  jugs  are 
filled  from  a  spring,  and  the  two  return  to  the  ceremonial  chamber. 
The  first  associate  deposits  the  water  into  a  medicine  bowl  on  the  floor 
on  the  northeast  side  of  the  cloud  symbol;  the  other  hands  his  jug  to 
the  shi'wanni,  who  empties  the  water  into  a  bowl  west  of  the  painting. 

The  women  join  in  the  song  for  a  short  time,  after  which  the  offer- 
ings made  by  the  women  are  distributed  among  the  shi'wanni  and  his 

a  A  fine  specimen  of  a  thunder  stone  of  a  highly  silieified  volcanic  rock. resembling  chalcedony  has 
been  secured  and  deposited  in  the  National  Museum. 

6  Excavations  used  for  the  offerings  of  the  A'shiwanni  at  the  time  of  their  winter  and  summer 
retreats  are  made  with  the  'seme  (ancient  bean  planter),  the  depth  being  the  length  of  a  man's  arm. 

23  eth— 04 12 


178  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

associates.  Plate  xxxv  shows  the  offerings,  consisting  of  ears  of  corn, 
bowls  containing  grains  of  corn  of  various  colors,  bead  necklaces 
and  bangles  made  of  meal  in  imitation  of  silver,  and  young  shoots  of 
peach  trees  with  artificial  fruit  of  dried  he'palokia"  and  sweet  corn. 
Both  are  ground,  the  latter  after  it  has  been  boiled,  made  into  a  stiff 
paste  with  cold  water,  and  molded  into  balls  and  tinted. 

All  included  in  the  ceremony  move  the  objects  up  and  down  in  time 
to  the  songs  of  thanksgiving  to  the  gods  for  the  gifts  that  have 
been  received.  The  moving  of  the  brilliant  corn  and  highly  decorated 
baskets  by  the  men  and  women,  the  beautiful  arms  of  the  latter  being 
exposed,  is  the  rhythm  of  motion.  The  songs  of  thanksgiving,  with 
the  raising  and  lowering  of  the  offerings,  continue  without  cessation 
fifty  minutes,  after  which  a  low  prayer  is  made  by  Nai'uchi,  and  the 
offerings  are  removed  to  another  part  of  the  room. 

The  maker  of  the  suds  pushes  his  cloud  bowl  forward  to  a  group  of 
women,  and  each  takes  a  handful  of  suds  and  rubs  it  first  on  her  chest, 
then  over  her  arms  and  legs.  The  bowl  is  afterward  carried  around 
the  room,  that  all  may  bathe  with  the  suds.  The  third  associate  carries 
the  bowl  of  consecrated  water,  administering  a  draft  from  a  shell  to 
all  present.  He  begins  at  the  west  end  of  the  room,  giving  it  to  the 
shi'wanni  and  associates  last. 

After  partaking  of  the  consecrated  water,  the  shi'wanni  removes  the 
mi'wachi  one  by  one  from  the  painting,  carefully  blowing  off  any  meal 
that  may  have  dropped  on  the  feathers,  and  returns  them  to  the 
basket.  He  next  removes  the  chu'ettone,  while  the  associate  by  his  side 
takes  the  'kia'ettone.  They  blow  off  every  particle  of  meal  that  may 
have  remained  on  the  fetishes.  Each  fetish  is  first  wrapped  in  a  piece  of 
cotton  cloth,  then  in  deerskin,  and  then  carefully  tied.  The  shi'wanni 
now  tenderly  returns  the  chu'ettone  to  the  vase,  and  after  receiving  the 
'kia'ettone  from  the  associate  deposits  it  by  the  side  of  the  other. 
While  the  fetishes  are  being  placed  in  the  vase  the  two  associates 
opposite  the  shi'wanni  are  engaged  in  returning  the  stone  fetishes  to 
the  medicine  box  and  sacks  from  which  they  were  taken.  After  all 
objects  are  removed  the  second  associate  sweeps  the  meal  and  pollen 
into  a  heap,  and,  carrying  it  to  the  river,  casts  it  into  the  waters,  that 
it  may  go  to  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

Without  further  ceremony  the  owners  of  four  of  the  mi'wachi,  who 
are  related  to  the  shi'wanni  or  associates,  leave  the  chamber  with  their 
fetishes.  The  fetishes  directly  associated  with  the  et'tone  are  returned 
with  it  to  its  room.  Then  the  shi'wanni  and  associates  have  their  heads 
bathed  by  the  female  associate,  after  which  the  usual  feast  is  served, 
which  Nai'uchi,  his  associates,  and  their  families  enjoy.  First,  how- 
ever, a  portion  of  the  food  is  gathered  by  the  shi'wanni  and  associates 
and  cast  into  the  fire,  to  be  conveyed  to  the  ancestral  gods. 

a  See  p.  365. 


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Stevenson]  SUMMER   KETBEAT    OF    SHl'WANNI  179 

Summer  Retreat  of  a  Shi'wanni 

An  account  of  the  summer  retreat  of  the  shi'wanni  possessing-  the 
et'tone,  which  is  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  Black  Corn  clan,  was 
given  the  writer  by  the  shi'wanni  himself  and  verified  by  the  third 
associate,  one  of  the  brightest  Indians  in  Zuiii. 

The  house  in  which  the  et'tone  of  the  Black  Corn  clan  is  kept  is  one 
of  the  oldest  in  the  village.  It  is  accessible  on  one  side  from  a  street 
and  on  the  other  from  a  plaza.  The  room  of  the  sacred  fetish  is 
on  the  ground  floor,  but  can  be  entered  only  b}>-  a  ladder  from  an 
upper  chamber.  This  room  is  not  over  8  by  4  feet  and  has  a  low  ceil- 
ing. Its  walls  are  elaborately  decorated  with  cloud  symbols  and  two 
Ko'loowisi  (plumed  serpents).  The  sacred  frog,  wearing  a  cloud  cap 
with  lightning  shooting  forth,  stands  with  each  foot  on  the  tongue  of 
a  Ko'loowisi.  This  decoration,  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  other 
chambers  of  the  et'towe,  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  shi'wanni  at  the  time 
referred  to  also  had  charge  of  the  Ko'loowisi  fetish  (see  plate  xxxvi). 

The  room  where  the  retreat  is  made  is  directly  above  the  chamber 
of  the  et'tone,  and  there  is  an  opening  12  by  18  inches  in  the  floor, 
through  which  meal  is  constantly  sprinkled  during  the  retreat.  At 
other  times  this  hatchway  is  closed  by  a  stone  slab  set  in  plaster. 

The  shi'wanni  and  his  associates  gather  in  the  chamber  of  the  et'tone 
at  sunrise  on  the  fifth  morning  of  the  retreat.  The  shi'wanni  makes  a 
cloud  symbol  of  corn  pollen  and  white  meal  on  the  floor,  and  the  et'tone 
separated  into  its  two  parts,  with  other  fetishes  and  arrow  points,  are 
placed  thereon,  the  et'tone  being  the  most  important  object.  The  shi'- 
wanni and  associates  descend  to  this  chamber  on  the  three  following  days 
at  sunrise,  noon,  and  sunset  to  invoke  the  presence  of  the  gods.  On  the 
eighth  and  last  day  of  the  retreat  a  similar  painting  to  the  one  in  the 
room  below  is  made  on  the  floor  of  the  upper  room,  and  an  even  more 
elaborate  display  is  made,  when  the  families  consanguineous  to  the  shi'- 
wanni and  his  associates  gather  for  the  night,  presenting  a  most  inter- 
esting picture,  similar  to  that  described  in  the  ceremony  of  the  Shi'- 
wanni of  the  Nadir.  The  te'likinawe  are  planted  in  the  manner 
described  in  the  winter  retreat  of  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir. 

On  the  morning  that  the  retreat  closes,  an  excavation  is  made,  in  the 
manner  heretofore  described,  close  to  the  one  that  was  dug  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  retreat,  and  te'likinawe  are  deposited  just  as  they  were  on 
the  first  day  in  the  other  excavation.  Both  openings  are  now  covered, 
the  first  remaining  open  until  the  second  one  receives  the  te'likinawe. 

At  sunrise  the  heads  of  the  shi'wanni  and  the  three  associates  are 
washed  by  the  female  associate,  after  which  a  feast  is  enjoyed.  Then 
the  shi'wanni  and  associates  each  place  food  in  a  fine  basket,  and  carry- 
ing it  to  the  fireplace,  where  there  are  a  few  embers,  consign  it  to  the 
fire  with  prayers  to  the  ancients  of  all  regions,  the  dead  Zufiis,  to  water 
the  earth.  The  retreat  of  all  the  A'shiwanni  are  for  the  same  object — 
rains  to  fructify  the  earth — and  the  ceremonials  vary  but  slightly. 


180  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

Order  of  Retreat  of  the  A'shiwarwii  in  1S91 

The  following  i.s  the  order  of  retreat  of  the  A'shiwanni  as  observed 
by  the  writer  in  the  summer  of  1891: 

Kla'kweuiosi  retires  June  26;  leaves  retreat  July  4. 
Shi'wanni  of  the  West  retires  Jul}-  4;  leaves  retreat  July  12. 
Shi'wanni  of  the  South  retires  July  12;  leaves  retreat  July  20. 
Shi'wanni  of  the  East  retires  July  20;  leaves  retreat  July  28. 
Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith  retires  July  28;  leaves  retreat  August  1. 
Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir  retires  August  1;  leaves  retreat  August  5." 
Shi'wanni  of  Eagle  clan  retires  August  5;  leaves  retreat  August  9. 
Shi'wanni  of  Dogwood  clan  retires  August  9;  leaves  retreat  August  17. 
Shi'wanni  of  Black  Corn  clan  retires  August  17;  leaves  retreat  August  25. 
Shi'wanni  of  Shu'rnaakwe  fraternity  (Chaparral  Cock  clan)  retires  August 

25;  leaves  retreat  August  29. 
Shi'wanni  of  Sun  clan  retires  August  29;  leaves  retreat  September  2. 
Shi'wanni  of  Corn  clan   (Kla'nakwe)   retires  September  2;   leaves  retreat 

September  6. 
Shi'wanni  of  Corn  clan  retires  September  6;  leaves  retreat  September  10. 
Shi'wanni  of  Corn  clan  retires  September  10;  leaves  retreat  September  14. 

♦HLA'HEWE  CEREMONIAL  FOR  RAIN  AND  THE  GROWTH 

OF  CORN 

The  drama  of  the  'hla'hewe  (singular  'hla'ha),6  which  is  enacted  quad- 
rennially in  August  when  the  corn  is  a  foot  high,  is  supposed  to  be  a 
reproduction  of  the  ceremonies  held  at  the  time  of  the  third  appearance 
of  the  Corn  maidens  before  the  A'shiwi,  and  is  regarded  as  one 
of  their  most  sacred  festivals.  Great  preparations  were  made  by  the 
A'shiwi  for  the  third  coming  of  the  Corn  maidens,  who  were  to  dance 
that  rains  would  come  and  water  the  earth,  that  the  new  corn  might 
be  made  beautiful  to  look  upon,  and  that  the  earth  would  furnish  all 
food  for  nourishment.  While  the  drama  must  be  played  once  in  four 
years,  it  may  occur  more  often  by  order  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni.e 

In  1890  there  was  a  special  play  of  the  'Hla'hewe,  owing  to  the  fact 
that  the  former  pe'kwin  (sun  priest)  had  been  impeached  for  having 
caused  a  drought,  and  it  was  necessary  that  the  new  incumbent  should 
become  acquainted  with  this  drama,  in  which  he  plays  an  important 
part.  The  Zufiis  declare  this  celebration  of  the  festival  brought  so  much 
rain  that  they  danced  all  night  in  mud  instead  of  on  the  hard  ground. 
When  the  writer  visited  Zufii  in  1891,  she  expressed  regret  to  the 
Kla'kwemosi  (rain  priest  of  the  North)  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
that  she  had  failed  to  be  present  at  the  drama  of  the  'Hla'hewe  in  the 
previous  year,  and  asked  if  it  were  not  possible  to  repeat  the  ceremony. 
Whereupon  the  Kla'kwemosi  declared  that  "this  could  not  be  done  as 

"  The  elder  and  younger  Bow  priests  also  make  a  retreat  at  this  season. 
b'Hla'ha,  rabbit  skin  blanket.    The  name  signifies  fecundity. 

'The  writer  learned  when  at  Zufii  in  1902  that  the  'Hla'hewe  drama  had  not  been  performed  since 
1891, owing,  the  Indians  said,  to  their  wish  to  keep  the  sacred  ceremony  from  the  eyes  of  Americans. 


stevensos]  THLA'HEWE    CEREMONY    FOR    RAIN  181 

his  people  would  at  once  suspect  him  of  holding-  a  festival  in  order 
that  the  writer  might  make  notes  and  pictures.  After  much  consult- 
ing between  the  Ivla'kwemosi  and  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  they  con- 
cluded that  as  certain  prisoners  at  Fort  Wingate,  from  Oraibi  (a  Hopi 
village),  supposed  by  the  Indians  to  be  sorcerers,  had  stated  that  they 
would  cause  a  drought  throughout  the  Pueblo  country  if  they  were 
not  liberated.''  they  might  include  the  'Hla'hewe  drama  among  the  addi- 
tional ceremonies,  as  it  was  of  special  value  for  rains. 

While  the  drama  is  known  as  the  'Hla'hewe,  the  dancers  and  the 
choirs  form  into  two  parties,  one  side  being  called  'Hla'hewe,  the  other 
Sho'ko'we  (singular  sho'kona,  flute),  having  reference  to  Pa'yatiimu 
(god  of  music,  flowers,  and  butterflies). 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  assemble  in  the  house  of  the  Shi'wan- 
o''kia  (priestess  of  fecundity),  to  arrange  for  the  drama  which  is  to 
occur  in  eight  days.  The}7  decide  who  shall  perform  the  parts  in  the 
drama  forwhich  permanent  actors  are  not  provided.  The  Shi'wano"kia 
is  present,  but  remains  silent. 

The  following  table  gives  the  participants  in  the  'Hla'hewe  and  the 
mode  of  selection: 

TABLE   OP  PARTICIPANTS   - 

First  body  of  A'shiwanni,  women  who  officiate  with  mi'wachi.* 

'Hla'hewe  Sho'ko'we 

A'wan  rno'sona  (director-general).  A'wan  rno'sona. 

Vice  a'wan  rno'sona.  '  Vice  a'wan  mo'sona. 

Two  he'kupowanhak'tona  (virgins  who         Two  ushan'ashute  (virgins  who  dance 

dance  at  sunset),  impersonated   by  at    sunset),   impersonated    by  fe- 

females.  males. 

One    sho'lipsimonthle'ona   (virgin   who 

dances  with  the  he'kupowanhak'to- 
na), impersonated  by  a  male. 
Two  'kla'punakwe,  virgins  (water-sprin-         Two 'kla'punakwe,  impersonated  by  a 

klers),  impersonated  by  a  youth  and  youth  and  a  maiden. 

a  maiden. 
Man  of  Frog  clan. e    Position  permanent. 
One  a'shuwahiinona  (plume-waver),  also 

called  shuts'ina  after  the  hawk  whose 

plumes  he  carries. 
Ten  mi'laiiliipo'na   (personators  of   the         Ten  rni'laiilapo'na. 

Corn    maidens),    the    two    females 

personating   the   Yellow   and    Blue 

Corn  maidens  being  designated  as 

a'mosono"kla  ( directresses-general ) . 

«t*  These  men  are  not  only  sorcerers  but  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  lore  of  medicine."  They 
spread  consternation  among  the  -Pueblos,  not  only  of  Hopis  and  Zuiiis,  but  of  the  Rio  Grande 
Indians  as  well,  and  all  were  having  extra  prayers  and  dances. 

6See  p.  416. 

cThe  present  incumbent  is  warrior  to  the  Snake  fraternity. 


182  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

Four  'kla'potiikwe  (dance   at   sunrise),  Four  'kla'potiikwe. 

impersonated  by  females. 
One  ya'pota  (symbolizer  of  corn),  a  male, 

who  dances  that  the  ears  of  corn  may 

be  perfect. 
Four  'hla'he  o'tiikwe  (female  dancers)  Four  Sho'ko  o'tiikwe  (female  dancers). 

Mo'sona  (director)  and  vice  mo'sona  of         Mo'sona  and  vice  mo'sona  of  choir. 

choir. 
Ten  singers  and  a  drummer.  Ten  singers  and  a  drummer. 

Mo'sona  of  flutists  and  nine  additional 
flutists. 

The  A' wan  mo'sona  and  vice  A'wan  mo'sona  of  both  sides,  he'kupowanhak'tona, 
A'shuwahiinona  of  the  'Hla'hewe,  and  ushiin'ashute  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  are  selected 
by  the  pe'kwln  and  notified  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  The  man  of  the  Frog 
clan  is  notified  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  The  sho'lipsimonthle'ona  is  chosen 
and  notified  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  The  'kia'punakwe,  mi'laiiliipo'na, 
and  'kla'potiikwe  of  both  sides  are  chosen  and  notified  by  the  pe'kwln.  The 
ya'pota,  'Hla'he  o'tiikwe,  and  choir  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  are  chosen  and  notified  by 
the  A'wan  mo'sona  of  this  side,  and  the  Sho'ko  o'tiikwe  and  choir  of  the  Sho'ko'we 
side  are  chosen  and  notified  by  its  A'wan  mo'sona.  The  mo'sona  of  the  flutists  is 
notified  by  the  A'wan  mo'sona  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side,  and  he  in  turn  notifies  the 
other  flutists. 

A'wan  mo'sona  and  vice  A'wan  mo'sona  of  both  sides  may  belong  to  any  clan. 
The  he'kupowanhak'tona  and  ushiin'ashute  are  children  or  grandchildren  of  the 
first  body  of  A'shiwanni.  They  must  abstain  eight  days  from  animal  food  and 
salt.  Should  they  not  be  virgins,  the  green  corn  would  be  destroyed  by  worms. 
The  sho'lipsimonthle'ona  must  be  a  son  or  grandson  of  one  of  the  first  body  of  A'shi- 
wanni, and  he  must  abstain  eight  days  from  animal  food  and  salt.  In  the  ceremony 
described  the  sho'lipsimonthle'ona  is  personated  by  a  grandson  of  Nai'uchi,  Shi'- 
wanni  of  the  Nadir  and  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  This  youth  adopted  female  attire 
several  years  after  the  ceremony  here  described. 

The  'kia'punakwe  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  must  be  of  the  Dogwood  clan  or  children 
of  the  clan,"  and  the  'kia'punakwe  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  must  belong  to  the  Corn 
clan  or  be  children  of  this  clan.  They  must  abstain  from  animal  food  and  salt  four 
days,  which  fast  begins  the  morning  they  go  to  the  hiim'pone  (pavilion). 

The  A'shiwanni,  having  enjoyed  a  feast,  retire  from  the  house  of 
the  Shi'wano"'kia  at  midnight  and  sleep  until  dawn  in  their  homes, 
when  they  again  gather  in  her  house  and  prepare  la'showawe  (singular 
la'showane,  one  or  more  plumes  attached  to  a  cotton  cord),  each  con- 
sisting of  a  tail  and  a  wing  feather  of  the  'hlai'aluko,  mountain  blue- 
bird (Sialia  arctica).  The  two  feathers  are  joined  at  the  quill  ends  so 
as  to  form  a  V  and  wrapped  with  cotton  cord.  The  feathers  to  be 
given  to  men  are  from  the  male  bird,  those  for  the  women  from  the 
female  bird.  When  the  la'showawe  are  completed  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  is  first  dispatched  for  the  A'wan  mo'sona  and  vice  A'wan 
mo'sona  of  the  'Hla'hewe,  who  accompany  him  to  the  house  of  the 
Shi'wano"kia,  and  then  for  those  who  are  to  fill  similar  positions  on  the 
Sho'ko'we  side.  Again  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  leaves  the  house 
and  returns  with  the  he'kupowanhak'tona  and  sho'lipsimonthle'ona. 

a  See  List  of  clans. 


stkvenson]  tHLa'hEWE    CEREMONY    FOR    RAIN  183 

Each  party  brought  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  is  presented 
with  a  la'showanne  by  the  pe'kwin,  who  says  to  each:  "May  your 
heart  be  good;  may  you  have  good  thoughts;  may  you  speak  with  one 
tongue,  that  the  rains  may  come." 

The  pe'kwin  gives  additional  la'showawe  to  the  A'wan  a'mosi  to  be 
distributed  by  them  among  the  others.  The  la'showanne  is  attached  to 
the  left  side  of  the  head  of  each  recipient  by  the  cotton  cord  from 
which  the  feathers  are  suspended  and  by  a  strand  of  hair.  These  la'sho- 
wawe are  planted  in  the  fields  with  te'likinawe  on  the  morning  after 
the  close  of  the  drama.  All  now  return  to  their  homes,  the  pe'kwin 
carrying  the  remaining  la'showawe.  After  eating  he  visits  the  houses 
of  the  'kia'punakwe,  notifying  them  of  their  appointment  and  giving 
to  each  a  la'showanne,  which  he  attaches  to  the  hair  on  the  left  side  of 
the  head. 

The  two  choirs  in  separate  houses  begin  practicing  the  night  they 
are  notified.  The  A'wan  a'mosi  and  A'wan  a'mosono"kia  are  present 
at  the  rehearsals.  The  A'wan  a'mosi  join  in  the  songs,  but  the  A'wan 
a'tnosono^kia  are  silent.  On  the  day  following  the  notification  the  two 
choirs  assemble  at  dawn  in  the  Shi'wano"kia's  house  to  accompany  the 
dancers.  The  'Hla'hewe  choir  group  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the 
room  and  the  Sho'ko'we  choir"  in  the  northeast  corner. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  sit  in  line  on  the  south  ledge  which 
extends  around  the  walls  of  the  room.  Two  large  Apache  baskets 
containing  ears  of  yellow  corn,  symbolic  of  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden, 
and  two  filled  with  blue  corn,  symbolizing  the  Blue  Corn  maiden,* 
stand  in  line,  the  baskets  of  yellow  corn  being  north  of  the  others  in 
the  west  end  of  the  room.  The  A'wan  mosono"kia  personating  the 
Yellow  Corn  maiden  sits  back  of  the  baskets  of  yellow  corn,  and  the 
A'wan  mosono"kia  personating  the  Blue  Corn  maiden  sits  back  of 
the  baskets  of  blue  corn.  Each  woman  has  a  pottery  meal  basket  in 
front  of  her. 

The  'kia'potiikwe  dance  at  sunrise,  first  on  the  Sho'ko'we  side,  when 
they  carry  yellow  corn  from  the  baskets,  and  afterward  on  the 
'Hla'hewe  side,  when  blue  corn  is  carried.  In  the  former  case  the 
yellow  corn  is  given  to  the  dancers  by  the  A'wan  mo'sono"kia  per- 
sonating the  Yellow  Corn  maiden,  and  they  are  led  to  the  floor  by  the 
A'wan  mo'sono"kia  personating  the  Blue  Corn  maiden.  She  remains 
but  a  few  moments  on  the  floor,  but  afterward  returns  and  continues 
dancing  for  a  short  time  after  the  'kia'potiikwe  retire.  Before  the 
yellow  corn  is  exchanged  for  the  blue,  the  Shi'wano"kia  takes  the 
clasped  hand  of  each  dancer,  the  corn  being  held  between  the  hands, 

a  The  Zunis  claim  that  the  songs  of  the  Sho'ko'we  are  sung  in  their  ancient  tongue,  and  the 
Laguna  Indians  also  claim  that  these  songs  are  in  their  archaic  tongue.  The  Zunis  in  general 
resent  the  claim  of  the  Lagunas,  but  a  number  of  their  priests  have  stated  that  the  old  tongue  of 
the  Zufiis  is  the  same  as  the  ancient  language  of  the  Lagunas. 

b  Yellow  is  the  color  for  the  north,  the  Yellow  Corn  maiden  representing  that  region;  and  blue  is* 
the  color  for  the  west,  the  Blue  Corn  maiden  being  the  representative. 


184  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.23 

;iik1  passes  the  corn  three  or  four  times  before  the  lips  of  the  girl, 
with  a  prayer  that  she  may  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  life.  The 
dancers  now  pass  to  the  A'wan  mo'sono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side,  who 
repeats  the  passing  of  the  corn  before  the  lips  of  the  'kia'potiikwe  and 
returns  it  to  the  basket.  The  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side, 
who  is  now  in  her  place  by  the  baskets,  gives  blue  corn  to  the  'kia'po- 
tiikwe.  and  they  are  led  to  the  floor  by  the  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the 
Sho'ko'we  side.  She,  too,  remains  only  a  short  time,  but  returns  and 
stays  on  the  floor  dancing  until  the  'kia'potiikwe  have  returned  the 
blue  corn,  when  she  returns  to  her  place  and  the  'kia'potiikwe  leave 
the  chamber. 

The  girls  who  act  as  'Hla'he  and  Sho'ko  o'tiikwe  gather  in  an  adjoin- 
ing room  and  come  forward  as  required,  eight  at  a  time,  with  the 
ya'pota  in  the  middle  of  the  line.  They  begin  to  dance  as  soon  as  the 
'kia'potiikwe  have  retired.  The  dancers  are  attired  in  their  ordinary 
dress,  but  are  careful  to  wear  -their  best  moccasins  and  elaborate 
necklaces.  They  repeat  the  performance  of  the  'kia'potiikwe.  They 
carry  first  the  yellow  corn,  and  afterward  the  blue  corn,  receiving 
the  corn  and  returning  it  in  the  manner  previously  described.  They 
are  led  to  the  floor  first  by  the  A'wan  mo'sono"kia  of  the  'Hla'hewe 
side  and  afterward  by  the  A'wan  mo'sono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we 
side,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  'kia'potiikwe.  The  corn  is  passed 
before  their  lips  first  by  the  Shi'wano"kia  and  afterward  by  the 
A'wan  mo'sono"kia,  as  described  above.  After  the  first  set  of  girls 
and  the  youth  have  danced  with  the  yellow  and  blue  corn,  they  retire, 
and  another  set  take  their  places.  The  dance  continues,  except  dur- 
ing the  noonday  feast,  until  the  arrival  of  the  he'kupowanhak'tona, 
sho'lipsimonthle'ona,  and  Ushana'shutt  an  hour  before  sunset,  when 
they  take  the  floor.  These  dances  occur  on  three  alternate  days  in  the 
house  of  the  Shi'wano"kia. 

On  the  seventh  morning  the  two  A'wan  a'mosi,  with  their  vicars  and 
men  selected  by  them,  construct  an  extensive  ham'pone  in  the  Si'aa' 
te'wita,  sacred  dance  court,  immediately  in  front  of  the  He'iwa 
ki'wi'sine  (ceremonial  house  of  the  Ivia'kwe  a'mosi),  the  lower  door 
of  the  house  opening  into  the  west  side,  or  back,  of  the  ham'pone. 
Heavy  poles  support  the  beams  and  over  them  is  canvas  covered  with 
spruce  (Pseudotsuga  douglassii)  boughs,  the  edge  of  the  roof  being 
fringed  with  spruce  and  cedar  boughs,  and  the  south  wall  formed  of 
spruce  and  a  small  quantity  of  cedar.  The  personators  of  the  A'wan 
ta"ehu  (Great  Father),  the  pe'kwin,  and  the  Pi"'liishiwanni  (warrior)  of 
the  Ko'yemshi"  gather  the  boughs  and  place  them  in  position. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  A'wan  a'mosi  with  their  fel- 
lows, the  mi'laiilapo'na,  and  the  two  choirs  assemble  in  the  O'he'wa 

a  See  p.  33. 


STEVENSON] 


thla'hewe  ceremony  for  rain 


185 


ki'wi'sine."  the  pe'kwin  having  previously  made  a  cloud  symbol  of 
meal  on  the  floor,  extending-  a  line  of  meal  eastward  from  the  symbol. 
Later  he  forms  four  concentric  circles  of  meal,  on  which  he  places 
a  medicine  bowl,  after  which  he  arranges  the  mi'wachi  of  the  A'shi- 


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Fig.  6 — Diagram  of  the  'Hla'hewe  ceremony  in  the  ki'wi'sine:  1,  Shi'wano"kia;  2,  younger  brother 
Bow  priest:  3,  Shi'wanni  of  the  West;  4,  Shi'wanni  of  the  South;  5,  Shi'wanni  of  the  East;  6, 7,  'kla'- 
punakw'e  (youth  and  maiden);  S,  Kla'kwemosi;  9,  associate  Kla'kwemosi;  10  and  11, 'kla'punakwe 
(youth  and  maiden):  12.  pe'kwin  (sun priest);  13,  elder  brother  Bow  priest;  14,  mi'wachi;  15, 
water  jugs  and  vases  of  the  'kia'punakwe;  16,  mi'laiiiapona  of  'Hla'hewe  side;  17,  baskets  of  mi'laii- 
lapona  of  'Hla'hewe  side;  IS,  baskets  of  mi'laiiiapona  of  Sho'ko'we  side;  19,  mi'laiiiapona  of  Sho'- 
ko'we  side:  20,  basket  of  corn  and  te'likinawe;  21,  basket  of  corn  of  'Hla'hewe  side;  22,  medicine 
bowl:  23,  basket  of  corn  of  'Hla'hewe  choir;  24,  basket  of  corn  of  Sho'ko'we  side;  25,  prayer  meal 
basket;  26,  baskets  of  corn;  27,  blanket;  28,  fire  altar;  29,  basket  of  corn  of  Sho'ko'we  choir;  30, 
drum  of  'Hla'hewe  choir;  31,  directorsof  'Hla'hewe  side;  32,  'Hla'hewe  choir;  33,  drum  of  Sho'ko'we 
choir;  34,  directors  of  Sho'ko'we  side;  35,  Sho'ko'we  choir. 

wanni  in  line  on  the  west  side  of  the  cloud  symbol  (see  figure  6).     The 
preparations  and  ceremony  in  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  were  as  follows: 

The  men  assemble  in  the  ki'wi'sine  and  prepare  te'likinawe.  After 
eagle,  turkey,  and  other  plumes  are  attached  to  the  upper  ends  of  the 
sticks,  they  are  colored  black.  A  diminutive  crook  (symbolic  of  lon- 
gevity), with  la'showawe  attached,  is  bound  with  cotton  cord  to  each 

a  Some  years  ago  the  ceremony  here  described  occurred  in  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  owing  to  the 
Che'wa  being  unfit  for  occupancy. 


186  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

te'likinane,  and  the  te'likinane  with  its  companion  is  wrapped  in  a 
corn  husk  which  only  partially  covers  the  plumes,  the  wrapping-  being- 
secured  by  a  ribbon  of  husk.  The  te'likinawe  thus  wrapped  are 
deposited  in  baskets  of  corn,  the  feathers  fringing  the  edge  of  the 
baskets,  which  are  in  position  by  the  cloud  symbol.  These  offerings 
are  made  to  the  rain-makers  to  induce  them  to  intercede  with  the 
Sun  Father,  that  he  may  embrace  the  rains  of  the  earth,  that  the 
corn  may  grow  to  be  beautiful  to  look  upon  and  good  to  eat.  The 
'Hla'hewe  and  Sho'ko'we  choirs  deposit  their  te'likinawe  in  separate 
baskets. 

After  the  te'likinawe  are  completed  the  Kia'kwemosi  takes  his  seat 
by  the  medicine  bowl.  A  woman  places  a  vase  of  water  and  a  gourd 
by  him,  and  he  dips  six  gourdfuls  of  water  from  the  vase,  emptying 
it  into  the  bowl.  He  now  drops  six  a'thlashi  (concretions;  sacred  to 
the  mother  of  corn  of  the  six  regions)  separate^  into  the  medicine 
bowl,  raising  high  each  stone  and  praying  before  depositing  it  into 
the  bowl  (22  of  figure  6).  After  the  consecration  of  the  water  a 
blanket  (27  of  figure  6)  is  spread  upon  the  floor  a  short  distance  in 
front  of  the  cloud  sj'mbol.  The  pe'kwin  takes  his  seat  to  the  west 
of  the  blanket;  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  sits  south  and  the 
younger  brother  Bow  priest  north  of  it.  The  ten  mi'laiiliipo'na  of 
the  'Hla'hewe  side  are  seated  in  line  south  of  the  meal  line  extending 
from  the  meal  symbol,  and  the  ten  mi'laiiliipo'na  of  the  Sho'ko'we 
side  are  seated  in  line  north  of  the  meal  painting.  Some  of  these 
women  are  white-haired  and  aged.  Each  has  a  basket  of  corn  before 
her.  Those  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  have,  in  addition  to  the  corn, 
'hie' we  (tablets)  ornamented  with  sun,  moon,  star,  and  cloud  symbols, 
with  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes  surmounting  the  tablets.  Those  of 
the  'Hla'hewe  side  have  'hla'we  (slender  stems  of  a  plant)  about  18 
inches  long,  painted  white  and  adorned  with  delicate  white  duck 
feathers  in  groups  of  two,  the  space  between  being  of  the  width  of 
the  first  three  fingers  placed  crosswise  within  a  few  inches  of  their 
ends.  Each  basket  is  covered  with  a  white  embroidered  kilt.  The 
choir  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  is  grouped  in  the  southeast  corner  and 
that  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  in  the  northeast  end  of  the  room.  The 
flutists  prepare  te'likinawe  in  the  ceremonial  chambers  of  the  Ma"ke 
'Siin'nakwe  (Little  Fire  fraternity)  and  Pe'sha'silo'kwe  (Cimex  frater- 
nity). The  ears  of  corn,  tied  together  in  twos,  are  taken  from  the 
baskets  in  turn  by  the  A' wan  a'mosi  of  the  choirs  and  the  others,  and 
deposited  on  the  blanket  to  the  right  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest, 
who  at  intervals  holds  a  bunch  of  the  corn  between  his  hands  and 
prays.  He  afterward  makes  a  cavity  in  the  end  of  each  ear.  After 
each  ear  is  prepared  by  him  he  hands  it  to  the  pe'kwin,  who  deposits 
seeds  in  the  cavity  and  passes  it  to  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest, 
who  seals  the  opening  with  a  paste  of  yucca  fruit  softened  in  the 


stevenson]  tHLA'hKWE    CEREMONY    FOR   RAIN  187 

mouth  before  it  is  applied.  The  younger  brother  Bow  priest  lays 
each  ear  as  it  is  completed  to  his  left  on  the  blanket,  and  it  is  returned 
by  the  proper  parties  to  the  baskets.  Afterward  the  corn  is  placed 
M'ith  that  stacked  in  the  house  of  each  individual  who  receives  it. 

After  the  preparation  of  the  corn  the  mo'sona  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir 
passes  to  each  mi'laiilapo'na  of  his  side  and  tells  her  in  low  tones  to 
go  to  the  Sho'ko'we  choir  and  ask  them  to  work  for  the  'Hla'hewe. 
As  each  man  is  interrogated  he  replies  "Yes,"  in  a  voice  scarcely 
audible.  The  women  return  to  their  seats  and  the  members  of  the 
Sho'ko'we  choir  sit  on  their  wadded  blankets  before  the  basket  of  corn 
and,  facing  the  mi'laiilapo'na,  prepare  the  'hla'we.  Each  ear  of  corn 
to  be  carried  by  the  dancers  is  surrounded  and  hidden  by  the  'hla'we, 
each  one  being  separately  bound  to  the  corn  with  cotton  cord.  The 
cord  is  held  between  the  teeth  during  the  wrapping.  When  all  the 
stems  are  attached,  short  dark  eagle  feathers,  plumes  from  the  birds 
of  the  six  regions,  and  white  sage  blossoms  are  arranged  upright 
around  the  ear  of  corn,  and  a  piece  of  native  white  cotton  cloth  is 
placed  over  the  base  of  the  corn,  extending  several  inches  upward  and 
heavily  wrapped  with  the  cotton  cord.  A  diminutive  crook,  with 
la'showawe  attached,  is  tied  to  each  'hla'we  to  be  carried  in  the  left 
hand  of  the  dancer.  The  'Hla'hewe  choir  sings  while  the  Sho'ko'we 
choir  works  on  the  'hla'we.  The  song  is  addressed  to-A'wan  'Sita 
(Great  Mother)  corn:  "See,  I  dress  your  children  [referring  to  the 
corn]  in  beautiful  feathers  and  mi'hawe  (sacred  embroidered  blankets). 
I  pray  that  you  will  send  to  us  man}^  of  your  children  another  year." 
Upon  the  completion  of  the  'hla'we  they  are  laid  across  the  baskets 
of  corn  of  the  mi'laiilapo'na  of  both  sides,  and  the  mo'sona  of  the 
Sho'ko'we  tells  the  mi'laiilapo'na  of  his  side  to  request  the  choir 
of  the  'Hla'hewe  to  work  for  them.  The  requests  and  replies  are  made 
in  undertones.  Members  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir  sit  before  the  baskets 
of  corn  of  the  mi'laiilapo'na  and  prepare  the  'hle'we.  An  ear  of  corn, 
surrounded  with  feathers  and  white  sage  blossoms,  is  attached  to  the 
inner  side  of  the  tablet."  The  'hle'we  are  also  laid  across  the  baskets' 
of  the  mi'laiilapo'na  of  both  sides.  The  embroidered  kilts  are 
removed  each  time  to  allow  the  'hla'we  and  'hle'we  to  be  placed  in 
the  baskets. 

At  sunset  each  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  deposits  four  te'liki- 
nawe,  the  sticks  colored  black,  with  feathers  of  the  eagle,  turkey,  and 
birds  of  the  six  regions  attached,  and  six  grains  of  corn  of  the  colors 
of  the  six  regions,  beneath  the  floor  of  the  ki'wi'sine  through  the  cir- 
cular opening  (symbolic  of  the  entrance  to  the  undermost  world).  The 
offerings  are  made  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  deceased  A'shi- 

a  Some  slight  mistakes  made  in  the  arrangement  of  the  feathers  about  one  of  the  ears  of  corn  was 
at  once  noticed  by  one  of  the  women  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side.  She  immediately  called  the  attention 
of  a  member  of  the  choir  of  her  side  to  the  error,  which  he  corrected. 


188  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

wauni  of  the  .six  regions  for  rains,  and  to  Pau'tiwa"  that  the  sun  may 
embrace  the  earth  that  she  may  be  fruitful. 

The  four  'kia'punakwe,*  one  couple  accompanied  by  a  man  of  the 
Dogwood  clan  and  the  other  by  a  man  of  the  Corn  clan,  come  to  the 
ki'wi'sine.  They  are  met  by  the  pe'kwin,  who  leads  them  down  the 
room  to  seats  at  the  west  end. 

■The  two  youths  wear  white  cotton  shirts,  embroidered  kilts  about 
their  loins,  and  finely  dressed  white  buckskins  tied  about  the  neck  and 
falling  over  their  shoulders  far  below  the  waists.  Each  carries  a 
perfect  ear  of  corn  secreted  in  the  front  of  the  sash  which  holds  the 
kilt;  they  wear  dance  moccasins.  The  maidens  are  dressed  in  mi'hawe 
worn  as  dresses  and  fringed  white  cotton  sashes.  -A  perfect  ear  of 
corn  is  secreted  in  the  back  of  each  sash.  They  wear  ordinary  moc- 
casins, but  of  fine  quality,  and  both  the  youths  and  the  maidens  wear 
turquoise  earrings  and  elaborate  necklaces. 

The  pe'kwin  gives  to  each  'kiapuno'na  (singular  of  'kia'punakwe)  six 
te'likinawe,  one  for  each  of  the  six  regions,  with  ala'showanne  attached 
to  each;  a  butterfly  the  color  of  the  region  represented  is  also  attached  to 
each  te'likinane.  An  awehlwia  tehl'i  (cloud  vessel),  which  is  a  pottery 
vase  with  serrated  rim,  and  decorated  in  clouds,  rain,  and  tadpoles,  and 
is  suspended  with  cotton  cord,  and  an  ear  of  corn  with  which  to  sprinkle 
the  water  to  be  collected  are  given  to  each  maiden.  The  youths  have 
each  a  'kia'pokiatomine  (long-necked  gourd  jug),  the  bulb  covered  with 
a  netting  of  native  cotton  cord,  to  which  flu  fly  eagle  plumes  are  fastened. 
A  reed  in  each  jug.  having  a  la'showanne  tied  to  it,  is  to  be  used  as  a 
sprinkler.  The  two  'kia'punakwe  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  collect  water 
from  'Kianayalto  (spring  in  high  place),  in  the  foothills  of  Corn 
mountain,,  where  they  deposit  their  te'likinawe  to  the  deceased  A'shi- 
wanni,  Pau'tiwa,  and  A'wan  'Sita  (Great  Mother)  corn,  that  the  rains 
may  come  and  the  earth  be  embraced  by  the  Sun  Father,  that  she  may 
give  to  the  people  the  fruits  of  her  being.  The  'kia'punakwe  of  the 
Sho'ko'we  side  visit-'Kia'.'si'kiai'a  (small  spring),  a  few  miles  noi'th 
of  Zuni,  and  deposit  their  te'likinawe,  with  prayers  similar  to  those 
offered  by  the  others,  and  bring  water.  As  soon  as  the  'kia'punakwe 
leave,  the  mi'laiilapo'na  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side,  led  by  the  A'wan 
a'mosono"kia,  form  in  line  down  the  center  of  the  room,  holding  a 
'hla'we  in  each  hand,  and  dance  to  the  music  of  their  choir,  who  sing- 
to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and  drum.  The  mi'laiilapo'na  of 
the  Sho'ko'we  side,  who  hold  the  'hle'we,  repeat  the  dancing  to  the 
music  of  their  choir.  The  two  sides  dance  alternately  until  midnight 
in  the  manner  described. 

■'S.i-  p.  33. 

'» In  the  ceremonial  described  the  youth  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  is  a  child  of  the  Dogwood  clan;  he 
belongs  to  the. Badger  clan.  The  maiden  belongs  to  the  Dogwood  clan  and  is  the  daughter  of  t lie 
Shi'wano"kIa,  who  is  of  the  Dogwood  clan.  The  youth  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  belongs  to  the  Corn 
clan  and  the  maiden  is  a  child  of  that  clan.  At  the  next  festival  the  youth  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side 
must  belong  to  the  Dogwood  elan  and  the  maiden  must  lie  a  child  of  the  clan,  and  the  youth  of  the 
Sho'ko'we  side  must  belong  to  the  Corn  clan  and  the  maiden  must  be  a  child  of  the  clan. 


Stevenson]  THLA  HEWE    CEREMONY    EOR    RAIN  189 

The  'kia'punakwe  return  a  short  time  before  midnight  with  water 
from  the  springs  visited,  each  party  escorted  by  a  member  of  the 
A'pi"'lashiwanni  (Bow  priesthood).  Each  'kiapuno'na,  in  addition  to 
the  vases  of  water,  brings  young'  cornstalks  with  the  roots. 

The  pe'kwin  receives  the  cornstalks  and  stands  them  on  each  side 
of  the  cloud  symbol  in  line  with  the  mi'wachi  and  places  the  water 
vases  and  jugs  on  the  circles  of  meal  formed  when  he  made  the 
cloud  symbol.  The  'kia'punakwe  resume  their  seats.  The  elder  and 
younger  brother  Bow  priests  stand  on  each  side  of  the  cloud  symbol, 
the  elder  brother  being  on  the  north  side,  and  whirl  the  rhombi  for 
the  rain-makers,  while  the  Kia'kwemosi,  remaining  in  his  seat,  plays 
on  the  flute  (not  that  of  Pa'yatamu,  but  the  smaller  flute  of  the 
A'shiwanni).  At  the  same  time  a  man  of  the  Frog  clan  smokes 
a  cigarette  of  native  tobacco,  puffing  the  smoke  into  the  medicine 
water  and  over  the  vases  and  jugs  of  water  and  green  corn,  and  both 
choirs  sing,  that  the  earth  may  be  abundantly  watered. 

After  the  cigarette  is  smoked  the  two  male  'kia'punakwe  sprinkle 
water  from  their  gourd  jugs  over  the  cloud  symbol  and  objects  about 
it.  including  the  green  corn,  all  the  baskets  of  corn,  from  which  the 
kilts  have  been  removed  for  the  purpose,  and  each  person  present.  The 
female  'kia'punakwe  repeat  this  sprinkling.  After  a  long  prayer  by  the 
pe'kwin  the  procession  forms  to  proceed  to  the  ham'pone.  in  the  Si'aa' 
te'wita.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  leads.  He  carries  his  mi'li  and 
a  kilt,  which  has  a  broad  band  of  blue-green  (symbolic  of  the  vegeta- 
tion of  the  world)  painted  across  it,  with  a  conventional  design  of  the 
game  of  sho'liwe"  at  each  end  of  the  band.  The  design  is  formed  by 
the  use  of  a  number  of  yucca  splints  crossed  at  right  angles  to  form 
squares.  These  are  laid  on  the  cloth,  and  yellow  and  black  paint  is 
applied  in  the  squares,  which  denote  the  sho'liwe  reeds  grouped  ready 
to  throw. '  The  yellow  indicates  the  north  country,  whence  the  A'shiwi 
came,  over  which  the  Kia'kwemosi,  Shi'wanni  of  the  North,  has  care, 
whose  breath  must  be  pure  so  that  this  region  may  always  be  fruitful 
and  beautiful  to  look  upon.  The  black  is  symbolic  of  the  earth  over 
which  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir  has  care,  whose  prayers  must  be  pure 
that  the  earth  maj'  be  made  good  for  man  to  walk  upon.  The  diagonal 
line  through  each  square  is  symbolic  of  the  straight  road  of  the  Sun 
Father.  The  kilt  is  shaped  to  form  an  equilateral  triangle,  a  fluffy 
eagle  plume  being  fastened  to  each  point.  A  game  of  sho'liwe"  (arrow 
reeds)  with  plumes  attached  is  tied  to  one  corner  and  a  ti'kwane"  (gam- 
ing stick)  with  plumes  attached  is  tied  to  another  corner. 

The  pe'kwin  follows  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  carrying  a  sacred 
meal  basket  in  his  left  hand  and  throwing  the  meal  in  a  line  before  him 
with  his  right.  Not  being  a  member  of  the  order  of  O'naya'nakia 
(Mystery  medicine),  he  does  not  possess  a  mi'li.     The  'kia'punakwe 

a  See  Games. 


190  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  asn.  23 

follow  next  in  tile,  a  youth  before  each  maiden.  The  mi'laiilapo'na  of 
the 'Hla'hewe  and  Sho'ko'we,  walking  side  by  .side,  each  party  led  by  its 
A'wan  mosono"kia,  come  after  the  'kia'punakwe.  Each  mi'laiilapo'na 
carries  on  her  head  a  basket  containing  corn  and  other  seeds,  two  'hla'we, 
two  'hle'we,  and  te'likinawe,  covered  with  a  white  embroidered  kilt. 
Four  A'shiwanni  walk  in  tile  on  one  side  of  the  mi'laiilapo'na,  and  a 
shi'wanni  and  the  Shi'wano"kia,  who  carries  a  basket  of  all  kinds  of 
seeds  on  her  head,  are  on  the  other  side.  The  younger  brother  Bow 
priest  follows  next.  A  man  of  the  Badger  clan  carrying  a  pottery  bowl, 
which  is  hidden  from  view  by  a  red  blanket,  containing  coals  from  the 
fire  altar  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  walks  to  the  right  and  back  of  the  younger 
brother  Bow  priest,  and  behind  him  the  'Hla'hewe  choir  in  a  group, 
the  mo'sona  and  vice  mo'sona  leading  side  by  side,  this  group  being 
in  line  with  the  others.  The  drummer,  who  is  a  short  distance  to 
the  right,  carries  his  vase-shaped  pottery  drum  in  his  left  arm  and 
the  hooped  drumstick  in  his  right  hand.  The  Sho'ko'we  choir  follow 
in  the  same  order,  their  drummer  being  slightly  to  the  left.  The 
flutists  come  next  in  a  group,  led  by  their  mo'sona  and  his  deputy 
walking  side  by  side.  The}7  all  have  their  flutes  to  their  lips,  but  do 
not  play.  The  procession  passes  under  the  eastern  covered  way  to  the 
ham'pone  in  the  Si'aa'  te'wita,  and  proceeds  by  the  south  side  of  the 
ham'pone  to  their  places  (see  plate  xxxvii).  The  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  deposits  his  mi'li  at  the  northwest  corner  of  the  cloud  symbol, 
a  painting  of  meal  similar  to  the  one  in  the  ki'wi'sine  having  been 
previously  made  by  the  pe'kwin  in  the  ham'pone.  He  lays  the  folded 
kilt  on  the  symbol  and  takes  his  position  by  the  west  wall  on  the 
north  side.  The  pe'kwin,  following  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest, 
places  his  meal  basket  by  the  cloud  symbol,  and  takes  his  place  by 
the  west  wall.  The  'kla'punakwe  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  hand  their 
jug  and  rain  vase  to  the  pe'kwin,  who  steps  forward  to  receive  them; 
he  deposits  them  on  the  south  side  of  the  cloud  symbol,  and  the  youth 
and  maiden  take  their  places.  The  'kla'punakwe  of  the  Sho'ko'we 
side  pass  by  the  west  to  the  north  where  the  pe'kwin  receives  their  jug 
and  vase  and  deposits  them  on  the  north  side  of  the  cloud  symbol, 
and  the  'kla'punakwe  pass  to  their  positions  by  the  west  wall.  The 
mi'laiilapo'na  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  remain  in  file,  facing  east  after 
the}7  enter  the  ham'pone.  Those  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  pass  around 
by  the  west  wall  to  the  north  side  to  their  places;  they  also  face 
cast.  The  other  A'shiwanni  take  their  positions  in  line  on  the  west 
side  of  the  hiiin'pone,  and  the  choirs  of  the  two  sides  are  grouped 
at  the  southeast  and  northeast  corners.  (Figure  7  shows  position  of 
participants  in  'Hla'hewe  ceremonial  in  the  plaza.)  The  flutists  stand 
a  short  distance  from  the  Sho'ko'we  choir,  outside  the  ham'pone. 
The  flutes  are  about  27  inches  long.     The  gourd  cup  at  the  end 


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STEVENSON] 


thla/hewe  ceremony  for  rain 


191 


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Fig.  7— Positions  of  participants  in  the  'Hla'hewe  ceremonial:  1,  younger  brother  Bow  priest;  2, 
Shi'wanni  of  the  West;  3,  Shi'wanni  of  the  South;  4,  Shi'wanni  of  the  East;  5,  'kla'punakwe  (boy); 
6,  'kla'punakwe  (girl);  7,  Kla'kwemosi;  8.  associate  Kla'kwemosi;  9,  'kla'punakwe  (girl);  10,  'kla'pu- 
nakwe (boy);  11,  pe'kwln  (sun  priest);  12,  elder  brother  Bow  priest;  13,  Shi'wano"kIa  (Priestess 
of  fecundity);  14,  eight  mi'wachi;  15,  meal  painting  symbolic  of  clouds;  16,  water  jugs  and  vases  of 
the  'kla'punakwe;  17.  baskets  of  corn  and  te'likinawe  of  the  Shi'wano"kIa;  18,  choir  and  drum  of 
'Hla'hewe  side;  19,  choir  and  drum  of  Sho'ko'we  side;  20,  a'mosi  of  the  two  sides:  21,  basket  of  corn 
belonging  to  the  mo'sona  of  'Hla'hewe;  22,  basket  of  corn  belonging  to  the  mo'sona  of  Sho'ko'we; 
23,  basket  of  corn  belonging  to  the  mo'sona  of  flutists;  24,  te'likinawe  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir;  25, 
te'likinawe  of  the  Sho'ko'we  choir;  26,  te'likinawe  of  flutists;  27,  trees;  28,  pottery  bowl  supporting 
the  flutes,  29,  flutists;  30  and  31,  baskets  of  corn  of  flutists;  32,  excavations  in  which  corn  and 
te'likinawe  are  deposited;  33,  pottery  bowl  over  coals;  34,  bunch  of  te'likinawe.  a  to  k  inclusive, 
mi'laiilapO'na  of  'Hla'hewe  side;  each  has  her  basket  of  corn  and  four  te'likinawe  by  berside.  I  to 
u  inclusive,  mi'laiilapo'na  of  Sho'ko'we  side:  each  has  her  basket  of  corn  and  four  te'likinawe 
by  her  side. 

color  of  white  or  blue-green,  upon  which  butterflies  and  drag-on  flies 
are  painted.     The  edges  of  the  cups  are  scalloped,  each  scalloi  being 


192  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [Era.  ANN.  23 

tipped  with  a  fluffy  white  eagle  plume.  The  flutes  are  laid  across 
a  bowl  18  inches  in  diameter,  the  edge  of  which  is  serrated,  and 
the  bowl  is  decorated  with  rain  symbols  on  a  white  ground.  This 
bowl  contains  medicine  of  IVyatiimu,  supposed  to  be  composed  of  the 
flowers  of  the  te'nas'suli  (mythical  medicine  plant  having  blossoms  of 
the  colors  of  the  six  regions),  the  hearts  of  butterflies,  and  dragon 
flies.  The  flutes  are  partly  covered  by  a  white  cotton  embroidered 
kilt  having  the  same  decoration  as  that  carried  by  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest. 

The  A'shiwanni  are  dressed  in  white  cotton  shirts  and  trousers  and 
red  silk  headbands.  The  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  have 
the  war  pouch  added  to  their  dress.  The  two  choirs  are  attired, 
according  to  the  taste  of  the  individuals,  in  cotton  or  calico  shirts  and 
trousers.  With  fine  silk  scarfs  wrapped  like  a  turban  around  their 
heads.  They  wear  all  the  beads  they  possess  and  as  many  more  as 
they  can  borrow.  The  mo'sona  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir  has  a  line  of 
micaceous  hematite  across  his  face  just  below  the  eyes,  indicative  of 
the  prominence  of  his  office.  The  mo'sona  of  the  Sho'ko'we  choir 
has  a  line  of  corn  pollen  under  the  right  eye  and  a  line  of  micaceous 
hematite  under  the  left.  The  corn  pollen  signifies  that  he  is  to  fast 
and  pray  and  to  practice  continency  one  night. 

The  flutists  wear  white  cotton  shirts  under  the  native  wool  shirts, 
which  are  elaborately  trimmed  with  green  and  red  ribbons  that  extend 
in  festoons  across  the  back.  Velvet  knee  breeches,  lined  on  the  outer 
side  with  silver  buttons,  the  ordinary  moccasins,  and  buckskin  leggings 
are  worn.  The  hair  is  parted  on  top  and  the  front  locks  are  folded 
over  on  each  side  of  the  forehead  and  tied  with  bunches  of  red  and 
green  ribbons.  The  back  hair  is  done  up  in  the  usual  knot  or  bow. 
They  make  an  elaborate  display  of  beads  and  necklaces.  Each  flutist 
has  a  line  of  pollen,  supposed  to  be  from  the  te'nas'sali,  under  the  right 
eye  and  a  line  of  micaceous  hematite  under  the  left.  The  line  of  pollen 
of  the  te'nas'suli  indicates  that  those  so  decorated  sing  the  songs  of 
Pa'yatamu.  The  A' wan  a'mosi  and  their  fellows  are  dressed  similar  to 
the  flutists,  but  their  hair  is  done  up  in  the  usual  way  and  silk  bandas 
are  worn.  Their  faces  are  streaked  across  under  the  eyes  with  mica- 
ceous hematite  after  they  return  from  their  morning  meal,  which  is 
taken  in  their  homes.  The  A'wan  a'mosono"kia  personating  the  Yel- 
low and  Blue  Corn  maidens  wear  their  ordinary  dress  with  a  white 
blanket  bordered  in  blue  and  red.  which  is  fastened  sufficiently  low  to 
expose  the  necklaces.  A  white  embroidered  sash  is  so  arranged  about 
the  waist  that  the  upper  corners  meet  in  front  and  the  lower  ones  fall 
apart.  A  plumule  ear  of  corn,  symbolic  of  A'wan  'Sita  (Great  Mother 
corn),  is  carried  in  the  back  of  the  sash,  but  is  hidden  from  view  by  the 
mi'ha.  The  breast  is  covered  with  precious  beads.  The  hair  is  parted 
down  the  back,  and  each  side  is  rolled  and  crossed  so  as  to  hang  in  a  loop 


stevenson]  THLA/HEWE    CEREMONY    FOR    RAIN  193 

across  the  back  of  the  head,  and  this  is  wrapped  with  native  blue  yarn; 
bangs  cover  the  face,  and  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  is  tied  to  the 
forelock.  The  other  mi'laiilapo'na  wear  their  ordinary  black  embroid- 
ered dresses  and  blanket  wraps,  and  their  hair  is  done  up  in  the 
usual  manner.  All  wear  white  moccasins  with  finely  finished  black 
soles. 

All  but  the  two  choirs  and  the  flutists  remain  standing-  until  the 
'Hla'hewe  and  the  Sho'ko'we  choirs  have  each  sung,  the  latter  being 
accompanied  by  the  flutists.  After  each  song  the  choir  repeats  a 
prayer  aloud.  The  others  now  take  seats,  the  mi'laiilapo'na  keeping 
their  places,  sitting  upon  boxes  or  chairs  covered  with  robes  or  blan- 
kets placed  for  them.  The  A' wan  mosono"kia  of  each  side  takes  the 
front  seat,  with  her  deputy  (younger  sister)  back  of  her.a  The  A'wan 
mosono"kia  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  must  belong  to  the  Dogwood  clan, 
and  the  one  back  of  her  must  be  a  child  of  this  clan.  The  mi'laii- 
lapo'na at  the  west  end  of  the  line  must  also  belong  to  the  Dogwood 
clan.  The  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  must  belong  to 
the  Corn  clan,  and  the  one  back  of  her  must  be  a  child  of  this  clan. 
The  one  at  the  west  end  of  the  line  must  belong  to  the  Corn  clan.  As 
has  been  stated,  the  other  mi'laiilapo'na  majr  belong  to  any  clan. 
The  mi'laiilapo'na  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  deposit  their  baskets  by  their 
left  side,  standing  their  te'likinawe  to  the  left  of  the  baskets.  Those 
of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  place  their  baskets  on  the  right  and  their 
te'likinawe  to  the  right  of  the  baskets.  Other  baskets  and  te'likinawe 
are  deposited  in  front  of  the  ham'pone  and  midway. 

After  the  songs  all  remain  quiet  until  morning,  and  they  are  closety 
watched  by  the  elder  and  3rounger  brother  Bow  priests  lest  they 
sleep.  At  sunrise  the  eight  'kia'potiikwe,  having  slept  two  nights 
in  the  house  of  the  Shi'\vano"kIa,  come  to  the  ham'pone,  where  four 
are  dressed  by  members  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir  and  four  by  the 
Sho'ko'we  choir.  The  ordinary  black  dress  is  not  removed,  a  mi'ha 
being  placed  over  it  and  fastened,  like  the  dress,  on  the  right  shoulder, 
the  deep  embroidery  being  at  the  top.  A  second  mi'ha  is  used  for  a 
skirt  only,  and  is  fastened  at  the  back,  the  deep  embroidery  being  at 
the  bottom.  That  the  outer  skirt  may  be  sufficiently  short,  the  blan- 
ket is  turned  over  at  the  top,  forming  a  sort  of  standing  ruffle  above 
the  white  cotton  fringed  sash.  The  moccasins  are  of  finely  dressed 
white  buckskin  with  highly  polished  black  soles.  Each  girl  wears  a 
profusion  of  fine  necklaces,  and  the  wrists  are  adorned  with  bunches 
of  dark  blue  yarn  hanging  in  tassels  and  tied  with  strings  of  red  yarn. 
The  hair  hangs  loosely  down  the  back,  and  bangs  cover  the  face.     The 

"The  elder  sister  Yellow  Corn  maiden  is  represented  by  the  foremost  woman  in  the  line  on  the 
north  side,  and  the  younger  sister  Blue  Corn  maiden  is  represented  by  the  foremost  woman  on  the 
south  side;  those  next  to  these  two  are  their  ceremonial  younger  sisters. 

23  eth— 04 13 


194  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [kth.  ann.  23 

dress  complete,  the  'hlelh'pone"  (see  plate  xxxvin)  is  placed  on  the 
head.  When  the  'kia'potiikwe  are  ready  for  the  dance  those  who 
were  dressed  on  the  Sho'ko'we  side  pass  around  by  the  west  side  of 
the  ham'pone  and  join  the  others  on  the  south.  Each  dancer  is  sup- 
plied with  two  'hla'we  by  the  mi'laiilapo'na,  and  they  are  led  to  the 
plaza  by  the  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  who  throws  meal 
before  her  as  she  proceeds.  She  joins  in  the  dance  for  a  short  time 
ami  returns  to  her  seat.  The  'kia'potiikwe  face  the  east  while  dancing. 
After  one  dance  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir,  the 
dancers  return  to  the  'Hla'hewe  side,  each  handing  her 'hla'we  to  a 
mi'laiilapo'na  and  receiving  two  'hle'we  instead.  They  now  pass  by 
the  west  side  around  to  the  Sho'ko'we  side  and  out  into  the  plaza,  led  by 
the  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side,  who  also  sprinkles  meal 
as  she  advances.  She  joins  the  'kia'potiikwe  in  the  dance  for  a  short 
time,  and  then  returns  to  the  ham'pone.  When  dancing  for  the  Sho'- 
ko'we side  they  have  the  additional  music  of  the  flutists.  After  the 
dance  the  'kia'potiikwe  return  to  the  ham'pone  by  the  Sho'ko'we  side, 
those  representing  the  'Hla'hewe  passing  around  to  their  own  side. 

Tlic  girls  are  now  stripped  of  their  regalia  and  return  to  their  homes. 
They  are  no  sooner  departed  than  eight  Mu'luktakia  (certain  anthropic 
gods)  arrive  by  the  eastern  covered  way.  The  Ko'mosona,  director- 
general  of  the  Ko'tikili  (mythologic  fraternity),  having  been  notified 
by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  that  he  desired  the  services  of  eight 
Mu'luktakia,  gave  the  order  for  them  to  appear.  As  soon  as  the  Mu'luk- 
takia reach  the  center  of  the  plaza  they  begin  dancing,  turning  first  one 
way  then  another,  and  dropping  grains  of  corn  of  the  colors  of  the  six 
regions,  which  are  carried  in  a  white  embroidered  sash  worn  by  each 
dancer.  After  a  short  appearance  in  the  plaza  for  the  purpose  of  drop- 
ping the  corn,  the  Mu'luktakia  disappear  by  the  western  covered  way, 
and  the  A'shiwanni  gather  up  the  corn.  Each  shi'wanni  drops  six 
grains,  every  grain  being  of  the  color  of  one  of  the  six  regions,  into  each 
of  the  two  square  excavations,  the  one  on  the  north  having  been  made 
in  the  early  morning  by  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  the  one  on  the  south  by 
the  pe'kwin  at  the  same  hour.  They  carry  the  rest  of  the  corn  with 
them,  passing  down  the  Sho'ko'we  side  and  up  the  'Hla'hewe  side, 
each  shi'wanni  giving  six  grains  of   corn  of  the  six  colors  to  each 

o  The  'hlelh'pone  is  a  ceremonial  headdress.  A  circle  is  formed  of  a  slender  bit  of  wood,  and  four 
additional  pieces  are  attached  to  the  band  at  equal  distances,  coming  together  at  the  other  ends, 
forming  a  sort  of  miter.  A  fringe  (if  Mack  gnat's  wool,  in  the  present  instance  about  8J  inches  deep, 
extends  a  run  id  the  band.  A  tablet  similar  i"  those  carried  in  the  hands  stands  out  from  the  center 
(if  the  miter,  and  a  thin  fringe  of  goat's  wool,  1  inches  deep,  dyed  red,  hangs  at  the  base.  Serrated 
pieci  '  I  wood,  symbolic  of  clouds,  attached  to  the  hands  stand  in  the  arches.  Each  cloud  symbol 
i-  tipped  with  a  fluffy  eagle  plume  A  bunch  of  yellow  parrot  plumes  stands  at  the  hack  of  the 
'hlelh'poniH',  with  an  aigrel  of  shorter  parrot  plumes  and  fluffy  eagle  feathers  at  its  base.  Long 
streamers  of  red  and  green  ribbon  hang  from  the  aigrct.  The 'hlelh'pone,  like  other  ceremonial 
objects  of  theZufiis,  are  freshly  decorated  whenever  they  arc  to  be  used.  The  decorating  is  done  in 
the  houses  of  eight  men  designated  by  the  A'wan  a'mosi,  and  they  are  carried  to  the  ham'pone 
when  the  morning  star  appears  above  the  horizon. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


■IIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT.     PL.  XXXVIII 


THIELHPC  rABLE 


stevenso.s]  thla'hewe  ceremony  for  rain  1(.)5 

mi'laiilapo'na.  They  next  distribute  the  corn  to  the  members  of  the 
'Hla'hewe  choir,  then  to  the  'kia'punakwe,  the  Shi'wano"kia,  the  Sho'- 
ko'we  choir,  and  last  the  flutists.  After  the  corn,  which  is  supposed  to 
have  been  blessed  by  the  gods,  is  distributed,  the  Kia'kwemosi  deposits 
four  te'likinawe  in  the  excavation  on  the  north  and  the  Shi'wanni  of 
the  Nadir  deposits  four  in  the  one  on  the  south  to  the  deceased  A'shi- 
wauni;  they  cover  the  plumes  with  earth  and  obliterate  all  traces  of 
the  excavations.  The  two  choirs  and  flutists  now  go  to  their  homes 
for  refreshment.  Upon  their  return  all  the,  others  leave  except  the 
'kia'punakwe,  who  must  remain  and  eat  he'we  (wafer  bread),  made 
of  corn  meal  mush.     They  may  drink  coffee  when  they  have  it. 

All  the  participants  in  the  drama  return  to  the  ham'pone  before  9 
o'clock,  when  the  Mu'luktakia  reappear  through  the  eastern  covered 
way  with  four  spruce  trees,  each  tree  borne  by  two  of  the  gods,  of 
whom  the  foremost  has  the  trunk  on  his  shoulder,  while  the  other  has 
his  right  arm  around  the  top  of  the  tree.  They  post  one  of  the  trees 
midway  and  in  front  of  the  ham'pone  and  three  at  the  south  end. 
The  Mu'luktakia  dance  about  during  the  planting  of  the  trees.  When 
they  have  finished  they  leave  the  plaza  by  the  west  entrance  and 
pass  over  the  western  road  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  (abiding  place  of  the 
Council  of  the  Gods).  In  reality  they  go  about  half  a  mile  to  a  bend 
in  the  river,  where  an  embankment  protects  them  from  view,  and 
remove  the  regalia  of  the  gods  they  personate.  They  are  followed  by 
two  men,  who  keep  well  to  their  left  and  are  apparently  unconscious  of 
the  presence  of  the  Mu'luktakia.  Their  mission  is,  however,  to  bring 
back  the  masks  and  other  paraphernalia  hidden  under  their  blankets. 

As  soon  as  the  Mu'luktakia  leave  the  plaza,  the  general  dancing  of 
the  'Hla'he  o'tiikwe  and  Sho'ko  o'tiikwe  begins.  The  female  dancers 
remain  in  the  house  of  the  Shi'wano"kia  until  their  services  are  required, 
when  four  of  them  are  led  by  the  A'wan  mo'sona  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side 
and  four  by  the  A'wan  mo'sona  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  through  the 
eastern  covered  way  to  the  ham'pone,  those  for  the  'Hla'hewe  entering 
on  the  south  and  those  for  the  Sho'ko'we  on  the  north.  Four  of 
the  girls  are  dressed  by  members  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir  and  four  by 
members  of  the  Sho'ko'we  choir  on  their  respective  sides,  their 
regalia  being  identical  with  that  worn  by  the  'kia'potiikwe,  including 
the  'hlelh'ponne. 

The  men  who  personate  the  ya'pota"  may  remain  in  the  plaza  observ- 
ing the  drama  until  such  time  as  the}'  are  wanted  for  the  dance.  The 
ya'pota,  who  personifies  A'wan  tii"chu  (Great  Father  of  corn),  enters 
the  ham'pone  on  the  'Hla'hewe  side.  He  is  dressed  by  a  member 
of  the  choir  of  this  side.  He  wears  a  white  embroidered  kilt  fastened 
at  the  right  side  and  held  on  by  a  sash  tied  on  the  same  side.     A  fox 

a  Several  men  take  their  turn  in  representing  ya'pota. 


196  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Leth.  ass.  23 

skin  hangs  pendent  at  the  back,  and  a  perfect  ear  of  corn — not  a 
grain  must  be  missing- — is  worn  in  the  back  of  the  belt,  though  care- 
fully concealed  from  view.  Spruce  twigs  standing  erect  are  fastened 
about  the  waist.  The  hair  hangs  down  the  back,  with  two  white  fluffy 
eagle  plumes  fastened  one  below  the  other.  The  front  bangs  cover  the 
face,  which  is  painted  white,  and  there  are  daubs  of  the  same  paint  on 
each  breast,  shoulder,  scapula,  upper  arm,  and  leg  above  the  knee. 
Dance  moccasins  are  worn,  with  anklets  blocked  with  black  and  white 
porcupine  quills,  and  hanks  of  native  blue  yarn  hanging  in  tassels,  with 
sleigh  bells  attached,  are  worn  below  the  knees.  Four  strings  of  olive 
shells  and  black  stone  beads  hang  over  the  right  shoulder  across  the 
chest  and  back.  These  beads,  which  are  claimed  to  be  very  old,  are 
the  property  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  are  greatly  treasured 
by  him. 

Each  dancer,  including  ya'pota,  holds  a  'hla'we  in  each  hand  received 
from  the  mi'laiilapona.  The  dancers  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  are  joined  b}' 
those  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  and  pass  in  file,  the  ya'pota  midway,  to 
the  plaza,  led  by  the  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side,  who 
throws  meal  in  a  line  before  her  as  she  advances.  A  line  is  formed 
facing  the  east,  and  after  dancing  a  while  they  turn  and  form  into  file 
facing  south  and  dance  again  (see  plate  xxxrx).  This  movement  is 
repeated  throughout  the  dance,  with  an  occasional  change  by  turning 
all  the  way  round. 

The  ya'pota  uses  his  left  foot  principally  to  balance  himself,  vio- 
lently moving  the  right  foot  up  and  down.  The  women  keep  their 
feet  close  together,  slightly  raising  the  heel,  the  motion  being  princi- 
pally from  the  knee.  All  extend  their  arms  before  them  and  keep  time 
with  the  songs  of  the  'Hla'hewe,  entreating  the  Sun  Father  to  embrace 
the  Earth  Mother  that  she  may  give  to  them  the  fruits  of  her  being. 
Shortly  after  the  dance  begins,  five  women,"  wearing  their  black 
dresses  and  blanket  wraps,  come  from  the  ceremonial  house  of  the 
Kia'kwemosi  and  pass  through  the  ham'pone  on  the  'Hla'hewe  side 
to  the  plaza.  Each  woman  passes  her  mi'li  before  the  mouth  of  each 
dancer,  who  draws  a  breath  from  it,  and  the}'  return  to  the  house  b}r 
the  'Hla'hewe  side.  The  dance  continues  fifteen  minutes,  when  the 
dancers  return  to  the  ham'pone,  those  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side,  who  enter 
first,  passing  around  to  the  north  side. 

The  'hla'we  are  received  by  the  mi'laiilapo'na.  The  A'wan  moso- 
no"kia  lingers  in  the  plaza  a  moment  or  two  after  the  others  leave, 
dancing  slowly  back  to  the  ham'pone  as  she  faces  east.  On  taking  her 
-rat  she  deposits  her  'hla'we  in  the  basket  beside  her. 

The  dancers  now  receive  the 'hle'we,  and  those  on  the 'Hla'hewe 

'I  I  !'■-<■  women,  who  approach  the  different  dancers  with  their  mi'  wachi,  are  the  Shi'wano"kla  and 
the  wives  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni. 


stevenson]  tHLa'hEWE    CEREMONY    FOR    RAIN  H)7 

side,  including  ya'pota,  pass  by  the  west  wall  to  the  Sho'ko'we  side 
and,  joining-  the  others,  proceed  to  the  plaza,  led  by  the  A'wan 
mo'sono'Mvia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side.  The.  Sho'ko'we  choir  is  joined 
by  the  flutists.  The  dance  is  nearly  the  same  as  before,  the  difference 
being  that  the  'hle'we  are  moved  downward,  while  the  song  implores 
Great  Mother  of  corn  to  give  them  many  of  her  children  during 
the  coming  year.  After  the  dance  they  return  to  the  Sho'ko'we  side, 
the  A'wan  uiosono'ivia  lingering,  as  before,  a  short  time  in  the  plaza; 
those  belonging  to  the  Tlla'hewe  pass  around  to  the  south  side. 

The  same  persons  who  dressed  the  male  dancer  and  the  girls  now 
disrobe  them  and  prepare  for  another  set  of  dancers,  who  appear  as 
soon  as  the  others  are  gone,  led  by  the  A'wan  a'mosi  of  the  two  sides. 
The  new  set  is  dressed  as  before  described.  The  start  this  time  is 
made  from  the  Sho'ko'we  side.  After  four  sets  of  girls  have  danced, 
as  described,  a  feast  is  served,  seventy-five  great  bowls  of  food  and 
coffee  being  brought  by  women  and  placed  in  two  rows  on  either  side 
in  the  hiim'pone.  After  all  the  participants  in  the  drama  have  par- 
taken of  stewed  mutton  with  chili  and  hornhry,  stewed  peaches,  wafer 
bread,  and  coffee  the  remainder  of  the  food  is  carried  around  and 
distributed  among  the  spectators.  While  the  more  exclusive  women 
with  their  children  observe  the  ceremonies  from  windows  opening 
into  the  plaza  or  seated  on  blankets  and  robes  on  the  south  side  of  the 
court,  the  house  tops  are  crowded  with  persons  of  both  sexes  and  all 
ages,  wearing-  their  best  clothes  and  most  elaborate  blankets  and  exhib- 
iting the  most  intense  interest  in  all  that  is  passing  before  them. 

Dancing  is  resumed  after  the  feast,  each  side  having  five  dances 
before  the  arrival  of  the  sunset  dancers.  The  he'kupowanhak'tona 
and  sho'lipsimonthle'ona  appear  before  the  ushan'ashute.  The  two 
girls  are  dressed  behind  a  blanket  held  by  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  and  another  shi'wanni.  The  Kia'kwemosi  assists  the  girls  for 
a  time,  then  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  takes  his  place  and  com- 
pletes the  dress.  Their  attire  is  like  that  of  the  Ida'potiikwe. 
After  the  he'kupowanhak'tona  are  dressed  the}'  retire  to  a  lower  room 
in  the  ceremonial  house  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  which  opens  into  the 
ham'pone.  There  their  hair  is  parted  over  the  head  and  down  the 
back,  done  up  on  both  sides  over  wooden  forms  used  exclusively  for 
ceremonial  hair  dressing,  and  then  wrapped  with  native  blue  yarn. 
Sho'lipsimonthle'ona's  dress  is  like  that  of  ya'pota,  with  long  strings 
of  turquoise  beads  hanging  from  his  ears.  He  wears  three  white 
fluffy  eagle  plumes  down  the  back  of  the  hair,  instead  of  two,  but 
he  does  not  have  the  ear  of  corn  in  his  belt.  While  the  girls  are 
having  their  hair  dressed  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  spreads 
two  blankets,  one  upon  the  other,  on  the  floor  of  the  ham'pone 
on  the  'Hla'hewe  side   toward  the  west  end.     A  low  box  is  placed 


198  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

on  the  west  side  of  the  blanket  rug,  upon  which  a  shi'wanni  takes 
his  .sent,  and  one  of  the  he'kupowanhak'tona  partly  reclines  on 
the  rug  with  her  head  held  between  the  hands  of  the  shi'wanni,  he 
he  being  careful  to  keep  her  hair  from  the  face.  The  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  spreads  a  white  cotton  cloth  over  the  body  of  the  girl, 
and  the  pe'kwin  colors  her  chin  and  lower  jaw  black  with  paint  sup- 
posed to  have  been  brought  by  the  A'shiwanni  from  the  undermost 
world.  A  line  is  first  drawn  across  the  face  near  the  upper  lip,  black 
is  laid  on  below  this  line,  and  then  corn  pollen  is  applied  to  the  upper 
portion  of  the  face.  The  black  is  symbolic  of  rain  clouds  and  the 
pollen  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth.  The  girl  now  stands  while  the  proc- 
ess is  repeated  with  the  other  he'kupowanhak'tona  and  the  sho'lipsi- 
monthle'ona.  When  the  face  decorations  are  finished  the  blankets 
are  folded  into  smaller  proportions.  The  pe'kwin  sits  on  the  box, 
which  remains  in  place,  and  two  A'shiwanni  hold  a  blanket  protecting 
him  from  view  while  he  prepares  a  he'kupowanne,  which  consists  of  an 
ear  of  corn  and  eight  te'likinawe  (offerings  to  the  Sun  Father,  Moon 
Mother,  and  Corn  Mother)  secured  in  a  mi'ha,  which  is  folded  into 
a  strip  about  8  inches  wide  and  36  or  more  inches  long.  The  end 
containing  the  corn  and  te'likinawe  rests  on  the  head.  The  embroid- 
ered portion  forms  the  lower  end  of  the  scarf-like  piece.  On  com- 
pleting the  he'kupowanne  the  pe'kwin  resigns  his  seat  to  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest,  who  makes  a  second  he'kupowanne.  On  its  com- 
pletion the  two  are  placed  on  the  heads  of  the  he'kupowanhak'tona, 
and  pounds  of  ko'hakwa  (white  shell  beads),  turquoise,  and  coral 
necklaces  are  heaped  upon  each  package.  Each  he'kupowanhak'tona 
gives  an  additional  touch  to  the  hekupowanne  to  properly  balance  it 
on  the  head  before  proceeding  in  file,  with  sho'lipsimonthle'ona 
between  them,  to  the  plaza.  The  girls  carry  'hla'we,  and  the  youth 
carries  in  his  right  hand  te'likinawe,  with  a  hoop  (world  sj'mbol) 
colored  blue  with  la'showanne  attached,  and  the  folded  kilt  from  the 
meal  painting  in  the  ham'pone;  and  in  the  left  hand  the  Kia'kwemosi's 
mi'li.  The  three  are  led  to  the  plaza  by  the  A'wan  mosono"kia 
of  the  'Hla'hewe  side,  who  remains  a  few  moments  in  the  plaza  and 
then  retires  to  the  ham'pone,  then  the  vice  A'wan  mosono"kia  appears 
and  continues  dancing  after  the  others,  who  dance  but  fifteen  minutes. 
The}r  must  not  turn  their  faces  from  the  east  until  they  enter  the 
ham'pone.  The  he'kupowanhak'tona  do  not  venture  to  raise  their 
heads  for  fear  of  dropping  the  he'kupowanne. 

The  pe'kwin  removes  the  he'kupowanne.  from  the  heads  of  the  he'ku- 
powanhak'tona and  hands  them  to  two  men,  who  hold  them  in  the  left 
arm,  much  as  an  infant  in  civilization  is  carried,  and  proceed  with  them 
to  the  plaza.  They  face  the  east  and  pray,  sprinkling  meal  from  a  meal 
basket  held  in  the  left  hand.     Each  has  an  attendant  who  stands  north 


stevenson]  thla'hk\vk  ckkemony  for  rain  199 

of  him.  After  the  prayers  the  party  return  to  the  ham'pone,  and  the 
bearers  of  the  he'kupowanne  are  relieved  of  the  sacred  objects  by  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  in  turn  hands  them  to  the  pe'kwin,  who 
holds  them  gently  in  his  arms  while  he  stands  in  the  center  of  the  plaza 
and  prays  to  the  Sun  Father  to  give  health,  happiness,  and  long  life 
to  his  people.  He  prays  that  they  may  be  blessed  with  the  all-pervad- 
ing life  of  A'wonawilo'na."  Moving  the  two  he'kupowanne  round  in 
a  circle,  he  draws  from  them  the  sacred  breath,  deposits  them  in  a 
la  roe  bowl  with  serrated  edge,  and  spreads  an  embroidered  kilt  over 
them. 

The  ushan'ashute  are  dressed  and  painted  like  the  he'kupowan- 
hak'tona,  and,  carrying  he'kupowanne  specially  prepared  for  them, 
repeat  the  ceremony  of  the  he'kupowanhak'tona  with  every  detail. 
The  flutists  accompanvT  the  Sho'ko'we  choir  when  the  ushan'ashute 
dance,  but  they  do  not  play  for  sho'lipsimonthle'ona.  The  Shiwano'- 
'kia  and  other  bearers  of  the  mi'wachi,  who  bless  the  ushan'ashute 
with  their  life-givers  (see  page  416)  in  the  manner  described,  leave  the 
plaza  by  the  eastern  covered  way. 

A'shuwahanona  now  appears  for  the  first  time.  He  is  dressed  by  a 
member  of  the  'Hla'hewe  choir  like  sho'lipsimonthle'ona,  except  that 
he  wears  two  plumes  on  the  back  of  his  hair  instead  of  three;  his  moc- 
casins are  painted  white  and  there  are  daubs  of  paint  on  them  from  the 
pinkish  clay  found  near  Ko'thluwala'wa.6  He  has  a  bit  of  hawk  medi- 
cine (a  root)  in  his  mouth  and  he  carries  a  hawk  plume  in  each  hand, 
which  he  waves  as  he  dances  to  the  music  of  the  choir  of  the  'Hla'hewe 
side.  The  choir  sings  the  Shuts'ina  yai'na  (song  of  the  hawk),  which 
is  an  invocation  to  this  bird  that  those  who  dance  and  sing  may  not  be 
made  tired.  The  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  joins  the 
A' wan  mosono"kia  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side,  each  wearing  a  'hlelh'ponne 
on  her  head  and  carrying  'hla'we.  The  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the 
'Hla'hewe  side  precedes  A'shuwahanona,  and  the  one  of  the  Sho'ko'we 
side  follows  after  him  to  the  plaza.  After  dancing  about  fifteen 
minutes  they  start  for  the  'Hla'hewe  side  of  the  ham'pone,  and  the 
leader,  as  she  passes  in,  turns  and  pushes  A'shuwahanona  back,  and  he 
returns  to  the  center  of  the  plaza  and  dances  a  few  minutes  longer, 
keeping  time  with  the  'Hla'hewe  choir  by  the  most  violent  motion  of 
the  arms  and  legs,  while  he  strikes  one  plume  with  the  other.  On 
entering  the  ham'pone  the  A'wan  a'mosono"kia  are  relieved  of  their 
'hlelh'ponne  and  'hla'we  and  return  to  their  seats. 

A'shuwahanona  now  enters  the  ham'pone  on  the  'Hla'hewe  side. 
Passing  first  by  the  'Hla'hewe  choir,  he  waves  his  plumes  about  their 
heads;  and,  extending  his  arms  before  him,  he  strikes  the  underside  of 
the  plume  held  in  his  left  hand  with  the  one  held  in  his  right,  waves  his 
plumes  in  a  circle,  and  strikes  them  toward  the  earth  in  the  manner 

a  See  Classification  of  the  higher  powers.  &  See  pi.  iv. 


200  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

described.  At  this  moment  all  expectorate,  that  they  may  have  good 
hearts  and  much  strength  for  the  song  and  dance.  A'shuwahanona 
repeats  the  ceremony  with  the  plumes  over  the  A'shiwanni,  Sho'ko'we 
choir,  flutists,  the  mi'laiilapo'na  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side,  and  those  of  the 
'Hla'hewe  side;  he  then  removes  his  regalia,  assisted  by  a  member  of 
the  'Hla'hewe  choir,  and  leaves  the  plaza  b}r  the  eastern  covered  way. 

The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  now  ties  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  to 
each  tree  with  a  cotton,  cord,  that  the  plume  may  convey  the  breath 
prayers  to  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  to  water  the  earth.  After  the 
plumes  are  attached  to  the  trees,  there  are  ten  dances  by  the  'Hla'he 
o'tiikwe  and  Sho'ko  o'tiikwe,  which  continue  the  best  part  of  the 
night/' 

The  pottery  bowl,  which  has  remained  over  the  coals,  is  removed  at 
dark  and  a  large  fire  is  lighted  from  the  coals,  wood  having  been  placed 
near  by.  The  legend  says  that  a  light  must  be  kept  so  that  the  Corn 
maidens  may  be  carefully  watched  and  protected.  All  through  the 
long  night  the  dancers  are  ever  ready  to  perform  their  part.  The 
pe'kwin  leads  the  man  of  the  Frog  clan  to  the  ham'pone  at  earliest 
dawn,  and  he  sits  on  a  wadded  blanket  immediately  back  of  the  cloud 
symbol,  facing  east.  He  holds  an  ear  of  corn,  a  miniature  crook  with 
eagle  and  turkey  plumes  and  feathers  from  the  birds  of  the  six  regions 
attached,  and  two  te'likinawe  in  his  right  hand.  He  prays  for  rains, 
and  just  as  the  plaza  is  bathed  in  sunlight,  the  te'likinawe  of  the 
mi'laiilapo'na  and  mi'wachi,  obedient  to  his  command,  fall  over.6 

Following  the  all-night  dancing,  the  four  'kia'potiikwe,  led  by  the 
A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  and  four  by  the  A'wan 
mosono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  come  to  the  plaza  before  sunrise 
and  enter  the  ham'pone  from  the  south;  the  'kia'potiikwe  led  by  the 
A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  pass  around  to  the  north, 
and  are  dressed  as  before  described.  After  the  girls  of  the  'Hla'hewe 
side  are  robed  in  their  regalia  they  join  the  others  on  the  north,  when 
all  are  led  to  the  plaza  by  A'wan  mosono"kia  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side, 
who  throws  a  line  of  meal  before  her  as  she  proceeds.  Each  girl 
carries  the  'hle'we,  which  she  constanthy  moves  toward  the  earth 
during  the  dance.  They  are  accompanied  by  the  Sho'ko'we  choir  and 
flutists,  neither  the  musicians  nor  these  particular  dancers  ceasing  for 
a  moment  from  sunrise  until  9  o'clock,  for  the  dancers  must  not  return 
to  the  ham'pone  until  the  cloud  symbol  is  bathed  in  sunlight.     During 

a  When  a  woman  wishes  to  leave  the  ham'pone  for  any  purpose  during  the  night  she  is  attended 
by  a  member  of  the  choir  of  herside.  Such  attendants  are  called  Pi''liishiwanni.  The  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  acts  in  this  capacity  several  times  during  the  night,  and  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest 
watches  carefully  that  no  one  associated  with  the  drama  sleeps.  To  sleep  at  this  time  would  give 
great  offense  to  the  gods  whom  they  address. 

''The  ear  of  corn  is  afterward  placed  in  the  stacked  corn  in  his  house,  the  two  te'likinawe  are  depos- 
ited south  of  the  village  on  the  road  to  the  shrine  of  the  Snake  fraternity,  and  the  crook  is  returned 
to  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  As  the  man  of  the  Frog  clan  does  not  possess  a  crook  he  must  borrow 
one.  He  is  called  by  the  pe'kwin  to  take  part  in  the  'Hla'hewe  ceremonial  because  he  possesses  such 
valuable  songs  for  rains  that  mi'wachi  and  te'likinawe  obey  his  commands.  . 


Stevenson]  .HLA  HEWE    CEREMONY    FOK    RAIN  201 

the  dancing  several  of  the  mi'laiilapo'na  of  the  Sho'ko'we  side  come 
to  the  plaza  and  puss  'hle'we  before  the  mouths  of  the  dancers.  The 
miwaehi  bearers  make  frequent  visits  to  the  plaza  to  pass  the  mi'wachi 
before  the  lips  of  the  dancers,  that  they  may  inhale  the  breath  of  life, 
the  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona. 

The  'kia'punakwe  appear  about  half  past  7  o'clock,  already  attired  in 
their  ceremonial  dress.  They  are  led  by  the  pe'kwin  first  down  the 
Sho'ko'we  side,  when  they  sprinkle  each  basket  of  corn,  the  youths  with 
the  reeds  dipped  into  their  gourd  jugs  of  water  and  the  maidens  each 
with  an  ear  of  corn  dipped  into  her  cloud  vessel.  They  continue  round 
to  the  south  and  down  the  'Hla'kewe  side,  sprinkling  the  baskets  of 
corn  on  that  side;  they  then  go  out  into  the  plaza,  where  they  form 
into  line,  facing  east,  back  of  the  'kia'potiikwe.  At  the  same  time 
the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  passes  a  lighted  reed  filled  with  native 
tobacco  to  the  flutists,  one  after  the  other  ceasing  to  pla.y  to  take  a 
puff.  Ten  mi'wachi  bearers  now  pass  in  line  before  the  'kia'potiikwe 
and  'kia'punakwe,  each  drawing  her  mi'li  three  or  four  times  before 
the  mouth  of  each  dancer,  after  which  they  approach  the  flute  players 
and  repeat  the  passing  of  their  mi'wachi  before  the  mouths  of  the 
flutists;  and,  beginning  with  the  Sho'ko'we  choir,  they  draw  their 
mi'wachi  before  the  mouth  of  each  person  in  the  bam'pone,  always 
with  prayers  for  a  pure  heart,  health,  and  long  life,  which  comes  from 
A'wonawil'ona. 

After  the  reed  has  been  smoked  by  the  flutists  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  stands  on  one  side  and  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest 
on  the  other  side  of  the  dancers,  and  they  whirl  the  rhombi  that 
the  rain-makers  may  gather  together  and  water  the  earth.  When  the 
rhombi  cease  the  'kia'punakwe  sprinkle  the  dancers  as  heretofore 
described,  passing  from  the  north  end  of  the  line;  and,  preceded  by 
the  pe'kwin  and  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  followed  by  the  younger 
brother  Bow  priest,  they  leave  the  plaza  by  the  eastern  covered  way 
to  visit  He'patina,"  a  shrine  (see  plate  xl)  which  is  symbolic  of  the 
Middle  of  the  world. 

He'patina  has  an  under  room  6  by  6  feet,  measured  by  the  feet  of 
the  Indian  placed  one  before  the  other.  The  floor  and  walls  are  of 
stone.  The  shrine  is  roofed  with  beams  some  6  inches  in  diameter. 
These  beams  are  filled  in  with  twigs  and  the  whole  is  covered  with 
earth  to  a  depth  equal  to  the  distance  from  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the 
middle  finger.  This  roof  has  a  hatchway  sufficiently  large  to  admit  the 
objects  deposited  within.  The  roof  is  level,  and  forms  the  upper  floor 
of  the  shrine,  which  is  walled  on  three  sides  with  stone  slabs  securely  set. 
The  fourth  slab  on  the  east  side  is  so  arranged  as  to  be  readily  removed. 
This  wall  is  roofed  with  slabs  upon  which  are  several  curiously  shaped 

a  He.  from  he'liwe,  mud:  pa'tina,  to  place:  so  named  because  it  was  discovered  that  the  water  had 
soaked  through  the  vases  and  made  mud  on  the  floor  beneath. 


202  THE    ZI'NI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

stones.  The  center  one  has  somewhat  the  form  of  the  helmet  mask, 
and  is  referred  to  as  "the  mask  of  the  Sal'imobiya"  (certain  warrior 
gods  and  seed  bearers).  The  upper  story  of  He'patina  is  the  size  of 
the  heart  of  the  'Klan'astepi  (Hydrotrechus  remigis).  The  under  cham- 
ber is  the  size  of  the  'Klan'astepi  with  his  legs  spread.  North  of  the 
shrine,  and  adjoining  it,  is  a  small  inclosure  in  which  the  A'shiwanni 
deposit  te'likinawe. 

When  the  party  arrive  at  He'patina  they  circle  round  the  shrine  four 
times  toward  the  left,  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  whirl- 
ing the  rhombi,  and  then  halt  before  it.  The  two  'kia'punakwe  of  the 
'Hla'hewe  side  empty  the  water  from  their  vessels  into  one  of  the  cloud 
vases  standing  within  the  upper  chamber  of  the  shrine;  the  other  two 
'kia'punakwe  empty  their  vessels  into  another  cloud  vase  in  the  shrine. 
After  most  earnest  prayers  by  all,  the  pe'kwin  deposits  the  vases  con- 
taining the  water  in  the  lower  chamber.  The  ears  of  corn  carried  by 
the  maidens  are  left  with  their  emptied  vases  in  the  upper  chamber,  sym- 
bolizing the  rains  impregnating  the  earth,  so  that  she  sends  forth  the 
fruits  of  her  being.  The  jugs,  which  are  ancient,  are  carried  away, 
being  the  property  of  the  Kla'kwemosi.  The  two  cloud  vessels  carried 
by  the  maidens  are  manufactured  for  the  occasion,  the  one  for  the 
'Hla'hewe  side  being  made  by  a  woman  of  the  Dogwood  clan  and  that 
for  the  Sho'ko'we  side  by  a  woman  of  the  Corn  clan. 

On  their  return  to  the  plaza  the  'kia'punakwe,  by  request  of  the 
pe'kwin,  take  their  places  in  the  line  of  dancers,  each  'kia'punakwe 
alternating  with  a  'kia'potiikwe.  The  jTouths  have  been  relieved  of 
the  jugs  and  reed  sprinklers.  When  all  have  danced  a  short  time, 
the  mi'wachi  bearers  pass  their  fetishes  before  the  mouth  of  each  dancer 
and  afterward  to  each  person  in  the  hiim'pone.  At  this  time  the  elder 
and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  leave  the  plaza  through  the  eastern 
covered  way. 

But  a  single  log  remains  of  the  fire  which  burned  brightly  throughout 
the  night.  The  man  of  the  Badger  clan  who  brought  the  coals  from 
the  ki'wi'sine  to  the  plaza  now  lights  a  cedar  stick,  about  2  feet  long, 
at  the  tire  and  carries  the  burning  wood  to  a  spring  north  of  the  ruin 
Ma'sakia,  together  with  four  ears  of  corn  tied  together,  and  one  te'liki- 
nane  to  A'witelin  'Si'ta  (Earth  Mother)  and  three  to  the  deceased  mem- 
bers of  the  Badger  clan.  As  he  leaves  the  plaza  the  Sho'ko'we  choir 
sing:  "Go  with  the  fire  and  plant  your  plume  offerings.1'  He  makes 
an  excavation  the  depth  of  the  lower  arm  to  the  elbow  and  deposits  the 
te'likinawe,  with  prayers  to  the  gods,  including  the  ancients  of  his 
clan,  to  bless  the  Earth  Mother  with  rain,  that  she  may  yield  the  fruits 
of  her  being;  then  he  returns  with  the  corn  and  what  remains  of  the 
stick  of  cedar.  He  throws  the  wood  into  the  smoldering  fire  and  car- 
ries the  corn  to  his  home,  where  it  is  kept  until  the  next  planting  time. 

As  stated  before,  when  the  sunlight  falls  upon  the  cloud  symbol  the 


stevenson]  tHLa']IKWE    CEREMONY   FOE   RAIN  203 

mi'wachi  and  linos  of  te'likinawe  fall  over  at  the  command  of  the  man 
of  the  Frog  clan,  who  has  kept  his  seat  by  the  meal  painting-  and  west 
of  it  facing  east.  Although  the  writer  is  seated  near  the  cloud  symbol, 
it  is  impossible  to  discover  the  clever  trick  of  the  falling  of  the  mi'wachi 
and  te'likinawe.  TheA'wan  a'mosi  now  fasten  with  delicate  splinters 
native  black  blanket  wraps  over  the  blankets  and  necklaces  of  the  A'wan 
a'mosono'ida;  the  other  mi'laiilapo'na  rise,  and  all  place  their  baskets 
on  their  heads.  A  member  of  the  'Hla'kewe  choir  stands  at  the  right 
of  the  A'wan  mosouo'ivla  of  his  side  and  a  member  of  the  Sho'- 
ko'we choir  and  a  flutist  stand  to  the  left  of  the  A'wan  mosono"kia 
on  the  Sho'ko'we  side.  The  men  also  have  baskets  on  their  heads. 
The  A'wan  mosono'lvia  of  the  'Hla'hewe  side  is  the  only  one  of  the 
party  who  holds  the  basket  without  the  aid  of  the  right  hand.  All  in 
the  ham'pone  remain  still  until  the  seats  of  the  mi'laiilapo'na  are 
removed  and  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  has  sprinkled  all  the  partici- 
pants with  meal.  The  A'wan  a'mosono"kia  and  three  musicians  keep 
time  with  the  Sho'ko'we  choir  and  flutists  by  a  peculiar  motion  of  the 
body,  and  the  Ida'potiikwe  and  'kia'punakwe  continue  the  dance. 
The  picture  presented  at  this  time  is  one  of  the  most  pleasing  and 
striking  to  be  seen  during  the  entire  drama. 

It  is  after  9  o'clock  when  the  flutists,  still  performing,  form  in  line 
facing  east.  Again  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  stand 
at  either  end  of  the  line  of  dancers  and  whirl  the  rhombi.  In  a  short 
time  the  flutists,  who  have  played  unceasingly  since  the  opening  of 
the  early  morning  ceremony,  group  themselves  together  and  pray 
aloud:  after  the  prayer  the  baskets  are  removed  from  the  heads  and 
placed  in  line  in  their  former  position.  The  A'wan  a'mosono"kia  and 
the  three  musicians  remain  standing,  the  other  mi'laiilapo'na  stoop 
beside  their  baskets. 

The  'kia'potiikwe,  their  powers  of  endurance  having  been  severely 
tested  through  the  long  hours  of  continuous  motion,  now  return  to 
the  ham'pone  by  the  Sho'ko'we  side,  four  of  them  passing  around 
to  the  'Hla'hewe  side  and  are  disrobed.  The  'kia'punakwe  take 
their  former  places  in  the  ham'pone,  and  the  te'likinawe  which  fell  by 
command  of  the  man  of  the  Frog  clan  are  returned  to  the  baskets 
and  the  kilts  thrown  over  them.  Medicine  water  is  then  admin- 
istered by  the  Kia'kwemosi,  who  dips  it  from  the  medicine  bowl 
with  a  shell.  The  holy  water  is  given  in  turn  to  the  A'shiwanni, 
the  male  participants,  the  females,  and  the  spectators  in  the  plaza, 
a  goodly  number  having  gathered  after  sunrise,  though  during  the 
night  there  were  but  few  present  and  the  house  tops  were  quite 
deserted.  All  eject  the  medicine  water  upon  their  hands  and  rub 
them  over  their  bodies  for  physical  purification.  The  pe'kwin  stands 
west  of  the  cloud  symbol,  and  facing  east  closes  the  protracted  ritual 
with  long  prayers  for  rains  to  fructify  the  earth,  that  she  may  yield 


204  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [Era.  ann.  23 

to  them  the  fruits  of  her  being.  After  the  prayers  the  mi'wachi 
are  gathered  from  the  cloud  symbol  by  their  owners,  and  the  man  of 
the  Frog  clan  gathers  the  meal  of  the  cloud  symbol  in  his  blanket  and 
deposits  it  in  the  river,  to  be  carried  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  The  A'wan 
a'mosono"kia,  the  other  mi'laiilapo'na,  and  the  a'mosi  of  the  three 
choirs  carry  the  baskets  to  their  homes,  the  women  placing  the  'hla'we 
and  'hle'we  in  the  corn  stacks  in  their  houses  to  remain  permanently. 
The  corn  from  the  baskets  is  put  away  separate  from  the  other  corn 
in  the  house,  to  be  planted  the  coming  year.  After  the  morning  meal 
each  woman  plants  her  te'likinawe  in  the  field.  The  he'kupowan- 
hak'tona  and  sho'lipsimonthle'ona  accompany  the  pe'kwin  to  a  field 
north  of  the  village,  where  each  deposits  te'likinawe  to  the  Council  of 
the  Gods,  imploring  them  to  gather  the  rain-makers  of  the  North  to 
water  their  fields.  Again  they  visit  a  field  west  of  the  village,  where 
te'likinawe  are  deposited  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods  that  the  rain- 
makers of  the  West  may  gather  and  send  rain  to  fructify  the  earth. 
The  same  is  repeated  in  fields  south  and  east  of  the  village.  All  per- 
sons who  have  officiated  in  any  way  in  the  drama  deposit  te'likinawe. 

The  flutists  at  this  season  make  offerings  at  a  shrine  dedicated  to  Pa'yatiimu  which 
is  seldom  visited.  It  is  in  the  south  wall  of  a  mesa  several  miles  east  of  Zufii,  and  is 
barely  accessible.  It  is  necessary  to  scale  an  almost  vertical  rock  for  12  or  more 
feet.  The  Zuiiis  have  a  way  of  getting  their  toes  and  fingers  into  crevices  in  rocks 
and  appear  to  proceed  with  but  little  difficulty." 

When  the  directors  of  the  Little  Fire  and  Cimex  fraternities  delegated  two  members 
of  the  Flute  order,  one  being  an  officer,  to  accompany  the  writer  to  the  sacred  spot, 
they  were  charged  to  observe  great  secrecy,  that  others  might  not  be  made  aware 
of  the  visit.  Accordingly,  with  a  few  companions,  they  started  off,  ostensibly  for  a 
pleasure  ride,  not  venturing  to  go  direct  to  the  locality.  The  detour  prevented  them 
from  arriving  at  the  base  of  the  mountain  in  time  to  reach  the  shrine  before  the  cave 
(see  plate  xLia)  had  become  too  much  shaded  to  be  photographed,  the  climb  being 
long  and  tedious.  It  was  therefore  necessary  for  the  objects  to  be  removed  and 
placed  in  the  sunlight. 

The  aged  officer  was  horrified  on  discovering  the  writer's  intention  and  begged 
that  the  images  of  Pa'yatiimu  be  not  taken  from  the  place  where  they  had  rested 
undisturbed  for  centuries  of  moons.  But  it  had  to  lie  done,  and  the  curious  figures 
were  placed  in  line  on  a  ledge  below  the  shrine  just  as  they  stood  in  the  cave  (see 
plate  xnb) .  There  was  no  evidence  of  other  images  than  those  photographed  having 
been  deposited.  Quantities  of  te'likinawe,  with  plumes  still  beautiful,  were  found  in 
the  cave  and  in  crevices  in  the  roofing  rocks,  and  hundreds  long  since  despoiled  of 
their  plumes  lay  scattered  about.  After  the  sacred  objects  had  been  photographed, 
the  officer  and  the  writer  tenderly  returned  them  to  their  places  in  the  cave.6 

The  party  was  discovered  when  descending  the  mountain,  and  the  information 
was  carried  to  the  village,  so  that  upon  the  return  of  the  writer  and  her  companions 
there  was  great  excitement.  Had  the  people  in  general  known  of  the  temporary 
removal  of  the  images  of  Pa'yatiimu  their  wrath  would  have  known  no  bounds;  but 
these  children  of  nature  are  like  civilized  beings  of  tender  years,  and  can  be  con- 
trolled through  kindness  or  firmness,  as  occasion  requires,  by  those  for  whom  they 
entertain  profound  respect. 

"The  novel  plan  of  making  two  Indians  serve  as  a  ladder,  one  standing  upon  the  shoulders  of  the 
other,  was  used  in  order  to  reach  this  shrine. 
bTwo  of  these  images  are  now  in  the  National  Museum. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.   XLI 


rf* 


6     IDOLS  REMOVED  FROM   SHRINE  TO  BE  PHOTOGRAPHED 
CAVE    SHRINE    OF    PA'YATAMU 


stevensun]  THANKSGIVING    FOR    CROPS  205 

O'WINAHAI'YE,  THANKSGIVING  FESTIVAL  FOR  CROPS 

There  is  no  fixed  time  for  this  ceremony.  It  depends  upon  the 
harvest  and  occurs  after  the  gathering-  of  the  crops.  While  it  is  an 
annual  occurrence"  of  the  A'pi'Miishiwanni  (Bow  priesthood),  others 
take  part  in  it.  The  Ant  fraternity  necessarily  does  its  share,  owing 
to  its  relation  with  the  Bow  priesthood. 

The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  having-  decided  on  the  time  for  the 
festival,  requests  a  meeting-  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  with  the 
pa'mosona  (scalp  custodian)  and  his  deputy.  On  the  morning  after 
the  notification  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  assemble  in  the  house 
of  the  Shi'wano"kia  (Priestess  of  fecundity),  and  each  makes  a 
cigarette  as  long  as  the  distance  from  the  metacarpus  to  the  tip  of 
the  second  finger.  Each  reed  is  filled  with  native  tobacco,  and  each 
shi'wanni,  having  painted  his  cigarette  the  color  of  the  region  to 
which  he  is  assigned,  wraps  it  in  a  corn  husk;  two  additional  cigarettes 
are  made  by  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  and  given  to 
the  pa'mosona  and  his  deputy.  The  Kra'kwemosi  now  collects  the 
cigarettes  made  by  the  A'shiwanni  and  hands  them  to  the  pa'mosona 
telling-  him  to  find  good  men,  one  from  each  ki'wi'sine,  to  give  notifica- 
tion of  the  coming  festival,  and  to  select  the  girls  for  the  dance.  The 
pa'mosona  hands  three  cigarettes  to  his  assistant,  who  selects  a  man 
from  each  of  the  three  ki'wi'siwe,  those  of  the  South,  East,  and  Nadir, 
designated  by  the  colors  of  his  cigarettes,  while  the  pa'mosona  chooses 
a  man  from  each  of  the  other  ki'wi'siwe,  those  of  the  North,  West,  and 
Zenith.  The  pa'mosona  and  assistant  retain  their  cigarettes  in  their 
homes  seven  nig-hts,  and  on  the  eighth  night  they  take  them  to  the 
ki'wi'siwe  to  which  they  belong,  where,  after  lighting  them,  all  present 
take  a  whiff.  The  other  cigarettes  are  then  distributed.  On  the  fourth 
day  following  the  distribution  of  the  cigarettes  the  selected  men  notify 
the  young  women  of  the  village  that  they  wish  them  to  assemble  in  the 
evening  in  the  Chu'pawa  (south)  and  Mu'he'wa  (west)  ki'wi'siwe.  Obedi- 
ence to  this  request  is  optional,  but  there  is  never  any  lack  of  girls, 
though  those  of  the  elite  usually  go  against  the  wishes  of  their  parents,6 
so  great  is  their  love  for  ceremonial  and  dance.  The}'  gather  for  four 
nights  in  the  ki'wi'siwe,  the  first  three  nights  until  midnight  and  the 
fourth  until  sunrise.  They  dance  each  night,  but  do  not  sing,  this 
being  the  special  privilege  of  the  men.  For  four  nights  following  the 
notification  the  song-makers  from  the  several  ki'wi'siwe  gather  in  dwel- 
lings and  compose  songs.  The  best  songs  are  adopted.  Those  for  the 
present  occasion  are  not  only  songs  of  thanksgiving  for  the  harvest,  but 
of  thanks  for  respite  from  the  hated  Navaho.     Prayers  are  addressed  to 

<i  O'winahai'ye  was  an  annual  ceremonial  until  after  the  year  18%  when  this  account  was  written. 
In  1902  the  ceremony  was  held  for  the  first  time  in  several  years,  another  instance  of  the  gradual 
suspension  of  the  ceremonials  of  these  people. 

b  Implicit  obedience  of  child  to  parent  is  the  rule  among  all  tribes  with  which  the  writer  is  famihar, 
and  any  exception  to  this  rule  is  very  rare. 


206  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

the  Gods  of  War  that  the  enemy  may  be  destroyed.  The  members  of 
the  Bow  priesthood  gather  in  their  ceremonial  chamber,  each  bringing 
Ids  warrior  wand,  which  in  some  instances  is  completed  after  the 
arrival.  As  each  warrior  arrives  those  present  greet  him,  asking  him 
to  be  seated.  Those  who  have  their  wands  ready  place  them  at  once  in 
an  Apache  basket,  the  feather  ends  radiating.  The  others  are  depos- 
ited there  as  they  are  completed.  The  foundation  of  the  wand  is  a  slat 
about  '2  inches  square  at  the  base  and  about  8  inches  in  length,  zig- 
zagged to  symbolize  lightning,  and  colored  blue-green.  This  piece  of 
wood  never  receives  a  second  coat  of  paint,  consequently  the  color  soon 
vanishes.  A  daub  of  medicine,  resembling  pinon  gum,  is  placed  on  the 
side  of  the  slat  at  the  time  of  its  completion.  Two  eagle  plumes  are 
attached  to  the  slat,  the  quill  ends  joining,  the  tips  spreading  in  V-  shape. 
White  fluffy  eagle  plumes  and  other  feathers"  are  added  until  there  is 
no  evidence  of  the  lightning  stick.  The  base  of  the  stick  is  covered 
with  a  bit  of  red  or  black  cloth,  which  is  heavily  wrapped  with  cotton 
coi'd.  The  wand  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  has  red  cloth  at  its 
base,  and  two  feathers,  one  from  the  wing  of  the  kiap'kona  (swallow), 
the  other  from  the  o'no'hlikia  (bird  of  the  north,  Icteria  longicauda), 
are  attached  with  a  cotton  cord  to  one  of  the  long  eagle  plumes  of  the 
wand.  When  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  completes  the  wrapping 
of  his  wand,  he  tucks  the  end  of  the  cord  into  the  wrapping  with  a 
knife.  That  of  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  is  covered  at  the  base 
with  black,  and  the  cord  wrapping  is  formed  into  two  lines  about  one- 
half  inch  wide,  each  tied  in  a  single  bowknot.  Another  wand  has  four 
oval  pieces  of  abalone  shell,  pierced  at  one  end,  attached  to  the  base; 
another  has  a  bit  of  crystal  attached.  These  wands,  which  are  usually 
worn  on  the  top  of  the  head  and  extend  outward  from  the  back, 
symbolize  the  heart,  or  seat  of  life.  A  package  of  commercial  tobacco 
which  was  handed  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  is  placed  by  him  in 
the  center  of  the  basket  containing  the  plumes.  The  A'wan  'Si'ta 
(Great  Mother),  mistress  of  the  ceremonial  chamber,  grinds  meal  for 
the  use  of  the  warriors  at  a  mill  at  the  east  end  of  the  room. 

At  i  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  im- 
patient at  the  nonarrival  of  some  of  the  members  of  the  Bow  priest- 
hood, leaves  the  chamber,  and  cries  through  the  streets  for  the 
warriors  to  come  at  once  to  their  post  of  duty.  When  seven  of  the 
members  have  arrived  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  starts  a  song 
to  the  accompaniment  of  the  drum,  which  is  held  between  the  knees, 
all  singing  in  low  tones.  The  drum,  not  more  than  20  inches  high, 
is  made  of  wood,  with  the  ends  covered  with  hide;  a  padded  stick  is 
used.     After  a  short  time  two  of  the  warriors  dance,  each  holding 

a  All  plumes  when  not  in  use  are  kept  carefully  wrapped  and  laid  away  in  the  medicine  box,  the 
same  plumes  being  used  year  after  year;  many  of  them,  even  with  all  the  care  observed,  bearing 
evidence  of  age. 


Stevenson]  THANKSGIVING   FOR    CROPS  207 

a  war  club."  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  has  beeu  sitting  on 
a  low  stool,  now  seats  himself  with  the  others  upon  the  south  ledge  of 
the  room  near  the  fireplace  keeping  time  with  the  song  and  drum. 
He  holds  his  war  club  under  his  left,  arm  and  a  pistol  in  his  right  hand. 
At  times  the  little  ones  gather  in  from  the  streets  and  listen  most 
attentively.  After  one  song  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  lays  aside 
the  pistol  and  war  club  and  beats  time  with  his  right  hand,  while  he 
holds  in  the  left  a  lighted  cigarette,  from  which  he  now  and  then 
takes  a  whiff.     Commercial  tobacco  is  smoked  incessantly. 

The  second  song  closes  at  5  o'clock,  and  one  of  the  men  appointed 
by  the  scalp  custodian  leads  in  a  girl,  who  takes  her  seat  on  the 
north  ledge  of  the.  room,  his  alternate  following,  accompanied  by  a 
second  girl,  who  sits  beside  the  first.  The  A'wan  'Si'ta  appears  from 
an  inner  room  with  a  shovel  of  live  coals  and  proceeds  to  make  a 
fire  in  the  fireplace.  The  girls'  dresses  are  embellished  b}'  the  men 
whom  thej7  accompany,  without  removing  the  black  woven  gown.  A 
mi'ha  (white  embroidered  blanket)  is  folded  lengthwise  and  passed 
under  the  right  arm  and  fastened  over  the  left  shoulder.  The  arms 
and  legs  are  bare.  The  women  as  well  as  the  men  are  never  unmindful 
of  their  adornments  at  such  times,  and  a  man  is  dispatched  in  haste 
for  the  forgotten  bracelets.  The  friends  of  the  dancers  are  usually 
willing  to  contribute  fine  blankets,  ko'hakwa  (white  shall),  coral  and 
turquoise  necklaces,  and  earrings  to  add  to  the  beauty  of  their  dress. 

As  the  fire  burns  up  brightby  the  songs  of  the  warriors  become  more 
hilarious,  growing  louder  and  louder  as  the}'  appeal  to  the  Gods  of 
War  to  give  them  the  lives  of  their  enemies,  that  they  may  have  rain 
and  bountiful  crops.6  They  now  leave  the  house  and  form  into  two 
lines.  After  dancing  before  the  ceremonial  chamber  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  leads  the  north  line,  followed  in  succession  by  a  young 
girl,  provided  with  an  arrow,  the  j'ounger  brother  Bow  priest,  a  war- 
rior, and  another  girl  and  warrior.  The  south  line  is  headed  by  a 
warrior,  followed  by  women  and  warriors.  Two  virgins,  each  holding 
an  arrow,  dance  back  and  forth  between  the  lines,  the  drummer  walk- 
ing in  front  north  of  the  lines.  Their  number  is  increased  by  }roung 
men  and  boj-s,  some  not  older  than  6  or  7  years.  One  boy  carries 
a  stuffed  horse's  leg  over  his  right  shoulder,  another  a  stick  of  wood 
in  the  right  hand  and  a  drumstick  in  the  left,  and  a  third  carries  a  doll. 
The  lines  halt  and  dance  vis-a-vis.  After  the  first  song  the  dancers 
advance  westward  sidewise;  and  after  a  second  dance  they  proceed  in 
the  double  file.  The  third  song  is  prefaced  with  the  war  whoop  as 
they  enter  te'wita  'hlan'na  (large  plaza)  from  the  northeast.  The 
house  tops  are  crowded  with  spectators  and  the  plaza  is  walled  by 
them,  man}'  on  horseback.     After  dancing  in  the  plaza  for  an  hour 

a  These  instruments  of  torture  hang  on  the  walls  of  the  ceremonial  room,  ready  for  use. 
6  The  spirit  of  the  scalped  enemy  becomes  a  friend. 


2 OS  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Leth.  ann.  23 

all  disperse,  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  passes  through  the 
town,  calling  for  all  to  gather  later  in  the  ki'wi'siwe  to  be  happy  and 
thankful. 

The  choir  of  the  'Siin'iakiakwe  (Ant  fraternity)  is  assembled  on  the 
east  side  of  the  ceremonial  chamber  which  extends  north  and  south,  sing- 
ing to  the  accompaniment  of  rattle  and  drum.  A  bowl  of  medicine 
water  is  in  the  northwest  end  of  the  room.  A  man  and  a  woman  of  the 
fraternity  begin  dancing,  and  the  man  appears  to  grow  wilder  and  wilder 
as  he  growls  and  jumps  about  nearly  as  possible  like  the  bear  he  repre- 
sents. He  wears  a  black  breechcloth  and  carries  an  eagle-wing  plume 
in  each  hand;  a  salmon-coloi'ed  fluffy  eagle  feather  is  tied  to  his  fore- 
lock. Every  little  while  the  man  grabs  at  the  legs  of  some  of  the 
members  of  the  choir.  The  dancing  continues  nearly  an  hour,  when 
the  A'pi^'lashiwanni,  with  their  nude  bodies  zigzagged  in  white  kaolin, 
representing  lightning,  enter  in  single  file  and  form  into  an  ellipse. 
All  wear  deerskin  skull  caps,  but  Nai'uchi  (elder  brother  Bow  priest), 
who  wears  a  fur  cap  instead.  They  carry  their  bows  and  arrows  and  war 
clubs.  Nai'uchi  now  and  then  indulges  in  animal-like  performances, 
and  he  also  holds  a  live  coal  in  his  mouth,  afterwards  running  an  arrow 
down  his  throat,  dancing  about  with  it  in  that  position.  He  is  very 
graceful,  and  there  is  no  member  more  enthusiastic  and  energetic  than 
this  old  man,  who  has  fought  in  many  engagements  with  the  Navahos. 

At  the  close  of  the  dance  the  A'pi'lashiwanni  stand  aside  to  make 
room  for  a  party  personating  Navahos,  the  songs  being  in  the  Navaho 
tongue.  After  one  dance  this  party  leaves  the  chamber  for  the  Chu' 
pawa  ki'wi'sine,  and  the  warriors  sing  another  song  and  dance  with 
even  more  enthusiasm  than  before.  The  dance  is  begun  in  an  ellipse, 
but  after  a  time  they  break  into  a  promiscuous  group,  and  after 
dancing  a  while  they  again  form  into  an  ellipse.  These  changes  are 
repeated  several  times. 

After  the  warriors  leave  the  chamber,  another  party  representing 
Navahos  make  their  appearance  and  form  into  two  files,  the  principal 
dancers  being  two  boys,  one  personating  a  girl,  who  would  deceive  the 
closest  observer,  they  are  so  like  the  Navahos.  The  girl  wears  a  black 
velvet  waist  and  a  full  red  calico  skirt,  which  falls  below  the  knees. 
The  tips  of  her  moccasins  are  painted  red,  and  her  hair  is  done  up  in 
Navaho  style.  A  red  spot  of  the  size  of  a  silver  dollar  is  on  either 
cheek.     The  boy  has  his  bodj'  spotted  in  white. 

The  choir  of  the  Ant  fraternity  remains  quiet  during  the  presence  of 
both  parties  personating  the  Navahos.  When  the  lines  cease  dancing, 
the  boy  and  girl  take  their  position  vis-a-vis  and  some  distance  apart. 
Bending  slightly  forward,  they  run  until  they  almost  meet,  and  then 
dance,  the  boy  raising  first  one  foot  and  then  the  other  as  high  as 
possible  by  drawing  the  knees  nearly  to  the  chin.  The  girl's  step  is 
the  same  but  not  so  high  or  violent.     Their  arms  are  kept  in  constant 


btevenson]  THANKSGIVING    FOR    CROPS  209 

motion,  and  they  carry  in  cither  hand  triangular  pieces  made  of  slender 
sticks  ornamented  with  while  fluffy  eagle  plumes.  Passing-one  another, 
they  go  some  distance  and  turning'  repeat  the  figure.  There  is  no 
variation  from  this  figure  during  the  dance.  The  others  of  the  party 
sing-  in  Navaho  while  the  two  dance  between  the  lines.  The  men  wear 
artificial  mustaches  of  black  goat's  wool."  A  ridiculous  character 
appears  with  these  dancers,  wearing  an  old  pair  of  American  trousers 
and  coat,  an  ash-colored  mask  with  prominent  nose,  and  a  bush}7  wig; 
he  carries  an  old  pistol. 

The  Kia'kwemosi  with  others  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  are  in 
in  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  while  the  Ko'mosona,  pe'kwin,  and  others 
are  in  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  to  receive  the  dancers.  After  dancing 
in  the  chamber  of  the  Ant  fraternity,  the  party  representing  Navahos 
proceeds  to  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  which  is  b}T  this  hour  crowded,  most 
of  the  north  ledge  being  occupied  by  girls  wearing  black  wraps  over 
their  heads  and  shoulders  so  as  to  conceal  their  faces.  One  sparkling 
eye  only  is  to  be  seen  through  the  folds  of  the  blanket.  They  resist 
all  efforts  to  make  them  expose  their  faces.  The  circular  opening  in 
the  floor  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  symbolic  of  the  entrance  to  the  innermost 
world,  is  exposed,  and  later,  food  and  plumes  are  deposited  within. 

The  dancers  form,  as  before,  into  two  files,  running  lengthwise  down 
the  room  facing  west,  and  dance.  The  queer-looking  creature  wearing 
a  mask  crouches  at  the  west  of  the  fire  altar  and  keeps  up  a  violent 
motion  with  the  pistol  which  he  carries,  moving  his  head  in  time  with 
his  hand.  He  makes  many  jokes  and  the  men  joke  with  him.  When 
the  two  lines  cease  dancing,  the  boy  and  girl  dance  between  the  lines, 
as  before,  to  repeated  encores.  Finally  some  one  cries':  "Let  them 
stop:  they  are  tired."  Others  say:  "Let  them  go  on."  They  dance 
thirty  minutes.  The  men  of  the  ki'wi'sine  pass  lighted  cigarettes  to 
the  dancers,  who  indulge  in  a  social  smoke.  The  following  dialogue 
between  Nan'nahe,  a  Hopi  Indian  married  to  a  Zuiii  woman,  and  the 
creature  wearing  the  mask,  causes  great  merriment: 

"Where  did  you  come  from?"  "  Over  there,"  pointing  to  the  east.  "Have  you 
a  father?"  "No."  "Have  you  a  mother?"  "No;  they  died  long  ago."  "Have 
you  brothers  or  sisters?"  "No."  "Do  you  know  how  to  weave?"  "No."  "Do 
you  know  how  to  do  anything?"  "No."  "Do  you  have  anyone  to  work  for  you?" 
"No."  "You  must  have  stolen  your  beads;  you  must  have  stolen  your  pistol."  "I 
found  an  American  sleeping  and  killed  him  and  took  his  pistol.  I  would  like  to 
trade  this  red  ribbon  on  my  pistol  for  a  watermelon."  A  boy  brings  some  melons, 
which  the  man  grabs  and  tucks  under  his  blanket,  handing  the  ribbon  to  the  boy. 
"  How  did  you  get  the  wristlet  you  wear?"  "I  was  lousy  and  a  woman  combed  my 
hair;  when  she  left  I  found  this  on  my  wrist."  He  endeavors  to  discharge  the  pistol 
by  pushing  the  trigger  forward,  which  creates  much  amusement. 

a  The  mustache  is  worn  in  ridicule  of  the  Navahos.  as  some  of  these  people  have  slight  mustaches. 
The  Zufii  regard  such  growth  of  hair  as  most  disfiguring,  and  a  man  of  the  tribe  who  has  any  signs 
of  a  mustache  is  jeered  at  by  the  others. 

23  eth— 04 14 


210  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

After  the  Navaho  dancers  leave  the  ki'wi'sine  the  person  wearing  the 
mask  is  requested  to  dance.  He  falls  at  his  first  attempt,  but  after- 
ward he  burlesques  the  dancers  who  have  just  left.  He  is  received 
witli  great  enthusiasm,  being  called  out  a  second  and  a  third  time. 
When  responding  to  the  encore  he  pretends  to  be  quite  lame  from  his 
fall.  After  taking  his  seat  he  says  a  few  words  in  Hopi  in  a  squeaky 
voice,  upon  which  a  member  of  this  tribe  who  is  present  calls  out: 
"Why,  you  are  a  Hopi."  When  he  is  leaving  the  ki'wi'sine  his  foot 
misses  a  rung  of  the  ladder,  and  the  leg  projects  between  the  rungs, 
much  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  present.  He  is  again  called  to  the  floor, 
when  he  produces  general  laughter  by  his  ridiculous  dancing.  After 
he  leaves,  a  choir  composed  of  the  young  men  of  the  ki'wi'sinC%  sta- 
tioned at  the  west  end  of  the  room,  sing.  The  leader  of  the  choir 
selects  certain  girls  to  dance.  They  protest,  but  without  avail.  The 
wrap  which  covers  the  face  must  be  thrown  aside  during  the  dance, 
but  at  the  close  of  the  dance  the  face  is  quickly  concealed  again.  There 
is  an  interval  of  some  minutes,  when  other  girls  are  selected  to  dance. 

After  a  time  three  young  men,  who  appear  to  be  present  for  the 
purpose,  select  several  youths  from  a  group  of  young  men  who  sit 
on  the  south  ledge  opposite  the  girls,  leading  them  over  to  the  girls. 
Some  of  the  youths  resist,  apparentl}7  as  bashful  as  the  maidens  appear 
to  be.  A  youth  on  being  presented  to  a  girl  addresses  her  in  a  few 
words.  Her  reply  decides  whether  he  shall  sit  at  her  feet  or  hurriedly 
return  to  his  former  place.  Several  of  the  girls  persistently  refuse  to 
make  a  choice,  while  others  discard  many  before  the  fortunate  one  is 
chosen.  When  the  youth  remains  with  a  girl  a  bowl  of  water  is 
passed  to  him,  and  he  in  turn  hands  it  to  the  maiden,  who  bathes  her 
face,  hands,  and  legs,  the  young  man  remaining  at  her  feet  until  she 
chooses  a  second  youth,  when  the  girl  in  company  with  the  two  leaves 
the  ki'wi'sine.  The  girls  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine  with  their  faces  more 
closely  veiled  than  ever. 

This  is  the  only  occasion,  excepting  that  recorded  in  connection 
with  the  closing  ceremonies  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity,  in  which 
there  has  been  any  evidence  of  licentiousness  observed  among  the 
ZuSi  women,  and  but  comparatively  few  37oung  women  leave  the  ki'wi'- 
sine at  this  time.  While  they  are  permitted  to  go,  such  a  course  is 
considered  most  improper  and  a  shadow  of  disgrace  clings  to  every 
girl  who  does  so,  no  matter  how  innocent  she  may  be. 

A  visit  was  made  to  the  home  of  one  of  these  young  women  the  morning  following 
an  evening  spent  in  the  ki'wi'sine.  A  young  girl  was  seen  to  approach  timidly  the 
family  group  at  their  morning  meal;  but  she  was  ordered  away  by  both  parents, 
who  were  weeping  bitterly,  while  the  elder  daughter  was  severe  in  her  condemna- 
tion of  her  sister.  The  writer  upon  inquiring  into  the  trouble  was  answered  by  the 
mother,  who,  weeping  afresh,  says:  "  My  daughter  stole  from  her  home  last  night 
and  joined  the  wicked  set  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  she  will  never  again  be  like  my 
daughter."     The  girl  at  first  refused  to  notice  the  writer,  but  being  assured  of  her 


stsvessos]  THANKSGIVING    FOR    CROPS  211 

sympathy,  she  gratefully  raised  her  eyes,  filled  with  unshed  tears,  and  said:  "  I  am 
not  guilty,  but  they  will  not  believe  me."  This  girl  was  severely  whipped  on  her 
return  from  the  ki'wi'sinS,  a  punishment  indicted  only  Eor  a  grave  offense. 

Ceremonies  of  the  Second  Day 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  meet  again  on  the  morning  following 
the  first  evening's  festivities,  in  the  Shi'wano"kia's  house,  and  gathering 
around  a  small  howl  of  native  tobacco  they  pray  and  smoke.  Two  reeds 
are  tilled  with  the  tobacco  and  placed  by  the  bowl,  with  a  bunch  of  corn 
husks  to  be  used  for  cigarettes.  The  Kia'kwemosi,  holding  two  corn- 
husk  cigarettes,  clasps  the  hands  of  the  scalp  custodian,  praying  that 
he  may  clasp  the  hands  of  the  A'shiwanni  of  all  the  world,  from  where 
the  Sun  Father  comes  up  to  where  he  goes  down;  praying  that  the 
Sun  Father  shall  give  to  his  people  and  to  people  of  all  the  world,  from 
where  he  comes  up  to  where  he  goes  down,  all  things  good — food, 
raiment,  and  prosperity;  that  the  priests  of  old  and  his  other  selves 
(his  deceased  predecessors)  shall  send  the  rain  to  water  the  earth  that 
the  crops  may  be  bountiful;  and  that  his  people  maj^  have  power  to 
destroy  the  enemy.  At  the  close  of  this  prayer  the  hands  of  the 
Kia'kwemosi  and  scalp  custodian  are  reversed,  and  the  latter  repeats  a 
prayer,  after  which  the  two  reed  cigarettes  are  lighted  and  passed 
around,  each  shi'wanni  taking  a  whiff.  With  a  husk  cigarette  in  his 
hand,  the  scalp  custodian  now7  departs  for  the  house  of  the  A'kwamosi 
(maker  of  medicine  water)  of  the  Ant  fraternity.  After  the  smoke, 
the  A'shiwanni  with  bowed  heads  whisper  most  solemn]}7  a  prayer, 
after  which  a  meal  is  served  by  the  mother  of  the  Shi'wano"kia;  each 
one  gathers  bits  of  the  food  on  a  piece  of  bread,  which  is  afterward 
thrown  into  the  fire,  with  a  prayer  to  the  ancestors  and  a  call  to  them 
to  eat.  The  scalp  custodian  stands  with  the  A'kwamosi  of  the  Ant 
fraternity,  their  hands  clasped,  he  retaining  the  cigarette,  and  they 
offer  a  prayer.  Their  hands  are  afterward  reversed,  and  the  A'kwa- 
mosi repeats  a  prayer.  Both  bow  and  smile  to  the  white  visitors  who 
enter,  but  do  not  speak  until  after  the  prayers,  when  the  A'kwamosi 
clasps  Dr  Tylor's "  right  hand  with  his  left.  Passing  the  hands  in  a 
circle  over  the  Doctor's  head  and  bringing  them  to  his  lips,  the  A'kwa- 
mosi drawrs  a  breath  and  passes  the  hands  around  his  own  head  and 
then  to  the  lips  of  Dr  Tylor,  to  draw  a  breath,  that  all  that  is  good 
may  be  drawn  from  the  one  to  the  other.  The  scalp  custodian  per- 
forms the  same  acts  with  him,  and  finally  the  ceremony  is  repeated  by 
both  the  A'kwamosi  and  the  scalp  custodian  over  the  writer. 

The  A'kwamosi  of  the  Ant  fraternity,  who  is  a  very  old  man  of  the 
Sun  clan,  now  hastens  to  a  large  chamber  opening  upon  the  large 
plaza,  where  the  A'pi"lashiwanni  are  assembled,  to   officiate  in  the 

aDrE.  B.  Tylor,  the  distinguished  English  anthropologist,  was  present  at  these  ceremonies,  and 
duiing  his  short  stay  he  won  the  confidence  and  affection  of  alt  the  priests  and  theurgists  of  the  tribe. 
The  writer  is  much  indebted  to  him  for  his  valuable  suggestions  in  regard  to  her  investigations. 


212  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [ETH.  ANN.  23 

ceremonies.  A  few  members  of  the  priesthood  sit  in  the  south  end. 
busying  themselves  making  moccasins,  shirts,  etc.  Later  the  A'pi"la- 
shiwanni  gather  in  a  semicircular  group  on  the  east  side  of  the  room 
toward  the  north  end,  the  A'kwamosi  of  the  Ant  fraternity,  with  flow- 
ing white  locks,  sitting-  just  south  of  the  group.  Another  old  man, 
holding  the  ceremonial  cigarette-lighter,  a  staff  charred  at  one  end,  sits 
I  nick  of  the  choir  on  a  quaint  chair  of  Zuni  manufacture.  The  first 
body  of  A'shiwanni,  excepting  the  Shi'wano"kia  and  the  Kia'kwemosi 
(Shiwanni  of  the  North),  who  remains  in  the  house  of  the  Shi'wano'"kia 
during  the  day,  stand  in  line  at  the  north  end  of  the  room,  on  the  cast 
side,  and  members  of  the  Ant  fraternity  stand  on  their  right.  An 
Apache  basket,  ornamented  with  cloud  designs  and  arrow  points  woven 
into  the  dark  straw,  and  containing  feather  wands,  having  each  a 
streamer  bf  red  and  green  ribbons,  radiating  from  the  center  of  the 
basket,  is  deposited  on  the  floor  on  the  west  side  at  the  north  end  of 
the  room.  A  second  basket  is  placed  near  by,  containing  a  small 
leather  pouch  of  arrow  points  and  two  bunches  of  reed  cigarettes  filled 
with  native  tobacco,  the  reeds  being  colored  red  and  wrapped  with 
corn,  husks.  On  the  floor  are  two  bowls  of  medicine  water,  portions 
of  several  hawks'  breasts,  and  a  quantity  of  kaolin,  red  pigment,  and  a 
small  jar  of  bears  grease. 

When  the  choir  has  its  complement  of  members,  the  song  begins, 
each  member  holding  and  brandishing  in  time  with  the  song  a  pistol, 
bayonet,  or  war  club.  The  song  embraces  a  long  history  of  the  val- 
orous deeds  of  the  Gods  of  War  and  of  their  people  of  old,  down  to 
the  times  when  their  fathers  fought  the  hated  Navahos,  the  invaders 
of  their  homes,  recapitulating  the  instructions  given  by  the  Gods  of 
"War  to  go  out  to  battle  with  brave  hearts,  the  routes  the}r  must  follow, 
and  the  means  they  must  adopt  in  order  to  master  the  enemy.  The 
gestures  accompanying  this  portion  ot  the  song  are  specially  graceful 
and  pleasing. 

AYhen  the  song  is  begun,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  three 
other  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood  take  their  positions  on  the 
west  side  of  the  room,  and  are  prepared  by  four  members  of  the 
Ant  fraternity  for  the  outdoor  ceremony.  The  hair  is  separated 
into  strands  and  rolled  on  burs,  forming  knots,  half  the  size  of  a 
pigeon's  egg,  all  over  the  head.  The  cotton  shirts  and  trousers  are 
not  removed,  and  moccasins  and  leggings  are  worn.  The  war  pouch, 
suspended  across  the  shoulder,  completes  the  dress.  The  face  is  given 
an  application  of  bear's  grease  and  red  and  black  pigment.  A  paste  of 
kaolin  is  applied  to  the  chin,  upper  lip,  tip  of  the  nose,  and  eyebrows, 
and  forms  a  circle  on  the  top  of  the  head,  and  hawk  down,  symbolic 
of  the  clouds  of  the  world,  is  applied  to  the  paste.     The  A'kwamosi 


stevessox]  SECOND    DAY  213 

of  the  Ant  fraternity  removes  arrow  points  from  the  sack  and  places 
one  in  the  mouth  of  eaeli  man,  with  a  prayer.  The  arrow  point  must 
remain  in  the  mouth  until  the  return  of  these  warriors  to  the  chamber. 
Their  decoration  being  completed,  the  four  take  seats  on  the  ledge  on 
the  west  side  of  the  room,  two  with  heads  erect,  while  two  how  their 
heads.  A  bow  and  arrow  are  laid  before  each  man  after  four  equi- 
distant lines  of  kaolin  paste  have  been  applied  to  the  bow,  and  hawk 
down  is  attached  to  each  line.  ■  Two  A'pialashiwanni  now  stand  before 
them  chanting  a  low  ritual,  while  the  song  of  the  choir  rings  through 

&  Orate 

the  long-  chamber.  At  the  close  of  the  prayer  the  A'kwamosi  of  the 
Ant  fraternity  gives  a  draft  from  the  medicine  bowl  to  each  of  the  four 
warriors  by  dipping  a  shell  into  the  bowl,  and  he  gives  a  reed  filled 
with  tobacco  to  each.  Each  warrior  now  takes  the  bow  and  arrow 
which  lie  before  him  and  one  of  the  feather  wands  from  the  Apache 
basket  and  leaves  the  chamber,  two  going  to  Up"sannawa  ki'wi'sine 
and  two  to  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  each  couple  being  preceded  by  a 
member  of  the  Bow  priesthood  clad  in  ordinary  dress.  The  scalp  cus- 
todian is  in  the  Up"sannawa  ki'wi'sine,  which  represents  the  side  of  the 
elder  God  of  War,  and  his  fellow  is  in  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  which 
stands  for  the  younger  God  of  War,  to  receive  the  warriors. 

At  the  same  time  young  men  in  the  ki'wi'siwe  are  adorning  girls 
about  10  years  of  age  for  the  dance.  The  girls  wear  their  moccasins 
and  black  woven  gown  embroidered  top  and  bottom  in  dark  blue. 
A  white  cotton  embroidered  kilt  is  fastened  on  the  left  shoulder, 
passing  under  the  right  arm.  The  wands  received  by  the  members 
are  attached  to  the  heads  of  girls  in  upright  position  by  fastening  the 
lower  ends  to  the  dress  at  the  back  of  the  neck  and  tying  them  to  the 
top  of  the  head  with  shreds  of  the  maiden's  hair,  the  loose  hair,  which 
has  been  braided  over  night  that  it  may  be  wavy,  hiding  all  traces  of 
the  mode  of  securing  the  wand.  A  leather  band  encircles  the  head, 
the  front  of  which  is  concealed  by  a  long  bang  which  covers  the  face. 
A  horn  of  carved  wood  is  attached  to  the  left  side  of  the  leather  band 
and  an  artificial  blossom  of  the  squash  flower,  woven  of  red  and  yellow 
yarn,  to  the  right.  A  red  fox  skin  hangs  from  the  right  wrist  and  blue 
yarn,  tied  in  a  tassel,  is  attached  to  the  left.  The  left  arm  is  encircled 
almost  to  the  elbow  with  rare  beads,  and  the  breast  is  covered  with 
coral,  turquoise,  and  ko'hakwa  necklaces.  A  spread  turkey  tail  is 
attached  to  the  back  of  the  waist.  Each  girl  carries  an  arrow  in  her 
right  hand,  which  she  gracefully  manipulates  between  the  thumb  and 
forefinger  during  the  dance,  the  significance  being  that  the  arrows  of 
the  Zuni  may  destroy  the  hated  Xavahos. 

Robes  and  blankets  upon  which  to  seat  the  warriors  have  been  laid 
upon  the  ledge  on  the  south  side  of  the  ki'wi'siwe  near  the  west  end.    One 


214  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [ErH.Aini.23 

of  the  warriors  in  the  Up"sannawa  hands  the  reed  cigarette  he  carries 
to  the  scalp  custodian  and  the  other  hands  his  to  the  warrior  who 
accompanies  them.  The  scalp  custodian's  fellow  tills  his  place  in  the 
other  ki'wi'sine.  The  cigarettes  are  lighted  and  returned  to  the  donors, 
who  draw  the  smoke  into  their  mouths,  and.  puffing  it  out  in  clouds, 
wave  the  cigarettes  around  their  heads:  then  they  are  again  handed  to 
the  others,  who  wave  them  twice  round  the  heads  of  the  donors  and 
then  throw  them  on  the  floor.  Two  of  the  warriors,  preceded  by  a 
choir  of  gaily  dressed  young  men  of  the  Up"sannawa  and  followed  by 
two  girls,  proceed  to  the  plaza  and  stoop  upon  the  ground,  the  choir 
grouping  themselves  behind  them,  facing  north:  the  girls  dance  before 
them,  facing  south.  The  motions  of  these  young  dancers  remind  one 
of  humming  birds  hovering  over  blossoms.  With  their  arms  spread 
out.  they  seem  to  be  winged  creatures,  their  feet  scarcely  touching  the 
earth.  The  length  of  time  they  keep  their  arms  extended  is  remarka- 
ble. They  constantly  pass  one  another  in  the  dance,  always  keeping 
their  faces  southward.  A  short  time  after  the  arrival  of  the  party 
from  the  Up''sannawa  ki'wi'sine  the  warriors  from  the  Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine,  with  two  girls,  preceded  by  a  choir  formed  by  members  of 
the  Chu'pawa,  take  similar  positions  in  the  plaza,  sitting  a  little  apart 
from  the  others.  This  ceremony  is  repeated  until  all  the  warriors 
have  taken  part,  sunset  closing  this  feature  of  the  day. 

During  the  ceremony  performed  by  the  last  four  warriors  a  hideous 
object,  representing  the  buffalo,  appears  in  the  plaza.  HLs  face  and 
body  are  colored  black,  and  he  wears  an  enormous  wig  of  black  sheep- 
skin. His  only  clothing  is  a  kilt  of  brownish-red  deerskin  fringed  with 
tiny  bells,  held  on  with  an  embroidered  Hopi  sash  tied  at  the  back. 
When  the  warriors  leave  the  plaza  for  the  last  time,  the  four  little 
girls  form  in  two  lines  about  10  feet  apart  and  dance.  The  buffalo 
man  dances  up  and  down  between  the  lines  for  awhile,  then  darts  off. 
shaking  the  rattle  held  in  the  right  hand,  and  clasps  one  of  the  girls 
in  an  obscene  manner. "  He  returns  and  dances  between  the  lines, 
and  finally  leaves  the  plaza  amid  great  enthusiasm  of  the  spectators. 

Ceremoxies  of  the  Second  Xight 

By  9  o'clock  those  interested  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  night  are  busy 
preparing  for  them.  While  the  Chu'pawa  and  Mu'he'wa  are  the  only 
ki'wi'siwe  in  which  the  warriors  assemble,  members  of  the  other 
ki'wi'siwe.  wearing  the  dress  of  the  anthropic  gods,  dance  in  a  num- 
ber of  dwellings  during  the  night,  singing  songs  composed  for  the 
occasion. 

a  This  character,  which  has  been  adopted  from  the  Hopi  Indian?,  plays  no  part  in  the  rites  of 
thanksgiving,  and  is  merely  introduced  for  amusement,  like  the  character  in  the  night  ceremonies 
in  the  ki'wi'sine. 


Stevenson]  SECOND    NIGHT  215 

The  picture  presented  in  the  chamber  of  the  Ant  fraternity,  in 
which  the  men  and  women'  are  preparing-  for  their  dance,  and  in  two 
other  rooms,  where  parties  are  being  decorated  for  the  dance,  is  not 
unlike  the  greenroom  of  a  theater.  Paints,  robes,  and  ornaments  are 
scattered  about  the  rooms.  The  men  of  the  Ant  fraternity  are  paint- 
ing their  bodies  in  white  to  represent  animals,  snakes,  and  the  heavens. 
The  parts  which  they  can  not  reach,  such  as  their  backs  and  shoulders, 
are  painted  by  one  another.  The  women  paint  their  lower  legs  and 
arms  in  white.  All  have  their  hair  done  up  in  their  usual  style  and 
wear  yucca  wreaths  tied  in  rosettes  at  the  side  of  the  head  and  a  fluffy 
eagle  plume  attached  to  the  forelock.  The  portion  of  the  wreath 
passing  over  the  forehead  of  the  women  is  covered  b}^  the  long  bang. 
Men  place  the  wreaths  and  feathers  on  the  women's  heads.  Both 
sexes  wear  elaborate  necklaces,  and  the  women  have  strings  of  tur- 
quoise in  their  ears. 

When  all  are  ready,  two  parallel  lines  are  formed  lengthwise  of  the 
room,  which  extends  north  and  south.  The  choir  is  grouped  on  the 
east  side  and  sings  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and  drum.  As 
soon  as  the  dancers  are  on  the  floor  they  form  into  an  ellipse,  a  woman 
to  the  left  of  each  man,  and  dance  from  left  to  right.  The  men  sing 
but  the  women  are  silent.  After  dancing  thirty  minutes  the  dancers 
pass  in  file  out  of  the  house  to  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.  After  enter- 
ing they  form  in  an  ellipse  and  pray  aloud,  and,  dancing  around  for  a 
time  in  the  ellipse,  they  form  into  two  lines  and  dance  again. 

During  the  dancing  a  noise  is  heard  on  the  roof,  and  on  investiga- 
tion there  are  found  a  number  of  men  and  one  5-year-old  child,  repre- 
senting Navahos.  All  but  the  child  carry  rattles,  and  they  are  richly 
dressed,  the  best  figure  being  the  tiny  bojT,  who  personates  a  Navaho 
girl.  Now  and  then  they  call  through  the  hatchway  to  the  dancers 
below,  who  reply;  and  in  a  short  time  they  leave  for  the  roof  of  the 
Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine. 

A  number  of  young  women  with  their  heads  covered  with  blankets, 
as  on  the  previous  evening,  are  in  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.  Several 
of  these  are  compelled  to  \ay  aside  their  wraps  and  dance  back  and 
forth  between  the  lines  of  the  Ant  fraternity.  Three  youths,  appear- 
ing as  decrepit  old  men,  personating  the  Zuni  when  they  lived  on 
To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  Mountain),  hobble  around  with  the  aid  of  staffs. 
Their  clothing  is  ragged  and  their  long,  shaggy  hair  is  unkempt.  One 
carries  a  stone  ax,  and  another  has  a  pair  of  large  tin  tweezers  hanging 
from  his  neck,  and  both  carry  bows  and  arrows. 

Crowds  that  pour  into  the  ki'wi'sine  indicate  the  approach  of  the 
Navaho  dancers,  who  are  evidently  the  stars  of  the  evening.  Com- 
ing down  the  ladder  one  by  one,  they  form  into  double  file  and 
repeat  the  dance  of  the  previous  evening,  the  child  appearing  as 
interested  as  the  elders.     At  the  conclusion  of  the  dance  and  song — the 


216  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

latter  being  a  prolonged  burlesque  of  the  Navahos — the  party  leave 
the  ki'wi'sine,  and  the  trio  of  old  men  from  To'wa  yal'lanne  take  the 
floor  and  make  efforts  to  dance;  their  joints  appear  to  be  so  stiffened 
from  age  that  they  move  their  limbs  with  great  difficulty.  They  utter 
a  number  of  comical,  innocent  jokes.  One,  addressing  the  writer  as 
•"  mother."  causes  a  roar  of  laughter  at  her  expense. 

The  A'pi"lashiwanni,  led  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  are  the 
next  to  appear.  Their  bared  limbs  are  painted  white  and  the}'  wear 
cotton-embroidered  or  buckskin  kilts.  Some  of  them,  including  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  have  their  heads  ornamented  with  feather 
wands,  while  others  wear  the  skullcap  of  buckskin  with  an  aigrette  of 
hawk  feathers  on  the  top.  They,  too,  repeat  their  dance  of  the  pre- 
vious evening.  One  of  the  girls  present  has  her  blanket  taken  from 
her  and  is  made  to  join  in  the  dance. 

After  the  warriors  leave,  the  choir  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine  sings, 
and  the  scenes  between  the  young  men  and  women  of  the  previous 
night  are  repeated.  Musicians,  dancers,  and  personators  of  the  gods 
pass  in  and  out  of  the  covered  ways  and  streets  throughout  the  night, 
as  they  go  from  house  to  house  to  dance. 

The  ceremonies  in  the  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  are  the  same  as  those 
observed  in  the  Chu'pawa.  At  daylight  all  assemble  in  the  plaza  to 
offer  prayers  to  the  rising  sun,  and  nothing  of  further  interest  occurs 
until  afternoon,  when  the  ceremonies  of  the  previous  day  are  repeated. 
The  bodies  of  the  warriors  are  now  painted  white  to  represent  animals, 
snakes,  and  the  heavens,  and  they  wear  white  embroidered  or  buckskin 
kilts,  held  on  with  white  cotton  fringed  sashes  tied  at  the  right  side. 
A  fox  skin  is  pendent  at  the  back  of  belt  and  the  war  pouch  is  worn 
over  the  shoulder.  The  hair'  is  dressed  as  on  the  previous  day,  and 
their  faces  and  heads  are  adorned  with  the  hawk  down.  The  Kia'kwe- 
mosi,  who  was  absent  on  the  previous  day,  is  now  present  and  stands 
at  the  right  of  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest).  After  the  war  song  and 
the  other  ceremonials  in  the  house  where  the  warriors  are  assembled 
the  plaza  ceremonies  are  repeated.  An  hour  before  sunset  the  first 
body  of  A'shiwanni  take  seats  upon  a  ledge  outside,  which  has  been 
covered  with  robes  and  blankets  for  the  occasion.  The  terraced  house 
tops  are  now  a  mass  of  color  from  the  bright  blankets  and  robes  worn 
by  the  spectators,  who  crowd  together  to  witness  the  closing  scenes. 
Many  Navaho  visitors,  also  clad  in  rich  attire  and  mounted  on  their 
horses,  add  to  the  gay  setting  of  the  plaza.  Objects  of  various  kinds 
are  thrown  by  the  crowd  on  the  house  tops  to  the  people  below,  which 
occasions  great  scrambling  and  wrestling,  but  good  humor  is  invariably 
preserved.  The  Navahos  make  but  few  attempts  to  get  possession  of 
the  gifts,  but  occasionally  they  contend  for  them,  and  when  it  is  done 
fairly  the  Zuni  make  no  resistance;  but  when  there  is  any  attempt  to 
take  advantage  by  tripping  or  the  like,  they  are  hustled  off  the  plaza 


stevenson]  DANCE    OF   THE    KIA'NAKWE  217 

by  the  police,  who  are  ever  alert  to  preserve  order  when  there  are  a 
number  of  Navahos  in  the  town. 

The  dancing  girls  who  accompany  the  warriors  dance  on,  apparently 
unconscious  of  the  hilarity  around  them.  As  each  set  of  warriors 
appears  in  the  plaza,  the  women  of  their  families  and  women  of  their 
elans  and  their  wives'  elans  bring  baskets  laden  with  various  articles 
of  food  and  deposit  them  on  the  ground  at  the  back  of  the  warriors, 
whom  they  sprinkle  with  sacred  meal.  As  soon  as  each  couple  of 
warriors  are  through  with  the  sacred  ceremonies  in  the  plaza,  they 
don  the  ordinary  clothing  and  throw  the  contents  of  their  respective 
baskets  to  the  crowd.  The  number  and  quality  of  the  gifts  of  each 
warrior  depends  upon  the  wealth  and  extravagance  of  his  famity  and 
clan  connections,  many  of  them  throwing-  quantities  of  calico  and 
ribbon.  Nai'uchi,  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  is  lavish  with  his  gifts. 
After  throwing  yards  of  calico,  ribbon,  and  quantities  of  food,  he 
leaves  the  plaza,  to  return  in  a  short  time  clad  in  new  black  cloth 
trousers  and  vest,  with  a  fine  long  silk  scarf  wound  round  his  head. 
All  of  these  are  removed  and  thrown  to  the  crowd.  He  is  fully 
attired  under  this  suit.     Nai'uchi's  gifts  are  eagerly  sought. 

The  girls  continue  their  dancing  until  the  evening  shadows  fall  over 
the  plaza,  when  two  warriors,  with  the  choir  of  the  Up"sannawa  ki'wi1- 
sine.  leave  the  plaza,  going  toward  the  east,  and  two  warriors,  with  the 
choir  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  going  to  the  west.  The  writer  follows 
the  latter  and  sees  the  party  divide  in  the  street  before  the  Chu'pawa 
ki'wicsine,  forming  into  vis-a-vis  lines.  Rows  of  men  and  women, 
each  holding  a  bit  of  cedar  bai'k,  stand  on  the  roofs  of  the  houses 
near  by.  A  theurgist  of  the  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy)  fraternity  walks 
back  and  forth  between  the  two  lines  of  warriors,  passing  down  the 
body  of  each,  to  carry  off  disease,  two  eagle-wing  feathers,  while 
he  repeats  an  inaudible  prayer.  At  intervals  during  this  ceremony 
those  on  the  house  tops  expectorate  three  times  upon  the  cedar  bark 
and  carry  it  in  the  hands  from  left  to  right  around  the  head,  simulta- 
neously repeating  a  prayer.  '  Then  all  separate,  each  having  his  head 
washed  in  yucca  suds  by  the  appropriate  woman."  The  writer  accom- 
panies one  of  the  warriors,  whose  head  is  bathed  by  the  wife  of  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest.  The  woman  afterward  bathes  the  head  of 
the  warrior's  mother,  and  then  all  the  members  of  the  family  have 
their  heads  washed. 

QUADRENNIAL  DANCE  OF  THE  KIA'NAKWE 

The  dance  of  the  Kok'ko  ko'han  (white  gods)  is  so  called  from  the 
Kla'nakwe''  having  been  clothed  in  white  and  having  slept  under  white 

aThetopof  the  head  is  slightly  washed,  and  then  a  forelock  is  vigorously  bathed,  the  one  doing 
the  washing  repeating  a  prayer  for  health,  prosperity,  and  a  good  heart.  Each  hand  and  arm  to  the 
elbow  is  also  thoroughly  bathed. 

&See  Destruction  of  the  Kla'nakwe,  and  songs  of  thanksgiving. 


218  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.23 

blankets.  These  blankets,  which  at  present  are  made  principally  by 
the  Ilopi  Indians,  arc  supposed  by  the  Zunis  to  have  originated  with 
the  Kia'nakwe.  These  ghost  people  are  angry  with  the  Zunis  for  their 
destruction;  hence  the  ceremony  of  propitiation,  which  occurs  quad- 
rennially and  which  is  one  of  the  most  important  as  well  as  one  of  the 
most  elaborate  in  Zuiii. 

The  part  of  this  ritual  that  is  performed  in  the  Si'aa'  te'wita,  sacred 
dance  plaza,  was  first  witnessed  by  the  writer  in  1884.  In  comparing 
notes  made  on  two  later  occasions  with  those  made  then,  it  was  found 
that  the  outdoor  ceremonials  are  identical  in  all  details. 

The  personators  of  the  Kla'nakwe  are  always  members  of  the  Corn 
clan  and  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.  Ten  days  previous  to  a  ceremonial  the 
masks,  which  are  made  of  hide  and  cover  the  head,  are  taken  from 
storage,  filled  with  damp  sand  to  soften  them  and  bring  them  into 
shape,  and  placed  along  the  north  ledge  of  the  large  room,  vacated  for 
this  purpose  by  the  family,  in  the  dwelling  of  the  priest,  or  director, 
of  the  Kla'nakwe  organization.  Five  days  later  the  decoration  of  the 
masks  begins.  Four  days  are  consumed  in  decorating  the  masks  and 
attending  to  various  details  connected  with  the  paraphernalia.  This 
work,  which  is  performed  by  the  men  who  are  to  take  part  in  the 
ceremony,  is  begun  each  morning  and  stops  at  sunset.  Great  secrecy 
is  observed  throughout  the  preparation  for  this  ceremonial,  and  no 
one  but  those  who  have  duties  to  perform  majT  enter  the  room." 

The  twelve  songs  that  are  sung  during  the  ceremonies  are  archaic,  the 
Zunis  say,  though  the}r  admit  that  these  songs  are  in  the  Sia  tongue, 
which  was  the  language  of  the  Kia'nakwe.  A  newly  appointed  person 
requires  much  time  to  learn  the  songs;  therefore,  during  the  summer, 
when  the  day's  work  in  the  fields  is  over,  those  who  are  to  take  part 
in  the  Kia'nakwe  ceremonial  frequently  meet  and  rehearse  them.  The 
rain  priest  and  his  associate  have  the  same  relative  positions  as  the 
Kia'kwemosi  and  the  pe'kwin  of  Zufii. 

When  the  Kia'nakwe  are  about  to  appear,  those  who  are  to  per- 
sonate them  and  their  prisoners  assemble  2  miles  south  of  Zuiii. 
After  painting  their  entire  bodies  with  the  pinkish  cla}^  used  by  the 
personators  of  anthropic  gods,  which  is  applied  so  thin  that  the  color 
is  scarcely  to  be  discerned,  they  dress  themselves  in  their  mi'hawe6 
and  masks  and  return  to  the  village.  Plate  xlii  shows  them  cross- 
ing the  bridge  over  the  river.  The  house  tops  are  tilled  with  men, 
women,  and  children,  all  eager  to  have  the  tirst  look  at  the  gods  as  they 
approach  from  over  the  southern  hills  singing  a  low  chant.  The  priest 
leads,  followed  by  his  deputy.  They  wear  white  cotton  shirts,  white 
embroidered  blankets,  each  having  four  dark  nutty  eagle  plumes 
attached,  front  and  back,  in  the  form  of  a  square.    They  wear  leggings 

"'rhr  writer  was  present  by  special  invitation  of  the  priest  of  the  organization. 
bMi'hawe  is  plural  formi'ha,  sacred  embroidered  blanket. 


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BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT    PL.   XLV 


A.     HOEN     4    CO.,     Lith 


MASKS  OF  APITLASHIWANNI  (WARRIORS)  a    OF  THE  NORTH,    b   OF   THE  WEST, 
a  OF  THE  SOUTH  :  FRONT  AND  SIDE  VIEWS 


stevknsos]  DANCK    OK    THK    KI.v'NAKWK  219 

of  white  cotton,  knit  in  fanciful  designs,  and  dance  moccasins.  A 
tortoise-shell  rattle  is  carried  in  the  right  hand  and  a  pottery  meal 
basket  and  te'likinawe  arc  carried  in  the  left.  Each  mask  is  finished  at 
the  base  with  a  collarette  of  spruce  lipped  with  popcorn  (see  plate  xun). 

The  other  members  of  the  Euia'nakwe,  except  the  two  directors  of 
the  warriors  of  the  six  regions,  are  dressed  like  their  leaders,  except 
the  four  feathers  on  the  front  and  hack  of  blankets.  'The  directors 
have  dressed  deerskins  instead  of  the  mi'hawe,  and  they  wear  bow 
wristlets  and  carry  tortoise-shell  rattles  in  the  right  hand  and  hows 
and  arrows  in  the  left.  The  first  captive  to  he  seen  is  the  Ko'lhlama;" 
be  wears  the  woman's  dress  of  black,  embroidered  in  dark  blue, 
and  caught  at  the  waist  with  a  red  woven  belt.  A  white  embroid- 
ered -ash  passes  from  the  left  side  of  the  waist  to  the  right  shoulder, 
where  it  is  tied,  the  embroidered  ends  falling.  A  piece  of  white  com- 
mercial cotton  hangs  over  the  back.  The  neck  and  arms,  which  are 
exposed,  are  painted  white;  the  hair  is  parted  from  the  forehead  down 
the  back  of  the  head,  and  one  side  is  done  up  over  a  wooden  form, 
while  the  other  side  is  tied  with  red  and  blue  yarn  and  left  hanging. 
The  mask  (sec  plate  xuv  a)  covers  only  the  face.  A  rattle  of  deer 
scapulae  is  carried  in  the  right  hand,  and  three  ears  of  corn,  tied 
together  with  yucca  ribbons  and  te'likinawe,  are  carried  in  the  left.'' 

The  Sa'va'hlia,  another  captive,  wears  a  large  deerskin,  dyed  reddish- 
brown  and  elaborately  ornamented  with  various  colored  designs,  an 
emblem  of  the  sun  being  on  the  back.  A  white  cotton  embroidered  sash 
is  tied  round  his  waist  under  the  deerskin  and  falls  at  the  side.  The 
mask  of  the  Sa'va'hlia  is  of  native  cotton  cloth,  colored  with  paint  made 
from  the  pinkish  clay.  The  mouth  of  the  mask  is  bearded  with  lynx 
skin,  and  the  projecting  teeth  are  made  of  corn  husks.  Gray  goat's 
wool  falls  over  the  top  of  the  head  and  forehead,  and  padded  eyeballs 
arc  conspicuous  beneath  the  wool.  A  red  fox  skin  is  worn  around 
the  neck  at  the  base  of  the  mask  (see  plate  xvi).  The  Sa'ya'hlia  car- 
ries a  tortoise-shell  rattle  in  the  right  hand  and  a  bow  and  arrows 
and  te'likinawe  in  the  left. 

The  last  captive  to  be  seen  in  the  line  is  It'sepiisha  (game-maker), 
one  of  the  ten  Ko'vemshi;''  he  wears  the  seldom  varying  dress,  the 
short,  ragged  skirt  of  native  black  cloth,  and  the  three-cornered  piece 
of  the  same  at  the  base  of  the  mask,  the  body  and  mask  being  colored 
with  the  pinkish  clay.  The  ten  Ko'vemshi  mask's  differ  in  detail. 
There  are  six  warriors  of  the  Kia'nakwe  for  the  six  regions  besides  the 
two  director-.  The  masks  arc,  of  the  appropriate  colors,  yellow  for  the 
North,  blue-green  for  the  West,  and  red  for  the  South  (plate  XLV  a,  b, 
and  c);  white  for  the  East.     The  white  masks  ;ire  the  same  as  those  of 

ruction  of  the 'Kla'nakwe,  and  songs  of  thanksgiving. 
iOn  one  occasion  ihe  Ko'thlama  hod  u  quiver  of  arrows  ov  i   b     baci  and  he  carried  a  bow  and 
arrows  in  his  k-fi  hand, 
p.  83. 


220  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

the  priest  and  deputy  of  the  Kia'nakwe  without  the  tadpole  and 
dragon-fly  decoration  (plate  xlhi);  variegated  for  the  Zenith,  and 
black  for  the  Nadir  (plate  xlvi  a  and  b).  The  mask  of  the  directors 
of  the  warriors  of  the  six  regions  is  blue-green  on  the  face  with  a 
decoration  of  black,  dotted  white,  on  the  back  (plate  xlvi  c). 

After  each  god  crosses  the  bridge  over  the  river  that  Hows  south  of 
the  village  he  halts,  and  when  all  have  reached  the  bank  they  are 
greeted  by  nine  Ko'yemshi.  They  afterward  pass  down  the  street  on 
the  south  side  of  the  village,  then  up  on  the  east  side  to  another  street 
running  east  and  west,  and  up  this  street  to  the  Si'aa'  te'wita,  then  out 
by  the  western  covered  way  to  the  street  on  the  north  side  of  the 
village,  and  down  on  the  west  side  to  an  inner  one  leading  to  the 
Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  which  they  enter.  Nine  Ko'yemshi.  the  tenth 
being  with  the  party  of  dancers,  spend  the  afternoon  entertaining  the 
populace  by  going  from  house  to  house  playing  in  primitive  comedy. 

After  prayers,  the  masks,  with  the  spruce  wreaths,  are  removed 
and  laid  on  a  sheepskin  spread  on  the  floor  in  a  room  adjoining  and 
north  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  the  doorway  being  about  2i  feet  above  the 
floor  of  the  chamber,  though  on  a  level  with  the  floor  of  the  room  in 
•which  the  masks  are  placed.  The  Kia'nakwe  now  disband  and  return 
to  their  respective  homes  for  refreshment.  Later  in  the  evening  they 
return  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  the  priest  taking  his  seat  in  the  northwest 
corner  and  the  two  directors  of  the  warriors  sitting  at  his  left;  the 
others  are  grouped  on  the  north  side  of  the  chamber.  The  priest  and 
the  two  warriors  by  his  side  deposit  broken  he'we  (wafer  bread)  in  two 
basket  trays.  Soon  afterward  the  song  begins.  The  pe'kwin  (deputy) 
of  the  Kia'nakwe  arrives,  but  before  taking  his  seat  on  the  west  ledge, 
he  empties  a  quantity  of  he'we,  brought  in  a  soiled  cloth,  into  one  of 
the  basket  trays.  During  the  first  song  the  priest  occupies  himself 
making  four  flat  packages  of  corn  husks,  each  about  Si  inches  long 
and  2  inches  wide.  Twelve  sono-s  are  suns:,  there  beino-  a  few  moments 
intermission  between  each  song.  The  director  of  the  song  sits  at  the 
east  end  of  the  group.  Some  move  the  right  hand  and  some  both  hands 
in  time  with  the  song,  which  is  at  no  time  very  loud.  Rattles  are  not 
used  until  the  beginning  of  the  dance.  The  singing  of  the  twelve 
songs  requires  a  little  over  two  hours,  each  stanza  averaging  two 
minutes.  At  the  close  of  each  song  a  prayer  is  repeated  aloud  by  all, 
and  the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona"  is  inhaled.  There  are  many 
members  of  the  ki'wi'sine  present,  who  take  no  actual  part  in  the 
ceremonies,  they  being  privileged  to  come  to  their  own  ki'wi'sine; 
in  fact  they  assist  the  personators  of  the  Kia'nakwe  in  various  ways. 
At  their  own  request  and  for  protection  against  bad  dreams,  two  are 
whipped  with  yucca  across  each  arm  and  ankle  by  a  warrior  of  the 
Kia'nakwe. 


"See  Classification  of  higher  powers. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERI  'LOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PI 


'.Nl  'WARRIORS':  a   OF  THE  ZENITH,  b   OF  THE 
C  OF  THE        -  OF  THE  tkTa'NAK.'.£ 


HEUOTYPE    CO.,    BOSTON. 


STEVENSON]  DANCE    OF    THE    KIA'nAKWE  221 

A  bunch  of  doer  scapula1  and  thirty-five  tortoise-shell  rattles  lie  in  a 
group  on  the  floor  near  the  two  basket  trays,  and  several  packages  of 
plumes,  etc.,  wrapped  in  old  cloths,  are  on  the  ledge  near  the  priest. 
Two  hours  before  midnight  the  priest  empties  the  contents  of  one 
basket  tray  into  the  other,  prays,  and,  placing  his  mouth  very  close  to 
the  food,  puffs  smoke  over  it  from  his  cigarette  of  native  tobacco. 
Though  he  prays  aloud,  the  singing  drowns  his  voice.  After  a  prayer 
of  fiye  minutes  he  divides  the  food  into  three  parts,  returns  it  to  the 
soiled  cloths  in  which  it  was  brought,  hands  a  package  to  each  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  warrior  gods  and  one  to  his  deputy,  and  afterward  one  of 
the  corn-husk  packages  to  each.  The  three  wrap  their  blankets  around 
them,  go  to  the  river,  and  deposit  in  the  water  the  contents  of  their 
packages  as  food  for  the  departed  Kia'nakwe.  These  men  are  absent 
an  hour.  In  the  meantime  one  of  the  singers  hands  to  a  young  man 
several  pieces  of  green  paint,  a  mixture  of  copper  ore  and  boiled 
pifion  gum.  A  large  and  beautiful  paint  stone  and  pestle  are  then 
placed  on  the  floor  on  the  south  side  and  two  young  men  proceed  to 
grind  the  paint.  First  a  piece  is  pounded  into  a  powder,  then  water 
and  squash  seed  are  added,  bits  of  the  paint  being  placed  on  the  stone 
as  the  grinding. proceeds.  Fully  an  hour  is  required  for  the  proper 
mixing  of  the  paint.  The  two  take  turns,  one  grinding  while  the 
other  scrapes  the  paint  toward  the  center  of  the  paint  stone. 

The  last  song  closes  as  the  three  officers  return  from  depositing 
the  offerings  in  the  river,  and  immediately  one  of  the  singers  jumps 
up  and  endeavors  to  open  the  door  on  the  north  side  of  the  room. 
Finding  it  fastened,  he  goes  to  the  window  in  the  west  end,  which 
communicates  with  a  room,  and  calls  to  the  man  of  the  family,  who  is 
sleeping,  to  open  the  door  in  the  north  wall.  Soon  this  door  gives  way 
to  the  push  of  one  of  the  singers,  and  they  all  disappear  through  this 
quaint  little  doorway.  They  soon  return,  each  bearing  a  pair  of  dance 
moccasins,  which  are  handed  to  the  paint-grinders.  The  two  grindei's 
and  a  third  man  repaint  thirty-six  pairs  of  dance  moccasins.  This 
work  is  done  very  rapidly.  A  quantity  of  paint  put  into  the  mouth 
with  the  linger  is  thrown  out  through  the  teeth  over  the  moccasin; 
then  the  tongue  serves  as  a  paint  brush.  The  sight  is  most  repulsive. 
One  man  becomes  very  sick  from  the  effects  of  the  paint.  During  the 
painting  of  the  moccasins  the  Kia'nakwe  rehearse  for  the  dance  of  the 
coming  day.  They  remove  their  cotton  trousers,  or  roll  them  up,  so 
that  they  are  not  seen  below  the  white  shirts  which  fall  over  them.  All 
but  the  Ko'thlama  hold  tortoise-shell  rattles;  deer  toes  are  attached 
with  buckskin  thongs  to  the  tortoise  shell.  He  holds  the  rattle  of  deer 
scapula?.  Then  they  form  into  an  elongated  horseshoe,  the  apex  being 
toward  the  west  end  of  the  room,  the  directors  of  warriors  at  each  end. 


222  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ask.  23 

After  all  have  taken  position,  one  of  their  number  examines  eacli 
tortoise  to  see  that  the  number  of  deer  toes  attached  is  correct.  The 
dance  begins  with  the  priest  and  his  pe'kwin  walking-  abreast  toward 
the  west  in  slow  steps,  bending  the  knee  with  a  stiff  motion.  When 
near  the  apex  of  the  horseshoe  they  stop  and  face  each  other.     The 

priest  bends  both  knees  and  exclaims:  "  Hu' hu hu " 

The  pe'kwin  repeats  the  same.     The  priest  again  cries:  "Hu' 

hu hu ,"  and  it  is  again  repeated  by  the  pe'kwin,  when  they 

simultaneously  bend  their  knees  and  call  together,  "  Hu' hu 

hu hu."     Immediately  the  dancers'  voices   are  heard   in    rich 

minor  tones.  Then  the  rattles  sound  and  the  dancers  form  in  hie, 
facing  north,  the  one  at  the  south  end  of  the  horseshoe  now  being  at 
the  east  end  of  the  line.  In  a  moment  they  all  turn  and  face  east, 
and  so  they  continue  to  reverse  while  the  priest  and  pe'kwin  walk 
stiff-kneed  back  and  forth.  Every  time  the  two  meet  midway  the 
line  of  dancers  they  halt  and  bow.  After  the  priest  and  pe'kwin  pass 
back  and  forth  four  times  the  dance  ceases,  and  the  two,  facing  each 

other,  cry :  ' '  Hu' hu hu hu. "     The  dance  is  repeated, 

and  the  song  continues.  After  dancing  an  hour  they  leave  the 
ki'wi'sine  and  visit  the  house  of  Awan  ta/'chu  (Great  Father)  Ko'yem- 
shi,  where  they  dance. 

After  the  return  of  the  Kia'nakwe  to  the  ki'wi'sine  the  night  is  spent 
in  smoking  and  talking.  At  daylight  the  masks  are  brought  from  the 
inner  room  and  placed  on  a  sort  of  hanging  shelf  previously  prepared 
for  them.  The}r  don  their  paraphernalia  at  sunrise  and  dance  before 
the  dwelling  of  the  priest  of  the  Kia'nakwe,  which  is  on  the  west 
street,  and  again  in  the  plaza  on  the  west  side  of  the  town,  each  dance 
being  like  the  one  in  the  ki'wi'sine.  The  dress,  however,  is  now 
complete.  The}7  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  remove  their  masks,  and 
smoke. 

This  particular  ceremony  of  dancing  at  different  points  and  passing 
around  the  village  is  repeated  four  times;  each  time  they  return  to 
the  ki'wi'sine.  The  last  of  these  dances  closes  about  an  hour  before 
noon.  In  the  meantime  twelve  women  of  the  Corn  clan,  the  supposed 
descendants  of  the  Kia'nakwe,  assemble  in  the  ki'wi'sine,  taking  seats 
on  the  ledges  on  the  east  and  south  sides  of  the  room.  Two  bowls  of 
yucca  suds  are  provided,  and  the  priest  advances  to  have  his  head 
washed.  Each  woman  dips  a  handful  of  the  suds,  and  when  all  are 
supplied  each  one  rubs  them  down  the  forelock  of  the  priest.  An  ear 
of  corn  is  now  rubbed  on  the  top  of  his  head  four  times.  The  other 
officers  arc  washed  in  turn,  and  all  the  Kia'nakwe  pass  through  the 
same  ceremony. 

After  the  washing  of  the  heads,  bowls  of  food  and  coffee  are  carried 
to  the  entrance  of  the  ki'wi'sine  by  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the 
personators  of  the  Kia'nakwe  and  are  received  by  members  of  the 


stevensox]  DANCE    OP   THE   KIA'NAKWE  223 

Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.  The  women  who  carry  the  food  to  the  ki'wi'sine 
must  first  wash  their  heads,  although  they  go  onl}'-  to  the  entrance  and 
return  home  immediately  after  depositing  the  food;  they  wear  their 
best  moccasins  and  dresses  for  the  occasion.  This  elaborate  feast  in 
the  ki'wi'sinc  is  particularly  enjoyed  by  all,  including  the  twelve  women 
of  the  Corn  clan,  as  a  fast  has  been  maintained  by  the  personators  of 
the  gods  since  the  previous  evening. 

After  each  man  finishes  his  meal  he  collects  a  bit  from  each  bowl 
upon  a  large  piece  of  he'we  (wafer  bread)  and,  folding  it  lengthwise, 
wraps  it  at  each  end  with  yucca  and  forms  a  handle.  This  package 
is  carried  in  the  left  hand  in  the  outdoor  dance  and  is  afterward 
deposited  in  the  river  for  the  Kia'nakwe. 

At  the  close  of  the  meal  one  of  the  Chu'pakwe  fills  an  Apache 
basket  with  grains  of  corn  of  various  colors  from  a  cloth  that  lies 
toward  the  west  end  of  the  room  on  which  the  corn  is  piled.  He 
carries  it  to  the  east  end  of  the  room  and  gives  to  each  of  the  twelve 
women  of  the  Corn  clan  about  a  pint  of  corn  to  be  planted  the 
coming  year.  The  women  now  leave  the  ki'wi'sine,  but  before  they 
depart  the  priest  advances  to  the  middle  of  the  room  and,  with  his 
te'likinane  clasped  in  his  hands,  repeats  in  a  most  impressive  manner 
a  litany.  The  others  appear  weaiy  enough,  except  at  the  moments 
when  the}-  make  responses,  in  which  they  never  fail.  When  the  priest 
returns  to  his  seat  the  eating  bowls  are  removed.  Personators  of  the 
Kia'nakwe  put  on  their  masks  and  proceed  to  the  Si'aa'  te'wita,  where 
the  dance  of  the  previous  night  is  repeated  (see  plate  xlvii). 

Contributions  for  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  begin  to  pour  into  the 
ki'wi'sine  during  the  dancing.  The  offerings  are  brought  in  blankets, 
the  men  carrying  theirs  on  their  backs  while  the  women  hand  theirs 
through  the  hatchway.  They  are  received  principally  by  an  aged  man 
of  the  ki'wi'sine.  There  are  deer  and  antelope,  some  that  have  not 
been  flayed,  but  simply  drawn,  with  corn  and  other  small  offerings 
placed  inside:  others  are  flayed  and  the  skins  brought  separate  from  the 
flesh:  about  300  watermelons,  many  of  them  covered  with  a  netting 
of  yucca  containing  a  number  of  feathers,  and  a  large  quantity  of 
corn  on  the  cob.  Several  men  are  busy  tying  the  corn  together  in 
bundles  containing  four  to  ten  ears,  and  a  handle  is  formed  of  yucca 
over  the  top  ear.  A  large  number  of  birds  are  bi'ought,  the  plumes 
of  which  are  used  by  the  A'shiwanni  for  their  te'likinawe  that  are 
deposited  at  the  winter  solstice,  that  food  may  be  abundant  the 
coming  year.  The  birds  are  laid  apart  from  the  general  heap  at  the 
west  end  of  the  room,  of  light  bread,  which  is  strung  together  in 
fanciful  shapes,  dried  deer  meat,  corn,  melons,  and  pieces  of  calico. 
The  unflayed  game  and  skins  are  deposited  at  the  east  end  of  the 
chamber.  As  the  dried  deer  meat,  melons,  and  seeds  are  required  to 
fill  the  game  and  skins,  they  are  brought  to  the  east  side  of  the  room. 


2'2-i  THE    ZT7NI    INDIANS  [etb.ann.23 

Tin'  unflayed  game  and  skins  are  sewed  up  with  yucca  threads.  Tt  is  a 
busy  time  for  the  few  who  work.  Others  who  crowd  the  room  look  on 
and  give  their  opinions.  Contributions  continue  to  a  late  hour,  and  the 
packages,  when  completed,  are  carried  to  the  ceremonial  house  of  the 
keeper  of  the  'su"hlan'na  (great  shell),  so  as  to  have  them  near  the 
scene  of  action  and  to  make  room  for  other  donations. 

After  dancing  four  times  in  the  plaza,  the  Kia'nakwe  return  to  the 
ki'w  i's'me  and  remain  about  twenty  minutes,  and  then  go  again  to  the 
pla/.a  and  dance  four  times  more. 

In  the  absence  of  the  Kia'nakwe  from  the  plaza,  nine  of  the 
Ko'yemshi,  the  tenth  dancing  with  the  Kia'nakwe.  amuse  the  audience. 
When  playing  the  harlequin  these  men  are  sometimes  obscene,  but 
they  rarely  do  anything  more  than  amuse  the  populace  with  their  jokes. 
Hearing  the  roars  of  the  men.  women,  and  children,  one  unacquainted 
with  the  language  might  infer  that  something  had  been  said  with  at 
least  a  double  meaning,  but  this  is  not  often  the  case.  They  mimic  the 
dancers,  make  fun  of  one  another's  masks  or  faces,  pretend  to  be  fright- 
ened at  some  child  in  the  crowd,  and  call  one  another  old  and  strangers 
who  are  known  to  no  one,  etc.  They  appear  to  greatly  enjoy  the  games 
of  wool  bag.  hopping  on  one  foot,  and  ring-around-a-rosy,  which  they 
play  during  the  intervals  of  the  dancing. 

At  4  o'clock  the  Kia'nakwe  return  to  the  plaza,  their  backs  laden 
with  gifts  for  the  A'shiwanni,  and  form  a  broken  ellipse,  the  apex  being 
to  the  east  side  of  the  plaza.  The  priest  carries  a  basket  of  loose  corn 
of  various  colors,  and  his  pe'kwin  a  basket  tray  of  feathers  artistic- 
ally arranged  on  a  bed  of  raw  cotton.  At  this  time  the  A'shiwanni, 
including  the  Shi'wano"kia,  who  have  been  in  the  ceremonial  chamber 
of  the  Kia'kwemosi,  form  a  line,  facing  east,  at  the  west  side  of  the 
plaza.  The  Kia'kwemosi  stands  at  the  south  end,  with  the  pe'kwin 
beside  him,  the  Shi'wano"kia  standing  just  back  of  them.  The 
Shiwanni  of  the  Nadir  (also  elder  brother  Bow  priest),  with  the 
younger  brother  Bow  priest  by  his  side,  stands  next.  The  A'shi- 
wanni of  the  West,  South,  and  East  complete  the  line.  As  soon  as 
the  Ko'yemshi,  who  stand  on  the  north  side  of  the  plaza  when 
the  dancers  come,  relieve  those  on  the  north  side  of  their  burdens, 
the  members  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine  remove  the  loads  from  the 
backs  of  those  on  the  south  side  of  the  ellipse.  The  basket  trays 
carried  by  the  priest  and  deputy  are  taken  and  held  by  the  A'wan- 
ta"chu  Ko'yemshi  and  his  pe'kwin.  as  these  baskets  must  not  touch 
the  ground.  Should  the  baskets  be  deposited  on  the  ground  the  seeds 
would  be  unfruitful. 

The  A'shiwanni  appear  like  so  many  statues  during  the  dance,  which 
begins  after  the  loads  are  removed  from  the  dancers.  When  the  dance 
ends  the  burdens  arc  returned  to  the  back's  of  the  priest  of  tlie  Kia'nakwe 
and  his  deputy  by  two  warriors  of  the  Kia'nakwe,  and  the  baskets  are 
handed  to  them.    The  priest  of  the  Kia'nakwe  now  stands  before  the 


Stevenson]  DANCE    OK    THE    KIa'nAKWE  225 

Kia'kwemosi.  and  his  deputy  before  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest),  who 
receive  the  basket  trays.  These  trays  are  now  transferred  to  the 
Shi'wano"kia,  who  retains  both,  the  basket  of  feathers  being-  placed 
on  top  of  the  basket  of  corn.  The  burdens  are  now  removed  from  the 
backs  of  the  priest  and  his  deputy  and  laid  upon  a  blanket  spread  for 
the  purpose.  The  directors  of  warriors  advance  and  stand  before  the 
Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir  and  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  and  their 
burdens  are  removed.  Long  prayers  are  repeated  by  the  four  per- 
sonating the  Kia'nakwe  as  they  stand  vis-a-vis  to  their  prototypes  in 
Zuni.  These  prayers  continue  until  all  the  offerings  are  deposited. 
The  priest  and  deputy  speak  in  the  Sia  tongue,  which  they  refer  to  as 
archaic  Zuni,  but  the  warriors  talk  in  the  modern  tongue,  as  only  the 
former  are  familiar  with  these  prayers  of  the  Kia'nakwe. 

Two  blankets  are  laid  side  by  side,  with  a  space  of  several  feet 
between,  and  each  dancer  deposits  his  burden  on  a  blanket.  As  soon 
as  the  Ko'yemshi  perform  their  share  in  relieving  the  dancers  of  their 
burdens,  they  busy  themselves  bringing  in  the  watermelons  from  the 
house  of  the  keeper  of  the  great  shell,  which  they  deposit  in  a  heap 
near  the  ladder  leading  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi. 
When  all  the  dancers  have  made  their  offerings,  the  Kia'nakwe  priest, 
his  deputy,  and  the  directors  of  warriors  turn  and  face  the  dancers,  and 
each  dancer  in  unison  grasps  his  rattle  with  both  hands,  the  priest  and 
deputy  holding  theirs  in  the  same  way.  The  priest  offers  a  prayer, 
and  all  wave  the  rattle,  still  holding  it  with  both  hands,  in  a  circle  from 
right  to  left,  and  inhale  a  breath.  Then  the  rattle  is  held  in  the  right 
hand  and  shaken  for  a  moment,  and  the  song  and  dance  begin. 

The  A'shiwanni  now  adjourn  to  their  ceremonial  chamber,  but  return 
to  the  plaza  after  the  dancers  leave  and  carry  the  gifts  up  the  ladder 
on  their  backs.  It  is  all  Nai'uchi,  the  old  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  can 
do  to  carry  up  a  large  buck.  He  fails  to  lift  it  by  placing  the  yucca 
strings,  which  are  attached  to  the  fore  and  hind  legs,  across  his  breast, 
but  is  able  to  bear  it  after  it  is  raised  to  his  back  by  others.  The 
offerings  are  spread  on  the  floor  of  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the 
Kia'kwemosi.  The  Shi'wano"kiaa  at  once  begins  collecting  the  birds 
and  plumes  from  the  packages.  The  A'shiwanni  sit  smoking  in  a 
group  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the  room.  Baskets  of  te'likinawe 
made  during  the  afternoon  are  on  the  floor,  to  be  offered  to  the 
deceased  predecessors  of  the  A'shiwanni  and  to  the  priests  of  the 
Kia'nakwe. 

After  all  the  birds  and  plumes  are  collected,  and  there  are  manyr  of 
them,  the  question  arises  regarding  the  allotment  of  the  buck.  It 
seems  that  no  special  package  goes  to  any  particular  shi'wanni,  but  that 
the  whole  mass  is  divided;  y7et  in  this  case  it  is  agreed  that  the  buck 

aThe  Shi'wano'kla,  the  wife  of  the  Kia'kwemosi,  and  the  writer  were  the  onlj'  women  present. 
23  ETH— 04 15 


226  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bih.ann.23 

must  belong  to  the  Kia'kwemosi.  The  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir  proceeds 
to  flay  the  animal.  The  younger  brother  Bow  priest  holds  the  right 
hind  leg,  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  South  holds  the  left  foreleg,  the  wife 
of  the  Kia'kwemosi  the  left  hind  leg.  The  knife  is  run  down  the 
throat,  then  out  the  right  foreleg,  then  down  the  paunch,  and  out  the 
right  hind  leg,  out  the  left  foreleg,  then  out  the  left  hind  leg. 

When  the  dancers  retire  from  the  plaza  they  are  burlesqued  by  the 
Ko'yenishi,  the  jester  having  the  same  privilege  in  this  rude  life  that 
was  accorded  to  him  in  the  courts  of  Europe. 

During  the  afternoon,  the  time  when  the  house  tops  and  the  plaza 
are  crowded  with  spectators,  two  Ko'j'ernshi,  one  carrying  a  doll  and 
the  other  a  basket  containing  a  doll  and  ears  of  boiled  corn  tied  together 
with  yucca  ribbons,  approach  a  little  girl,  whose  mother  places  her 
arms  around  the  child  as  they  come  near.  The  two  hold  a  conversation 
with  the  child,  asking  her  many  questions.  She  seems  quite  interested 
and  eager  to  receive  the  gifts.  One  Ko'yemshi  presents  to  her  the  doll 
he  carries,  and  the  other  hands  the  basket  containing  the  doll  and  corn 
to  the  mother;  the  mother  and  child  then  leave  the  plaza. 

Great  excitement  and  amusement  are  caused  by  the  Ko'yemshi  throw- 
ing blankets  over  a  dog.  First  one  and  then  another  throws  a  blanket 
until  the  howling  of  the  dog  is  completely  drowned  and  he  can  not  move. 
The  excitement  reaches  the  highest  point  when  this  bundle  is  lifted  by 
one  of  the  Ko'yemshi.  The  greatest  enthusiasm  prevails  ove*-  the  return 
of  the  dancers,  who  are  completely  covered  with  gifts  for  the  populace, 
including  bread  of  fanciful  shapes,  strung  together  with  yucca  ribbons 
and  calico  tied  into  balls  with  long  ends  like  kite-tails.  The  people  of 
all  ages  are  eager  to  catch  the  articles  that  are  flying  through  the  air. 
It  is  astonishing  how  dextrous  the  Zunis  are  in  throwing  these  objects. 
It  is  well-nigh  dusk  when  the  last  gift  is  thrown.  One  of  the  dancers, 
requesting  a  Ko'3'emshi  to  help  him  to  remove  the  white  shirt  he  wears, 
waves  it,  when  off,  until  the  male  spectators  are  fairly  wild  when  he 
tosses  it  into  the  air.  No  controversy  or  ill  feeling  is  displayed  between 
the  Zuilis  at  these  times. 

The  dancers  and  Ko'yemshi  now  leave  the  plaza  and,  passing  out  over 
the  western  road  for  a  mile  or  so,  they  disrobe.  A  number  of  mem- 
bers of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine  follow  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
apparently  unconscious  of  the  maskers;  they  carry  ordinary  apparel 
secreted  under  their  blankets,  and  return  with  the  masks  and  other 
paraphernalia  covered  from  view.  With  this  act  the  festival,  which  has 
been  all-absorbing  for  days,  closes,  to  be  repeated  in  four  years.  The 
gifts  to  the  A'shiwanni  are  carried  at  night  to  their  homes.  Small  por- 
tions of  the  game,  after  it  is  cooked,  are  deposited  by  each  shi'wanni 
in  the  river  as  offerings  to  the  deceased  Kia'nakwe,  who  are  angry 
gods,  and  must  be  appeased  with  ceremonies  and  gifts. 


stevenson]  FESTIVAL   OF   THE   SHA'LAKO  227 

ANNUAL  FESTIVAL  OF  THE  SHA'LAKO' 

It  was  mentioned  in  treating  of  the  winter  solstice  festival  that  those 
who  are  to  personate  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  the  Sha'lako  (giant 
couriers  of  the  rain-makers)  and  the  Ko'yemshi,  and  those  who  are  to 
entertain  these  gods  arc  decided  upon  during-  the  winter  solstice  cere- 
monies. One  of  the  eight  new  or  reconstructed  houses  is  blessed 
by  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  six  each  by  a  Sha'lako,  and  one  by  the 
Ko'yemshi. 

The  large  te'likinane  given  in  the  ki'wi'sine  at  the  winter  solstice  to 
each  man  who  is  to  entertain  the  Sha'lako  is  kept  in  his  house,  and  is 
brought  out  from  its  resting-  place  by  him  at  intervals  when  the  mem- 
bers of  his  and  of  his  wife's  clan  gather  in  the  house,  with  his  family 
while  he  holds  the  te'likinane  and  prays.  The  prayer,  which  is  long, 
is  a  supplication  for  life,  health,  and  happiness. 

At  the  close  of  the  festival  of  the  Sha'lako  the  Ko'yemshi  collect 
these  te'likinawe  from  the  different  houses  and  deposit  them,  except 
the  one  given  to  the  host  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  which  is  carried 
by  Sa'vatasha  to  his  home  and  afterward  planted  by  him. 

When  the  ceremonial  house  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  is  to  be  repaired  the 
work  is  done  b}y  the  people  of  his  clan,  the  workmen  being  appointed 
by  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest),  some  member  of  the  governors  staff  call- 
ing- from  the  house  top  each  morning  the  names  of  those  selected  to 
labor  during  the  day.  Several  gods  are  pi'esent  at  this  time  to  see  that 
all  hands  keep  at  work.  Each  ki'wi'sine  is  repaired  b}r  its  members. 
As  the  ceremonial  chambers  of  the  fraternities  are  general  living  rooms 
of  families  at  all  other  times  than  when  the  ceremonials  occur,  there 
is  no  special  building  or  repairing  of  these  aside  from  the  general 
house  structure.  The  walls  are  whitened  and  sometimes  decorated 
for  ceremonials,  the  whitening  being-  done  by  the  women  of  the  house 
and  the  decorating  by  members  of  the  fraternity;  in  some  cases 
decorations  remain  permanently  on  the  walls. 

In  building  or  reconstructing  houses  the  wor'li  (manager)  details 
members  to  work  on  the  house  in  which  his  ki'wi'sine  is  to  be  repre- 
sented by  a  Sha'lako.  Personators  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and 
Ko'yemshi  direct  men  of  their  ki'wi'siwe  to  work  upon  the  houses  in 
which  they  are  to  appear.  Their  wives  and  daughters  and  the  women 
of  their  clans  wait  upon  the  builders. 

Houses  of  either  a  domestic  or  a  religious  character  that  are  to  be 
cmi-tructed  or  remodeled  must  be  in  order  before  the  coming  of  the 
Sha'liiko.  Such  work  is  often  dela3'ed  from  day  to  day,  and  toward  the 
end  must  be  expedited  to  be  read}-  at  the  prescribed  time. 

Zufii,  like  a  beehive  in  its  peculiar  construction,  is  most  like  one 
when  house  building  is  in  progress.  The  streets  near  by  are  filled 
with  men,  women,  and  children. 


228  THE    ZCNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.23 

In  1884  the  reconstruction  of  a  house  of  more  than  ordinary  impor- 
tance occupied  attention.  It  was  the  ceremonial  house  of  the  Kia'kwe- 
a'mosi  (first  body  of  A'shiwanni).  usually  referred  to  as  the  house  of 
the  Kia'kwemosi  (Shiwanni  of  the  North).  It  was  not  his  place  of 
residence,  however,  the  custom  of  the  husband  going  to  the  wife's 
house  applying-  to  the  Kia'kwemosi  also.  His  sister  occupied  the 
house  until  its  destruction  by  lightning-,  which  also  caused  her  death. 
The  Zunis  say  she  had  no  love  in  her  heart  for  the  Kia'kwemosi,  her 
brother;  that  lightning  never  destroys  the  good  of  heart.  The 
A'shiwanni  rejoiced  that  the  room  of  the  et'tone"  of  the  Kia'kwemosi, 
which  is  immediately  over  the  center  of  the  world,  was  not  disturbed. 

On  this  occasion  there  are  present  two  Sa'ya'hlia  (see  plate  xvi),  three 
A'toshle  (two  males  and  one  female),  four  Ko'yemshi  (see  plate  va); 
and  three  members  of  the  Js'e'wekwe  (Galaxy  fraternity),  each  carrying 
his  bauble.  Each  Sa'ya'hlia  wears  a  white  cotton  embroidered  kilt, 
with  a  sash  of  the  same  material  and  a  woman's  red  belt  tied  on  the  left 
side.  A  finely  dressed  deerskin  is  fastened  on. the  right  shoulder,  pass- 
ing under  the  left  arm.  Bands  of  leather,  painted  blue-green  and  edged 
with  three  points  of  unpainted  leather,  ornament  the  upper  arms.  A 
leather  thong  several  inches  long,  tipped  with  a  turkey  plume,  is 
attached  to  each  point.  Bunches  of  native  blue  yarn  with  long  tassels 
encircle  the  wrists  and  are  also  worn  below  the  knees.  Dance  moccasins 
complete  the  costume.  The  entire  body  is  painted  with  the  pinkish 
claj7  before  referred  to.  Bows  and  arrows  are  carried  in  the  left  hand, 
and  in  the  right  tortoise-shell  rattles  and  bunches  of  giant  yucca. 
Two  of  the  A'toshle  are  similarly  dressed.  The  female  wears  ordinary 
woman's  dress,  and  a  white  cotton  blanket  bordered  with  red  and  blue 
stripes  is  tied  at  her  neck,  falling  over  the  back.  The  Ko'yemshi 
have  their  nude  bodies  and  masks  colored  with  the  pinkish  clay.  The 
ragged  kilt  is  worn,  and  a  three-cornered  piece  of  the  same  native 
cloth  is  tied  to  the  base  of  the  mask. 

The  Ne'wekwe,  attired  in  cast-off  uniforms  of  the  United  States 
Army,  are  supposed  to  lend  assistance  to  the  laborers,  but  they  do 
little  else  than  eat  filth  and  play  the  fool.  The  Ko'yemshi  scamper 
about  over  the  house  tops  and  indulge  in  jokes  and  other  nonsense, 
while  the  Sa'ya'hlia  go  about  the  village  with  bunches  of  yucca,  driving 
the  delinquents  to  work.  The  A'toshle  also  cany  giant  yucca,  which 
thejr  use  without  the  slightest  hesitancy,  and  they  are  supplied  with 
large  stone  knives  with  which  they  threaten  to  cut  off  the  heads  of 
naughty  and  disobedient  children. 

"While  there  is  much  work  in  the  house  building  there  is  also  much 
pleasure.  The  women  chatter  the  gossip  of  the  day,  men  pass  their 
jokes,  youths  and  maidens  laugh  joyously  at  one  another's  expense, 

a  See  A'shiwanni  (rain  priesthood). 


steyen-son]  FESTIVAL    OF    THE    SHa'lAKO  229 

and  children  vie  with  each  other  for  the  praise  of  their  elders.  Women 
are  busy  preparing  a  feast  for  those  laboring  on  the  ancestral  house  of 
the  Kia'kwemosi.  One  group  of  maidens  grinds  at  the  mills,  keeping 
time  to  a  choir  of  young  men  who  are  accompanied  by  the  drum,  while 
at  two  fireplaces  aged  women,  looking  more  like  mummies  than  living 
creatures,  sit  toasting  the  meal  after  it  has  passed  through  the  coarsest 
mill;  after  the  toasting,  it  must  again  go  through  finer  mills.  On 
another  side  of  the  room  a  group  of  half-grown  girls  sits  husking  corn, 
their  bodies  keeping  rythmic  time  with  their  voices.  At  another 
fireplace  two  women  are  busy  baking  he'we,  while  in  the  room  beyond 
maidens  are  engaged  over  great  pots  of  stewing  meat,  corn,  and  chili. 
Two  meals  are  served  to  the  workers,  one  at  midday  and  one  at  sunset. 
Late  in  the  afternoon  the  A'toshle  and  Ko'yemshi  together  visit  a 
number  of  houses  to  learn  if  the  inmates  properly  perform  their 
duties.  They  make  inquiries  regarding  the  behavior  of  husbands, 
wives,  and  children.  In  one  house  a  wife  accuses  her  husband  of 
being  lazy  and  unwilling  to  work,  whereupon  he  is  brought  up  for 
judgment.  He  pleads  his  own  cause  and  finally  succeeds  in  getting 
the  gods  to  accept  his  statement.  In  another  house  the  mother 
complains  that  her  daughter  will  not  grind.  The  girl  declares  that 
grinding  makes  her  very  tired  and  her  arms  refuse  to  move.  The 
female  A'toshle  commands  the  girl  to  accompany  her  to  the  mills  and 
kneel  beside  her  to  be  taught  to  grind  so  that  her  arms  will  not  become 
tired.  The  two  gods  lecture  a  boy  of  i  years,  while  two  younger 
children  of  the  family  are  held  close  in  the  arms  of  their  parents,  who 
cover  the  little  ones'  eyes  with  their  hands.  The  boy  receiving  the 
lecture  clings  to  his  mother,  and  his  knees  shake  as  he  replies  to  the 
questions  of  the  gods.  The  fear  of  the  child  is  great  as  the  gods  wave 
their  stone  knives  above  him  and  declare  that  if  he  is  naughty  they 
will  cut  off  his  head.  A  father  complains  that  his  boys  are  uncleanly 
and  will  not  bathe,  whereupon  they  are  commanded  b}^  the  gods  to 
proceed  at  once  to  the  river,  where  the  Ko'yemshi  join  the  boys,  and 
dropping  their  kilts,  jump  into  the  water  and  bathe.  In  a  short  time 
they  make  their  brief  toilet  and  return  to  the  house  and  join  the 
A'toshle.  Then  all  stand  in  line  and  repeat  a  long  prayer,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  household  observing  the  greatest  reverence.  At  the  com- 
pletion of  this  prayer  the  family  sprinkle  the  gods  with  meal  and 
pray. 

After  leaving  the  house  the  gods  meet  a  man  returning  from  his 
peach  orchard,  his  burro  heavily  laden  with  fruit,  the  master  urging 
him  along  with  a  heavy  stick.  The  man  is  stopped  by  the  gods  and 
held  up  for  trial  for  working  in  his  orchard  instead  of  assisting  in  the 
building  of  the  house  of  the  Kia'kwemosi.     It  is  finally  decided  he 


230  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

shall  be  allowed  to  go  unpunished  after  supplying  the  party  gener- 
ously with  peaches,  which  the  Ko'ycmshi  earn-  to  their  house.  The 
other  gods  now  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  where  the}'  remove  their  masks 
and  apparel  and  put  on  their  ordinary  clothing,  which  has  been  brought 
by  young  men,  who  convey  the  masks  and  paraphernalia  close!}7  con- 
cealed under  their  blankets  to  their  proper  places.  Such  are  the  daily 
scenes  during  the  exterior  building  of  the  house. 

The  richer  class  is  likely  to  entertain  the  Sha'lako  most  fre- 
quently, as  they  are  better  able  to  remodel  and  enlarge  their  houses 
from  time  to  time,  yet  those  who  are  very  poor  sometimes  aspire  to 
this  honor.  In  order  to  do  so  the  house  must  undergo  the  necessary 
improvements.  One  of  the  entertainers  of  the  Sha'lako  in  1S96 
was  tried  and  condemned  as  a  wizard  while  engaged  on  his  house 
improvements.  It  was  with  difficulty  that  the  writer  had  this  man 
released,  the  whole  village  crying  out  against  him,  yet  after  being 
exonerated  he  proceeded  with  his  house  building  without  further 
obstacles. 

Each  family  that  is  to  remodel  a  house  for  the  Sha'lako  festival  has 
at  harvest  time  a  corps  of  men  detailed  to  work  in  their  fields  by  the 
chief  wor'li  of  the  ki'wi'sine  whence  the  personators  of  the  gods  are  to 
come.  These  men  leave  the  village  in  a  body,  usually  on  horseback, 
at  early  morning,  returning  at  sunset.  They  enjoy  a  repast  at  the 
house  of  those  for  whom  they  have  labored.  Great  preparations  are 
made  for  this  occasion  by  the  women  of  the  household,  their  clan,  and 
the  clan  of  the  man  of  the  house.  Grinding  is  again  done  as  described, 
with  ceremony  and  song. 

On  August  16, 1896,  the  wor'li  of  the  O'he'wa  (East)  ki'wi'sine  visited 
the  house  where  the  Sha'lako  of  his  ki'wi'sine  was  to  appear  the  coming 
autumn,  and  informed  the  matron  of  the  house  that  his  people  would 
work  in  the  fields.  The  fields  worked  on  this  occasion  were  those  of 
the  man  and  woman  of  the  house  and  of  their  two  sons-in-law,  the 
products  of  all  going  to  the  household  use. 

On  the  return  of  the  workers  at  sunset,  those  who  were  to  personate 
a  Sha'lako,  his  fellow,  and  the  Ko'mosona  being  of  the  number,  a 
feast  was  served  them  on  the  roof  of  the  house. a  The  food  was  placed  in 
a  line  and  twenty-one  persons  were  seated  on  each  side  of  it.  The  wives 
of  those  who  chanced  to  be  of  the  clans  of  the  inmates  of  the  house  were 
assembled,  with  their  babies,  on  the  roof  to  receive  their  husbands  and 
aid  in  serving  the  meal.  The  fathers  whose  babies  were  present  seemed 
very  much  more  interested  in  the  wee  ones  than  in  the  elaborate  meal 
that  awaited  them,  and  the  babies,  who  exhibited  great  delight  at  the 
presence  of  their  fathers,  were  taken  and  tossed  about  and  played  with 
before  the  food  was  tasted.     Those  men  whose  wives  and  babies  arrived 

"These  people  enjoy  being  out  of  doors  in  the  cool  of  the  evening. 


stevenson]  MINOR    CEREMONIES    OF    THE    SHA'LAKO  231 

after  they  wore  seated  took  the  little  ones  in  their  arms  and  played  with 
them,  to  the  interruption  of  their  meal.  At  the  close  of  the  meal  food 
wrapped  in  corn  husks  was  handed  to  the  man  who  was  to  personate  the 
Sha'lako  and  to  his  fellow  by  the  member  of  the  household  to  whom 
the  te'likinane  was  given  at  the  winter  solstice.  The  food  was  carried 
to  the  river  and  deposited  to  the  Kok'ko  A'wan  (Council  of  the  Gods)." 
The  Sha'lako  festival  is  the  great  autumn  celebration,  and  is  of  more 
general  interest  to  the  Zuiiis,  and  also  to  the  Indians  of  the  surrounding 
country,  than  all  the  others.  At  no  other  time  is  there  such  feasting 
among  them.  The  larders  are  kept  filled.  The  poorer  class  of  Zunis 
often  give  all  they  possess  to  their  welcome  and  unwelcome  guests, 
regardless  of  the  suffering  in  store  for  them  when  the  festival  will  have 
closed  and  the  visitors,  who  have  satiated  their  appetites  at  their 
expense,  will  have  gone.  Among  these  unwelcome  guests  are  the 
Navahos,  for  whom,  except  in  a  few  instances  where  a  friendship  has 
sprung  up.  the  Zuiiis  have  scant  amity.  The  Navahos  have  not  the 
slightest  hesitancy  in  riding  up  to  a  house,  unsaddling  their  horses, 
walking  in,  and  remaining  as  long  as  it  may  suit  their  pleasure;  and 
the  Zuiiis  accept  the  inevitable  as  graciously  as  possible. 

Minor  Ceremonies 

Though  the  great  festival  takes  place  in  the  autumn,  minor  ceremo- 
nies occur  each  month  following  the  winter  solstice,  at  which  time  the 
personators  of  the  gods  who  are  represented  in  this  festival  are 
appointed.  They  meet  twice  each  month  to  rehearse  their  songs,  and 
each  month  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  moon  te'likinawe  are  deposited 
at  some  shrine  to  these  gods. 

In  January  the  chosen  Sa'yatiisba"  visits  the  house  of  the  new  A'wan 
ta"chu  Ko'vemshi,  and  the  two  remain  together  until  far  into  the  night. 
The  following  morning  the  personator  of  Sa'yatasha  goes  on  horse- 
back to  Nutria  (a  farming  district)  to  gather  cottonwood,  returning  as 
early  as  possible.  After  reaching  his  home  and  depositing  the  bulk  of 
the  branches,  he  carries  a  small  bundle  of  them  to  the  house  where  the 
masks  of  the  Ko'vemshi  are  kept  and  where  the  Great  Father  Ko'yem- 
shi  awaits  him.  The  two  talk  together  for  a  while.  The  six  person- 
ators of  the  Sha'lako  also  gather  cottonwood  for  their  te'likinawe. 
Early  in  the  following  morning  the  Gieat  Father  Ko'yemshi,  having 
selected  his  nine  fellows,  requests  them  to  assemble  at  his  house. 

Those  who  are  to  personate  the  Council  of  the  Gods  go  to  the  house 
of  the  personator  of  Sa'yatasha,  who  inquires  of  Shu'laawi'si  whom  he 
has  chosen  to  be  his  ceremonial  father.  The  latter  replying,  Sa'yatasha 
requests  him  to  bring  the  father,  who  ma}'  be  of  .any  clan;  in  1896  he 
belonged   to  the  Corn   clan.     On  his  return  Shu'laawi'si   holds  the 

a  Sec  p.  33. 


232  THK    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

te'likinane  given  him  by  the  pe'kwin  in  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  during 
the  winter  solstice  ceremonies  and  repeats  with  his  chosen  father  the 
ceremony  said  h}T  the  pe'kwin  over  him.  The  Ko'yemshi  assemble 
at  the  same  time  in  the  house  of  the  Great  Father  Ko'vemshi,  who 
repeats  with  each  of  his  nine  fellows  the  ceremony  with  his  plume 
offering  that  the  pe'kwin  held  with  him.  The  te'likinawe  are  then 
returned  to  the  basket  tray  from  which  the}'  were  taken. 

On  the  following  morning  the  Ko'vemshi  again  gather  in  the  Great 
Father's  house,  and  those  who  are  to  personate  the  Council  of  the  Gods 
and  father  of  Shu'laawi'si  assemble  in  the  house  of  the  personator  of 
Sa'yatasha,  the  alternate  of  each  man  who  personates  a  Sha'lako  going 
to  his  principal's  house.  All  are  busy  preparing  te'likinawe.  Each  man 
makes  four,  except  A'wan  ta"chu  Ko'vemshi,  who  makes  only  three, 
having  the  one  alread\r  given  him  by  the  pe'kwin.  The  sticks  of  all  the 
Ko'vemshi  are  colored  black,  each  having  three  eagle  plumes,  one 
from  the  back  of  the  neck,  one  from  under  the  tail,  and  one  banded 
one,  and  feathers  from  the  birds  of  the  six  regions.  The  te'likinawe 
made  by  the  pgrsonators  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  have  the  sticks 
colored  black.  The  one  given  to  Sa'yatasha  by  the  pe'kwin  is  painted 
yellow.  Each  stick  of  these  gods  has  three  turkey  plumes,  one  flu  fly- 
eagle  plume,  and  feathers  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions.  Each  Sha'lako 
and  his  alternate  prepare  te'likinawe  similar  to  those  made  at  the 
house  of  Sa'yatasha.  When  the  offerings  are  completed  they  are  laid 
in  basket  tra3Ts.  The  men  return  to  their  homes,  where  the  head  of 
each  is  washed  by  the  wife  or  some  female  member  of  the  family. 
Returning  for  the  te'likinawe,  they  all  proceed  to  U'hana  'kianakwi 
(Moss"  spring),  where  Sa'yatasha  makes  an  excavation  with  an  ancient 
corn  planter  the  depth  of  his  arm  to  the  elbow,  and  sprinkles  in  meal 
combined  with  turquoise,  ko'hakwa  (white  shell  beads),  and  abalone 
shell  until  the  place  is  thickly  covered,  when  each  man  deposits  his 
te'likinawe  in  the  excavation,  sprinkles  them  with  meal,  and  prays. 
The  excavation  is  carefully  covered  with  earth  by  Sa'yatasha.  Conti- 
nence must  be  observed  during  the  four  following  days,  the  persona- 
tors  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  spending  each  night  until  midnight  in 
the  house  of  Sa'yatasha.  The  Ko'yemshi  deposit  their  te'likinawe  in 
an  excavation  by  a  spring.  There  are  many  concretion  fetishes  at 
this  spring.  The  Ko'yemshi  spend  these  four  nights  until  midnight 
in  the  house  of  the  Great  Father,  each  alternate  of  a  Sha'lako  going  in 
the  same  manner  to  the  house  of  his  Sha'lako. 

The  spring  visited  in  February  is  some  6  or  7  miles  south  of  Zufii, 
in  a  most  retired  spot.  The  writer  was  there  in  the  company  of  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  claimed  that  no  one  who  was  not  a 
member  of  the  Ko'tikili  (mythologic  fraternity)  had  before  visited  this 

a  U'hana  is  also  the  Ziifii  name  for  wool. 


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stevensox]  MINOR    CEREMONIES    OF    THE    SHA'lAKO  233 

shrine,  Pi'kiaia'kiana  (Water-cress  spring).  (See  plate  xlviii.)  A 
short,  steep  climb  above  the  spring  brings  one  to  a  cave  rock,  about 
30  feet  wide,  with  a  projecting  ledge  at  the  base,  the  deepest  place  being 
lit  or  12  feet,  the  roof  of  stone  projecting  over  the  base.  At  each  end 
of  this  arch,  on  the  roof,  are  impressions  of  hands,  made  by  placing  the 
hand  on  the  rock  and  spattering  a  brownish-red  paint.  There  are  seven 
of  these  hand  impressions  at  the  north  end,  more  at  the  south  end,  and 
some  near  the  center.  A  number  of  masks  of  anthropic  gods  are  rep- 
resented on  the  rock  with  black  paint,  the  more  recent  ones  having  in 
many  cases  been  made  over  older  ones.  A  central  figure  on  the  rock 
wall  represents  a  Ko'yemshi  mask.  An  outline  is  formed  by  cutting 
the  rock,  and  three  pits,  colored  black,  each  large  enough  to  hold  a 
marble,  denote  the  eye  and  mouth  holes  of  the  mask.  The  Ko'loowisi 
(Plumed  Serpent)  extends  nearly  the  whole  length  of  the  rock,  its 
head  to  the  south.  The  teeth  are  large  and  of  black  paint.  Many 
other  figures  are  on  the  rock,  including  several  cougars,  game  animals, 
and  the  god  O'lolowishkia,  with  conspicuous  generative  organs.  The 
older  markings  on  the  rock  are  cuttings;  the  more  recent  are  paintings 
in  black.  Near  each  end  of  the  rock  are  twelve  pits,  indicating  differ- 
ent springs  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods.  It  was  impossible  to  secure  the 
whole  scene  with  the  camera,  which  failed  to  bring  out  distinctly  the 
markings  of  this  most  elaborate  and  interesting  shrine.  A  separate 
stone  near  the  middle  of  the  rock,  which  has  the  mask  of  Sa'yatasha 
cut  on  it,  is  a  seat  for  the  personator  of  this  god.  There  are  stone 
seats  in  line  for  the  others,  but  these  have  no  caiwings.  The  stone 
where  the  Sha'lako  sit  is  large  and  has  a  square,  smooth  surface, 
upon  which  is  a  geometrical  figure  composed  of  small  pits. 

In  March  A"sina  *kia  'nakwi  (Stone-picture-place  spring),  not  far 
south  of  Zufii,  is  visited.  In  April  thej'  go  to  Pi'shukiaia  'kia'nawki 
(Poison  oak  spring),  which  is  at  the  base  of  No'ponia  yal'lanne  (Face 
mountain).  In  May  'Kian'uhl  'hla'kwi  (spring  coming  from  mesa 
wall),  situated  at  the  base  of  Ke'ya'"  yal'lanne  (Whitewash  mountain), 
is  visited.  In  June  the}'  go  to  To'loknana  'kia'nakwi  (Bulrush,  Scir- 
pus  occidentalis,  spring),  at  the  base  of  a  mountain  bearing  the  same 
name.  In  July  'Kla'techikwi  (ill-smelling  water),  at  the  base  of  I'ti- 
wanna  (middle)  yal'lanne,  is  visited.  In  August  they  visit  O'pompiakwi 
(Sack  of  meal  hanging  place).6  In  September  they  go  to  A'yaya- 
kia'kianakwi  (Blue-jay  spring),  at  the  base  of  a  mountain  of  the  same 
name.  In  October  Hal'on  kwa'tonc  ("Ant  entering  place"),  is  visited, 
near  which  is  a  spring  well  protected  b\r  a  wall  and  roof  of  stone 
(see  plate  xlix). 

alt  is  from  this  mesa  that  ke'chipa,  the  material  used  by  the  Zufii  for  whitewash,  is  obtained. 

6 Mountain  of  the  Gods  of  War  (see  Bow  priesthood). 

c  This  shrine  is  on  the  site  of  the  ruin  Klakli'ma,  at  the  southwest  base  of  Corn  mountain. 


234  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

The  shrine  which  symbolized  the  Middle  of  the  world  to  the  A'shiwi 
when  they  lived  on  To'wa  yal'lanne  is  a  cave  in  the  rocky  wall  just 
above  Ha'lon  kwa'ton  (see  A  plate  l).  It  appears  impassable,  but  it 
can  be  reached  by  expert  climbers. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mosona,  Ko'pekwin,  and  two 
Ko'pr'lashiwanni  assemble  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosiat  sunrise  forty-nine  days  previous  to  the  coming  of  the  Sha'lako. 
The  pe'kwln  and  Ko'pekwin  each  tie  forty-nine  knots  in  a  white  cotton 
cord,  denoting-  that  the  gods  will  come  in  forty-nine  days,  including  the 
day  on  which  the  knots  are  made.  The  cord  is  as  long  as  the  reach  of 
the  maker's  extended  arms,  and  is  composed  of  four  strands  of  cotton 
slightly  twisted.  The  first  knot  is  made  about  8  inches  from  the  end, 
and  a  turquoise  or  ko'hakwa  bead  is  placed  at  this  point.  One  string 
is  given  to  the  personator  of  Sa'yatasha,  the  other  to  Great  Father 
Ko'yemshi.  The  two  go  to  Ku'shilowa  (red  earth),  a  short  distance 
east  of  the  village,  and  pray.  The  same  evening  Ha'lon  kwa'ton  is 
visited  b}T  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  Ko'yemshi,  and  the  Sha'lako,  who 
deposit  te'likinawe. 

From  this  time  till  the  coming  of  the  Sha'lako  there  are  constant 
meetings  and  rehearsals  of  songs  and  prayers. 

In  1S96  there  was  a  serious  discussion  between  the  pe'kwln  and  the  personators  of 
the  Council  of  the  Gods,  with  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  on  the  side  of  the  latter. 
The  pe'kwln  insisted  that  the  others  had  miscounted  and  that  some  days  should  be 
dropped,  while  the  others  were  strong  in  their  opinion  that  the  proper  time  had  been 
chosen  for  the  coming  of  the  Sha'lako.     The  pe'kwln,  however,  carried  his  point. 

Another  trouble  also  occurred  about  this  time  over  a  scandal  that  caused  much 
excitement  and  nightly  discussions.  The  whole  village  was  horror-stricken  over  a 
report  concerning  the  man  chosen  to  personate  Shu'laawi'si;  he  was  accused  by  the 
elder  sister  of  the  wife  of  the  present  pe'kwln  of  improper  conduct  after  his  appoint- 
ment to  office.  A  council,  formed  of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  and  those  who 
were  to  personate  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  the  Sha'lako,  discussed  the  matter. 
The  woman,  being  present,  accused  the  man  of  approaching  her  at  night  with  undue 
familiarity,  he  being  her  guest  at  The  time.  The  man  was  tried,  found  guilty,  and 
expelled  from  office;  another  was  found  to  fill  his  place. 

When  ten  days  have  passed  after  the  visit  to  Ha'lon  kwa'ton  the 
same  party  goes  to  the  shrine  Pa'nitonin'kwi  in  the  afternoon  and 
deposit  te'likinawe.  They  return  to  the  village  by  early  moonlight, 
the  Council  of  the  Gods,  who  proceed  quietly,  preceding  the  others  a 
short  distance.  The  songs  of  the  personators  of  the  Ko'yemshi  and 
Sha'lako  with  their  alternates,  each  party  forming  its  own  group,  are 
heard  some  time  before  the  men  are  visible.  In  ten  days  the  same 
party  visits  A'ne  'hlawa  an  te'  kiapoakwi,  a  shrine  on  a  mound  south- 
west of  Zufii;  and  ten  days  later  they  go  to  Sus'ki  a'shoktakwi  (coj'ote 
stone  drinking  place).  After  ten  more  days  they  visit  A'kohanna 
ti'nakwi  (white  rocks  sitting),  a  group  of  white  sandstone  pinnacles 
perched  on  a  knoll  which  are  sacred  to  the  Council  of   the  Gods. 


Stevenson]  MINOR    CEREMONIES    OF    THE    SHA'LAKO  235 

Two  of  the  rocks  are  marked  with  perpendicular  lines  out  in  the  rock, 
one  having  twenty-nine  the  other  twenty-eight  lines.  It  was  stated 
that  these  lines  denote  the  number  of  years  the  late  Ko'inosona 
and  Ko'pekwin  held  office,  a  statement  that  requires  substantiation. 
The  Ko'yemshi  are  chosen  annually  alternately  from  the  fraternities 
enumerated  below.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Great  Father  is 
designated  at  the  winter-solstice  ceremonial,  he  in  turn  choosing  his 
fellows.  The  elans  given  are  not  those  of  the  men  personating  the 
Ko'yemshi.  but  the  clans  of  their  paternal  parents.  It  makes  no 
difference  to  what  clan  each  man  who  personates  a  Ko'yemshi  belongs, 
but  his  father  must  be  of  the  clan  mentioned.  The  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy), 
Sho'wekwe  (Arrow  reed), 'Ko'shi'kwe  (Cactus),  and  Ma"kethlan'nakwe 
(Great  tire)  fraternities  follow  annually  in  regular  succession. 


Ufa'tke  tfdan'na- 

Ko'yemshi 

Ne'wekwe          Sho'wekwea 

tKo'shi'kwe 

kwe 

1  A 'wan  ta'vhu  (great  father) 

Sand  hill  Srane  Dogwood 

Tobacco 

Turkey 

i!  Pe'kwln  i  deputy  togreat  father) 

Dogwood             Corn 

Dogwood 

Badger 

3  Pi'-'lashiwanrii  (warrior) 

Corn                   Sun 

Corn 

Eagle 

4  E'sho'si  (bat) 

Bear                     Coyote 

Badger 

Frog 

5  Mu'yiipona  (small  horns) 

Eagle                 Badger 

Frog 

Dogwood 

ti  Po'sokli  (small  mouth) 

Sun                      Sand-hill  Crane  Eagle 

Bear 

7  Xa'thlashi  (old  grandfather) 

Badger  '              Eagle 

Turkey 

Sand-hill  Crane 

8  It'sepasha  (game-maker) 

Coyote                 Frog; 

Sand-hill  Crane  Sun 

9  'Kfa'lu'si  (water-drinker) 

Frog                   *Turkey 

Coyote 

Badger 

.0  Sa'thlashi  (old  youth) 

Badger                Dogwood 

Sun 

Dogwood 

The  Ko'yemshi  appear  in  the  village  the  night  of  the  day  the  plumes 
are  planted  at  A'kohanna  ti'uakwi.  They  are  supposed  to  come  from 
Ko'thluwala'wa,''  but  their  starting  point  is  He'patina,  a  shrine  sym- 
bolic of  the  Middle  of  the  world,  situated  a  short  distance  south  of 
Zuiii.  They  cross  the  river  at  the  southwest  corner  of  the  town  and 
announce  the  coming  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  in  four  days  and  of  the 
Sha'lako  in  eight  days.  The  village  is  illuminated  not  only  by  fires  in 
the  houses,  from  which  each  window  is  aglow,  but  by  the  ovens  out  of 
doors,  the  fire  tongues  issuing  through  the  oven  doors.  The  Ko'yem- 
shi pass  first  to  the  te'wita  'hlan'na  (large  plaza)  and  stand  in  a  group. 
Sa'thlashi  is  the  first  to  speak:  "Eight  days  everyone  must  go  to  the 
Navaho  country  and  fight."  'Kia'lu'si  speaks:  "In  eight  days  my 
people  come.  You  boys  must  look  around  for  nice  girls  and  stay  with 
them.*'  It'sepasha  speaks  next:  "To-night  these  men  dragged  me  from 
my  house,  and  I  am  lonesome  without  my  wife.  When  they  go  to 
sleep  I  will  run  away  and  return  to  my  wife."  Na'thlashi  speaks: 
"To-night  this  man  [referring  to  the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi]  picked 
out  nine  men;  pretty  soon  they  will  fight."  Na'thlashi  says  but  little. 
Po'sokii  speaks:  "In  eight  days  we  will  have  the  big  dance;  then  you 
will  have  plenty  to  eat."  He  continues  for  a  time  with  obscene  jokes. 
E'sho'si  says:  "To-night  I  come;  all  of  you  come  to  see  me;  all  of 

a  Since  the  degeneracy  of  the  Sho'wekwe  the  aged  director  of  this  fraternity  selects  his  nine  fel- 
lows from  the  people  at  large. 
b  Abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods. 


236  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ax.n.  23 

you  boj's  have  a  good  time  and  do  not  be  angry."  Pi'^liishiwanni 
.speaks:  "I  come  to  tell  you  to-night  that  in  eight  days  everyone  will 
be  happy  and  have  a  good  time;  men  should  trade  wives."  "  There  are 
further  remarks  of  obseene  character.  The  pe'kwin  (deputy  to  Great 
Father)  closes  with  the  following  speech:  "Night,  my  father,  night, 
my  mother,  you  have  come  a  little  near."  He  means  that  it  is  early  in 
the  night.  Addressing  the  Zuiiis,  he  continues:  "In  eight  days  my 
people  will  come  [referring  to  their  ancestors].  All  will  come  from 
Ko'thluwala'wa  and  A'witen  te'hula  (fourth  world).  Even  the  old  men 
too  feeble  to  walk  will  come  leaning  on  a  cane,  the  mother  with  her  son 
walking  before  her,  her  child  led  by  the  hand,  her  younger  child  car- 
ried on  her  back,  the  infant  in  her  arms,  and  her  unborn  child — all  will 
come  hither  to  see  you.  They  will  see  you,  but  }'ou  will  not  see  them; 
they  will  not  be  in  the  flesh,  but  in  the  ghost  self." 

In  the  old  time  the  people  from  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  A'witen  te'hula 
appeared  in  the  flesh,  but  their  presence  caused  great  mortality  among 
the  A'shiwi,  which  distressed  the  A'shiwanni,  and  therefore  they  of  the 
ghost  world  decided  to  come  thereafter  only  in  the  spirit,  and  so  the 
gods  instructed  the  people  to  wear  masks  like  those  worn  by  them- 
selves, when  they  would  come  in  spirit  and  abide  for  a  time  in  the  per- 
sonators  of  themselves.  The  Zuiiis  have  their  mediums,  gifted  with 
superior  sight,  who  see  the  ghosts. 

The  pe'kwin  continues:  "You  must  all  work;  the  houses  must  be 
completed;  you  must  bring  much  wood.  Make  }'our  moccasins  and 
clothes.  Tell  the  women  to  whiten  the  walls  and  make  their  houses 
beautiful  for  my  people,  the  gods  who  are  to  come.  The  Council  of 
the  Gods  will  come  in  four  days,  and  in  eight  days  the  Sha'lako  will 
come."  After  a  few  jokes  from  the  others,  the}'  start  for  the  Si'aa' 
te'wita,  sacred  dance  plaza,  where  the}'  again  form  into  a  circle,  with 
two  in  the  ring,  and  repeat  what  was  said  in  the  large  plaza. 
From  the  Si'aa'  te'wita  they  go  to  the  ko'china  te'wita  (rat  plaza), 
and  from  there  to  the  He'kiapawa  te'wita  (back-wall  plaza).  The 
same  speeches  are  repeated  in  all  the  plazas. 

On  leaving  the  He'kiapawa  plaza  the  Ko'yemshi  disappear  on  the 
western  road,  but  they  soon  return  with  masks,  etc.,  under  a  covering 
of  blankets  and  go  into  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  fraternity  of 
which  the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi  is  a  member.  They  do  not  leave 
the  house  for  eight  days,  except  to  make  certain  announcements  at 
night  regarding  the  coming  of  the  gods  and  to  collect  wood.  Each 
morning  nine  of  them  go  for  wood,  one  always  remaining  in  the 
chamber. 

A  member  of  the  fraternity  to  which  the  Great  Father  belongs  is 
designated  to  secure  the  burros  each  day  to  bring  the  wood,  each  of 
the  nine  men  having-  one  burro.     The  men  ride  the  burros  in  going 


tiSuch  practices  are  not  common  among  the  Zuiiis. 


stevenson]  MINOR    CEREMONIES    OF   THE    SHA'lAKO  287 

for  the  wood,  but  on  the  return  at  sunset  the  little  animals  are  loaded 
with  the  wood  and  are  driven  by  the  Ko'yemshi.  The  wood  is  depos- 
ited before  the  new  house  that  is  to  be  dedieated  by  the  Ko'yemshi, 
and  the  women  of  the  house  and  members  of  their  clan  stack  it. 

There  is  no  altar  erected  during  the  eight  days'  retreat  of  the 
Ko'yemshi  and  they  do  not  dance.  The  one  remaining  indoors  spends 
his  time  principally  in  sewing  his  personal  apparel.  In  the  evening 
there  are  prayers  and  songs.  They  may  eat  anything,  the  food  being 
served  by  women  of  the  fraternity  to  which  the  Great  Father  belongs, 
but  they  must  observe  continence  and  not  even  touch  the  hand  of  a 
woman. 

At  this  time  the  chief  wor'li  of  each  ki'wi'sine  with  his  associates 
meets  the  people  of  his  ki'wi'sine  and  of  the  fraternity  which  is  to 
take  part  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  Sha'lako.  The  members  of  the 
fraternity  rehearse  their  songs  and  te'likinawe  are  prepared.  At  sun- 
set the  wor'we  (plural  of  wor'li)  proceed  to  the  shrine  of  the  Sha'lako 
and  deposit  the  offerings.  This  shrine,  called  the  house  of  the  Sha'lako, 
is  about  li  miles  southwest  of  Zuni,  at  the  base  of  A'kohanna  tinakwi. 
It  is  a  low-walled,  rectangular  inclosure  in  which  stones  are  placed  for 
seats.  Here  the  personators  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  Sha'lako 
hold  a  council  previous  to  the  Sha'lako  ceremonial.  Formerly  the 
personators  of  these  gods  attired  themselves  for  the  festival  at  this 
place,  but  as  the  influx  of  Americans  and  others  has  rendered  this  spot 
liable  to  intrusion,  a  house  some  distance  east  of  this  point  now  serves 
for  their  dressing  room.  There  are  a  number  of  stones  piled  together  at 
A'kohanna  ti'nakwi  to  form  a  special  shrine  for  Sa'yatfisha,  and  about 
12  feet  south  is  what  is  known  as  the  shrine  of  Shu'laawi'si.  Quanti- 
ties of  te'likinawe  are  to  be  seen  at  the  shrine  of  Sa'yatfisha  and  in 
and  about  all  the  crevices  of  the  larger  rocks. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Sha'lako  wor'we  visit  the  Sha'lako  shrine  the 
chosen  father  of  Shu'laawi'si  deposits  two  heaps  of  he'sho  (pinon)  wood 
at  the  western  base  of  I'shana  an  te'kiapoa  (Grease  knoll),  six  piles  about 
equal  distance  apart  between  this  knoll  and  A'kohanna  ti'nakwi,  and 
another  heap  on  the  knoll  at  the  shrine  of  Shu'laawi'si.  At  noon  of  the 
same  day  the  Ko'mosona  and  Ko'pekwin  visit  A'kohanna  ti'nakwi  and 
make  two  sand  mounds,  symbolizing  the  two  mountains  near  Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa,  one  on  each  side  of  Sa'yatfisha's  seat  or  shrine,  the  one  on  the 
north  being  symbolic  of  Ko'yemshi  mountain,  and  that  on  the  south 
symbolic  of  Kor'kokshi  mountain,  the  seat  itself  being  symbolic  of 
Ko'thluwala'wa/'  The  mounds  are  made  of  sand  and  covered  with 
prayer  meal.  The  Ko'mosona  extends  a  line  of  meal  outward  from  the 
shrine  several  feet  to  the  east  and  crosses  the  line  with  meal  four 
times,  denoting  the  four  regions,  and  sprinkles  meal  over  a  consider- 
able surface,  and  the  two  return  to  the  village. 

a  See  p.  154. 


238  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

At  10  o'clock  at  night  a  party  visits  A'kohanna  ti'nakwi  in  the 
following  order:  Ceremonial  father  of  Shu'laawi'si,  Shu'laawi'si, 
Sa'yatasha,  Ya'muhakto,  Hu'tutu:  second  Ya'muhakto,  Ko'mosona, 
Ko'pekwin,  and  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests.  The  father 
of  Shu'laawi'si  carries  a  vessel  of  live  coals  from  the  house  of  the  per- 
sonator  of  Sa'yatasha.  Shu'laawi'si  lights  the  wood  at  his  shrine  which 
is  near  by  with  the  coals  brought  by  his  chosen  father  ami  ignites  his 
ccilar  brand. 

After  the  ceremonies  at  A'kohanna  ti'nakwi  the  party  proceeds  in 
regular  order  across  the  plain  to  I'shiina  an  te'kiapoa,  Shu'laawi'si 
lighting  with  his  fire  brand  each  of  the  six  heaps  of  wood  and  also 
the  two  piles  at  this  knoll.  It  is  midnight  before  the  party  reaches 
He'patina,  where  prayers  are  sung.  From  here  thej'  go  to  the  village, 
and.  after  announcing  the  coming  of  the  Sha'lako  in  four  days,  those 
who  are  to  personate  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  the  ceremonial 
father  of  Shu'laawi'si  retire  to  the  house  of  the  personator  of 
Sa'3Tatasha  and  remain  there  four  days  in  retreat,  except  when  they 
go  each  morning  for  wood,  leaviug  on  burros  provided  for  them  and 
returning  on  foot  driving  the  laden  burros.  They,  too,  must  observe 
continence  and  not  look  upon  the  face  of  a  woman  during  their 
retreat.  On  the  morning  of  the  arrival  of  the  party  from  A'kohanna 
ti'nakwi  a  member  of  the  governor's  staff  calls  from  the  house  top  that 
all  must  offer  food  to  the  dead.  Each  member  of  a  family  deposits  a 
quantity  of  food  in  the  flames  in  the  fireplace. 

Work  is  being  hurried  on  the  new  houses.  One  of  the  character- 
istics of  these  people  is  to  delay  their  building  until  they  find  it 
necessary  to  hurry  in  order  to  complete  their  houses  in  time. 

Each  day  wagonloads  of  corn  of  varieties  beautiful  in  color  are 
brought  from  the  farming  districts.  Those  who  are  to  entertain  the 
personators  of  the  gods  are  already  busy  in  their  homes.  While 
nearl}*  all  ceremonies  are  attended  with  feasts,  there  is  no  other  time 
in  Zuni  when  festal  preparations  are  made  on  such  a  scale  as  for  the 
Sha'lako  festival.  In  each  house  that  the  gods  are  to  dedicate,  the 
women  of  the  house,  those  of  their  clan,  and  those  of  the  clan  of 
the  male  head  of  the  house  are  as  busy  as  bees.  Sometimes  women  of 
the  clans  of  those  who  are  to  personate  the  gods  lend  helping  hands. 
As  many  maidens  are  invited  to  grind  as  will  form  two  sets  of  grinders 
for  the  mills.  The  mills  vary  from  three  to  eight  in  number,  accord- 
ing to  the  wealth  and  pretensions  of  the  family. 

The  following  is  a  description  of  a  scene  witnessed  in  1891  in  f,ie 
wealthiest  house  in  Zufii.  in  which  preparations  were  being  made  to 
entertain  the  Sha'lako.  All  preparations  for  feasts,  while  more  or  less 
elaborate,  are  virtually  the  same,  being  controlled  by  the  same 
customs. 


stevenson]  MINOR    CEREMONIES    OF   THE    SHA'lAKO  239 

As  there  are  eight  mills  in  this  house,  there  are  sixteen  grinders. 
An  aged  woman,  said  to  be  the  only  one  living"  who  knows  the  two 
original  grinding  songs*  by  heart,  sits  before  the  mills  and  leads 
the  grinders  in  the  song;  that  is,  teaches  them  the  song-.  AVhile  one 
set  of  maidens  grind,  the  others  dauee  in  the  same  room  to  the  music 
of  a  choir  formed  of  eight  young  men,  one  of  whom  beats  on  a  drum 
while  the  others  use  rattles  in  accompaniment  to  the  song.  The 
dancers  are  led  by  a  young  man  standing  in  the  middle  of  the  line. 
His  dress  of  cotton  trousers  and  shirt  is  embellished  by  a  leather  belt 
that  has  many  tiny  bells  attached.  The  girls  wear  their  oi'dinaiy 
dress.  A  crone  places  in  each  hand  of  a  dancer  as  she  leaves  her  seat 
an  ear  of  corn,  which  she  takes  from  a  basket  beside  her.  She 
also  gives  two  ears  to  the  male  dancer.  She  repeats  a  short  prayer 
with  each  presentation.  The  dancers  form  in  tile  up  and  down  the 
room,  the  maidens  keeping  their  feet  close  together  and  balancing 
themselves  on  their  toes  as  they  raise  their  heels.  They  partly 
turn  their  bodies  from  left  to  right,  moving  in  a  sort  of  shuffle  as 
they  proceed  in  an  ellipse  to  the  starting  point,  where  they  reverse 
the  movement  from  right  to  left.  The.  song,  in  which  they  join,  is  a 
supplication  for  much  rain  and  bountiful  crops.  At  the  close  of  the 
dance  each  maiden  returns  her  corn  to  the  crone,  who  draws  from  it  a 
breath  and  presents  it  to  the  lips  of  the  dancers,  who  also  draw  the 
sacred  breath  from  the  corn.  The  grinders,  resigning  their  places  at 
the  mills  to  these  girls,  repeat  the  dance,  which  in  this  way  continues 
until  sunset. 

Two  aged  women  are  busy  before  the  fireplace  in  the  same  room 
toasting  the  corn  after  it  has  been  passed  through  the  first  mill,  the 
meal,  which  is  in  two  bowls,  being  stirred  with  bunches  of  slender 
sticks.  After  it  is  slightly  toasted  it  passes  through  two  more  mills, 
or  perhaps  three,  until  it  reaches  the  required  fineness,  when  it  is  as 
impalpable  as  wheat  flour.  Two  women  in  an  adjoining  room  are  busy 
baking  he'we  (wafer  bi-ead),  while  in  another  room  stews  of  mutton, 
hominy,  and  chili  are  simmering  in  great  caldrons.  A  young  mother, 
with  an  infant  born  the  night  before  by  her  side,  sits  near  the  fireplace 
in  the  room  with  the  grinders  and  dancers.  All  day  she  stays  in  the 
deafening-  noise  of  the  rattle,  the  drum,  and  the  song,  and  must  not 
leave  until  the  close  of  the  feast  that  follows  the  dance,  by  which  time 
she  seems  thoroughly  exhausted  and  glad  to  retire  to  an  adjoining 
room  for  rest.  There  is  a  cessation  at  midday,  when  coffee  is  served, 
a  luxury  to  be  found  in  such  quantity  onh'  in  a  rich  man's  house. 
Before  sunset  the  western  door  of  the  house  is  opened,  and  just  as  the 

a  Since  deceased. 

b  The  Zuiii  priests  and  others  versed  in  their  lore  declare  there  are  but  two  original  grinding  songs. 
These  were  given  to  the  Zuiii  when  the  Com  maidens  first  danced  at  Shi'pololo.  There  are  many 
grinding  songs  borrowed  by  the  Zuiii  from  Acoma,  Laguna,  and  other  Pueblos  at  times  when  the 
Zufiis  "•ere  driven  to  these  places  by  failure  of  their  crops. 


240  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

hist  rays  of  the  setting  sun  sink  behind  the  mountain  the  grinders 
and  the  dancers  simultaneously  stop  and  a  prayer  to  the  setting-  sun  is 
ottered. 

The  party  is  now  invited  b}T  the  hostess  of  the  bouse  and  her 
daughter  into  the  great  room,  where  a  feast  is  spread,  bowls  of  mutton 
stew,  stewed  peaches,  and  baskets  of  bread  being  placed  along  the 
center  of  the  floor.  On  each  side  skins  and  blankets  are  spread  for 
the  guests  to  sit  upon,  and  the  37ouths  and  maidens  have  a  merry  time. 
The  vessels  are  never  allowed  to  become  empt}7;  they  are  speedily 
replenished  by  the  hostess  and  her  young  daughter,  who  stand  by  the 
fireplace,  where  the  large  pots  are  balanced  on  stones.  As  each  female 
guest  prepares  to  depart  after  finishing  the  meal  a  large  bowl  of 
steaming  stew  is  handed  her  to  carry  home.  The  young  men  are  not 
so  favored.  Before  leaving  the  house  each  guest  takes  a  pinch  of 
ashes  from  the  fireplace  in  the  mill  room  and  passes  it  three  times 
round  the  head  of  the  newborn  babe,  and  on  leaving  the  house  throws 
the  ashes  out  with  a  prayer  for  the  health  and  long  life  of  the  wee  one. 

When  the  day  of  the  great  festival  has  arrived  Zufii  is  astir  with 
anxious  expectancy.  The  streets  are  carefully  swept — an  unusual 
occurrence" — and  six  excavations  about 12  inches  square  and  15  inches 
deep  are  made  in  different  sections  of  the  town  and  one  under  the  lad- 
der way  of  each  house  that  is  to  be  consecrated.  The  loose  earth  is 
made  into  a  mound  beside  the  opening,  and  a  stone  slab  large  enough 
to  cover  it  is  placed  to  the  west  of  each  excavation.  Fires  are  blazing 
in  every  house,  which  denotes  an  occasion  of  importance,  these  peo- 
ple being  most  economical  of  firewood.  As  the  afternoon  wanes  the 
house  tops  become  crowded  with  gaily  dressed  men  and  women,  not 
only  the  Zufiis,  but  those  from  other  pueblos  near  and  far,  for  nothing 
seems  to  be  of  such  general  interest  to  the  Indians,  not  even  the  snake 
ceremonial  of  the  Hopi,  as  the  Sha'lako  festival  of  the  Zufiis.  Many 
Navahos,  most  of  them  unwelcome  guests,  but  treated  nevertheless 
with  courtes}7,  are  scattered  about  the  south  front  of  the  village  in 
groups  on  horseback,  all  anxious  to  have  the  first  glimpse  of  the  gods. 

The  personators  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  the  Sha'lako,  with 
their  fellows,  leave  Zufii  at  the  rising  of  the  morning  star  for  A'ko- 
hanna  ti'nawki,  where  a  fire  is  lighted.  They  spend  the  day  there  and 
at  the  Sha'lako  house  at  the  base  of  the  knoll,  rehearsing  prayers  and 
songs.  They  cross  the  plain  later  in  the  day  to  the  cabin  used  as  the 
dressing  room,  to  which  place  the  masks  and  paraphernalia  are  con- 
veyed under  cover  of  blankets.  Masks,  when  not  in  use,  are  strip- 
ped of  their  plumes,  and,  as  the  Zufiis  have  not  the  art  of  applying 
paint  so  as  to  make  it  permanent,  they  are  repainted  previous  to  being- 
worn.  The  preparation  of  masks  is  attended  with  great  solemnity,  and 
only  the  initiated  are  present  at  such  times.     If  anyone  chances  to 

"The  streets  and  houses  of  Zufii  are  kept  in  much  better  condition  at  the  present  time. 


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stevenson]       NIGHT   CEREMONIES    OF    COUNCIL    OF   THE    GODS  241 

enter  the  room  while  the  masks  are  being-  prepared,  he  must  receive 
severe  chastisement,  extending-  first  the  right  ankle,  then  the  left,  then 
the  right  arm,  and  then  the  left,  to  be  struck  with  bunches  of  giant 
yucca.  This  is  specially  necessary  in  connection  with  the  masks  of 
the  Sha'lako,  for  should  they  be  seen  while  in  course  of  preparation, 
and  the  offender  not  be  punished  in  the  way  described,  the  Sha'lako 
would  surely  fall  when  running.  Another  danger  is  when  the  Navahos 
force  their  way  too  near  to  the  Sha'lako  on  the  ceremonial  ground  oppo- 
site the  village.  When  a  Sha'lako  falls  while  running,  if  one  of  the 
preceding  reasons  can  not  be  given  to  account  for  the  accident,  it  is- 
certain  that  the  representative  of  the  god  has  spoken  to  some  woman, 
and  no  personator  of  this  god  must  speak  to  a  woman  from  the  time 
he  enters  Zuni  until  he  leaves.  If  such  be  the  case,  then  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  god  receives  a  severe  whipping  at  the  hands  of  four 
Sa'ya'hlia,  each  one  giving  him  four  severe  strokes  across  his  nude  back 
with  bunches  of  giant  yucca." 

The  time  for  this  festival  is  in  November,  though  occurring  on  dif- 
ferent days.  The  ritual  varies  but  little  from  year  to  year,  and  such 
few  variations  as  do  occur  will  be  mentioned.  Scenes  from  the  cere- 
monials of  1879,  1891,  and  1896  will  be  described. 

Night  Ceremonies  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods*  in  1879 

Shu'laawi'si,  preceded  bj^  his  ceremonial  father,  leaves  A'kohanna 
ti'nakwi  on  the  afternoon  of  November  30  for  He'patina,  the  shrine 
symbolic  of  the  Middle  of  the  world,  and  deposits  te'likinawe  in  the 
lower  chamber  of  the  shrine/  After  planting-  the  plumes  he  follows 
his  ceremonial  father  to  the  village,  crossing  a  bridge  of  rock  and 
earth  made  for  the  occasion.  The  ceremonial  father  of  Shu'laawi'si 
wears  white  cotton  trousers  and  shirt,  held  in  at  the  waist  by  a  white 
embroidered  sash  tied  at  the  right  side,  with  a  dressed  deerskin  hanging 
back  from  his  shoulders;  a  streak  of  micaceous  hematite  extends  across 
his  nose  and  under  the  eyes.  He  carries  a  basket  tra}'  of  te'liki- 
nawe, composed  of  eagle  plumes  taken  from  the  under  side  of  the  tail, 
and  other  feathers,  a  mi'li,  and  a  sacred  meal  basket,  from  which  he 
sprinkles  meal.  Shu'laawi'si,  who  on  the  present  occasion  is  a  young 
man,'7  is  nude,  wearing  only  a  small  breechcloth.  The  entire  body  is 
colored  black  and  spotted  over  in  yellow,  blue,  red,  and  white.  The 
mask  (see  plate  li)  is  similarly  decorated.  A  fawn  skin  filled  with  seeds, 
supported  by  a  strap  oyer  his  shoulder,  hangs  in  front;  two  cotton- 
tail rabbits,  with  a  fringe  of  rats  (neotoma),  which  are  procured  by 

aThe  workers  on  these  masks  were  intruded  upon,  but  the  four  strokes  of  the  yucca  which  were 
allowed  to  be  given  allayed  their  fears  of  accident. 

b  See  p.  33.    Pau'tiwa  and  lKIiiklo  do  not  appear  on  this  occasion. 

cSeep.  201. 

dOn  two  occasions  it  was  observed  that  Shu'laawi'si  was  personated  by  a  boy  about  10  years  of  age; 
at  :>ther  times  an  adult  filled  the  place. 

23  ETH— 04 16 


24'2  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.akn.23 

Shu'laawi'si's  father  and  paternal  uncles,  hang  over  the  back.  He  is 
adorned  with  many  necklaces  of  ko'hakwa,  coral,  and  turquoise.  He 
carries  te'likinawe  in  his  left  hand,  and  in  his  right  is  an  unlighted  fire- 
brand  of  cedar  fiber,  which  has  been  burning. 

As  the  two  proceed  through  the  village  Shu'laawi'si  sprinkles  meal 
into  the  six  excavations  which  have  been  made  to  receive  the  prayer 
plumes;  then,  preceded  by  his  attending  ceremonial  father,  he  recrosses 
the  river  and  joins  the  other  personators  of  the  Council  of  the  (iods  at 
He'patina.  The  Council  of  the  Gods  on  arriving  at  He'patina  are  met 
by  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mosona,  the  Ko'pekwln,  and 
the  two  Ko'pi"lashiwanni,  who  pray  and  sprinkle  the  gods  with  meal. 
Those  who  personate  the  gods  deposit  te'likinawe  in  the  lower  apart- 
ment of  this  shrine. 

In  a  short  time  Shu'laawi'si  returns  to  the  village,  preceded  as  before 
by  his  ceremonial  father,  and  is  joined  on  reaching  the  town  by  three 
He'hea  gods.  There  are  two  styles  of  He'hea  masks,  which  are  colored 
with  the  pinkish  clay  previous^  referred  to.  Two  masks  have  a  tuft 
of  sheep's  wool  d}red  reddish-brown,  with  red  peppers  on  the  top  (see 
plate  lit).  The  third  mask  is  black  with  tuft  of  black  sheep's  wool 
(see  plate  liii).  The  lines  running  from  the  eyeholes  are  symbolic  of 
rain  and  do  not,  as  has  been  stated,  indicate  that  these  gods  are  weep- 
ing. Each  mask  has  a  tynx  skin  at  the  base.  Shu'laawi'si  visits  each 
excavation,  deposits  te'likinawe,  and  sprinkles  meal  while  he  prays. 
The  excavation  first  visited  is  in  the  street  on  the  south  side  of  the  vil- 
lage. Here  the  offerings  are  made  to  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  of 
the  South;  the  plume  sticks  are  colored  red.  The  second  excavation  is 
also  on  the  river  front,  but  much  nearer  the  eastern  side  of  the  village. 
The  plume  sticks  deposited  here  are  white,  for  the  u'wannami  of  the 
East.  The  third  excavation  is  in  the  second  street  from  the  north  of  the 
village,  before  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity. 
The  fact  that  the  excavation  is  in  front  of  the  house  of  the  Shu'maakwe 
is  not  regarded  b}7  the  writer  as  having  any  significance.  The  sticks 
deposited  here  are  3'ellow,  for  the  u'wannami  of  the  North.  The 
next  excavation  visited  is  in  the  large  plaza.  The  sticks  deposited 
here  are  white,  dotted  in  colors,  to  the  u'wannami  of  the  Zenith. 
Proceeding  to  the  Si'aa'  te'wita,  Shu'laawi'si  deposits  te'likinawe  w  ith 
sticks  painted  black  for  the  u'wannami  of  the  Nadir,  and  he  plants 
others  with  sticks  colored  blue,  for  the  u'wannami  of  the  West,  in  an 
excavation  in  the  He'klapawa  te'wita  on  the  west  side  of  the  village. 
It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  instance  the  Zufiis  have  not  visited  the 
six  regions  in  the  order  usually  followed — north,  west,  south,  east, 
zenith,  and  nadir. 

Shu'laawi'si  is  closely  followed  by  the  others  of  the  Council  of  the 
Gods,  Sa'yatiisha  (see  plate  liv),  his  attendant  Ya'muhakto  (see  plate 


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J   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


.NNUAL  REPORT     PL.    L. 


^^v 


a  MASK  OF  YA'MUHAKTO     b,  C  MASK  OF  HUTUTU 
ONT  AND  SIDE  VIE\ 


HFLIOTYPE    CO.,    BOSTON. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  AN 


MASK  OF  SALIMOBIYA  (WARRIOR)  OF   I  i 
FRC 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD   ANNUAL  REPORT    PL.    LVII 


*.    HOEN    4    CO.,    Lith 


MASK  OF  SALIMOBIYA  (WARRIORl  OF  THE  NADIR:  FRONT  AND  SIDE  VIEWS 


stevenson]       NIGHT    CEREMONIES    OF    COUNCIL    OF    THE    GODS  243 

i.v  a).  Hu'tutu  (see  plate  i.v  b,  c),  and  his  Ya'muhakto  (see  plate  ly  a), 
a  SaTimobiva"  for  the  Zenith  (see  plate  lvi),  and  a  Sai'imobiya  for  the 
Nadir  (see  plate  lvii).  Roth  masks  have  collarettes  of  raven's  plumes, 
and  'Hle'lashoktipona  (Wood  ears).  These  gods  visit  each  excavation  in 
the  same  order  as  that  observed  by  Shu'laawi'si.  Sa'yatasha  wears  a 
white  cotton  shirt,  and  over  the  right  shoulder,  passing  under  the  left 
arm  and  falling  below  his  waist,  a  dressed  deerskin  almost  as  white  as 
the  shirt.  A  mi'ha  is  sometimes  folded  and  worn  in  place  of  the  deer- 
skin. An  embroidered  kilt,  fastened  at  the  right  side,  held  on  with  an 
embroidered  sash  tied  at  the  right  side,  is  worn  under  the  deerskin.  He 
wears  white-dressed  deerskin  leggings  fringed  at  the  sides,  dance  moc- 
casins, anklets  embroidered  in  porcupine  quills,  a  silver  bow  wristlet, 
and  a  profusion  of  rare  necklaces,  to  one  of  which  is  attached  an  archaic 
pendent,  a  red  shell  (Spondylus  princeps),  a  portion  of  the  shell  being 
set  with  turquoise/'  A  war  pouch  is  worn  beneath  the  shirt,  and  a 
cougar-skin  quiver  hangs  over  the  back,  held  on  by  a  broad  band  of  the 
skin.     The  dress  of  Hu'tutu  is  the  same  as  that  of  Sa'yatiisha. 

Roth  Sa'yatasha  and  Hu'tutu  carry  bunches  of  deer  scapula?  in  the 
right  hand  and  a  bow  and  arrows  and  te'likinawe  in  the  left.  Among 
the  latter  is  a  miniature  'si'kon-ya'mune  ti'kwane,  a  game  of  the 
Ko'vemshi,  consisting  of  a  slender  stick  and  a  ring.  The  ring  is  the 
world  symbol  and  also  the  symbol  of  longevity.  It  is  large  enough  to 
loosely  encircle  the  thumb,  and  is  colored  blue  for  A'wonawilo'na  (see 
p.  22).  A  la'showanne  (one  or  more  plumes  attached  to  cotton  cord) 
i-  tied  to  the  ring,  depending  from  the  stick,  which  is  also  blue. 

The  exposed  portions  of  the  bodies  of  the  two  Ya'muhakto  are  dyed 
purple  with  the  berry  of  Berberis  fremontii.     A  white  dressed  deer- 

«  The  above  masks  and  those  of  the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi,  Pau'tiwa,  and  Sa'ya'hlia  were  procured 
in  1896,  after  years  of  effort,  and  deposited  in  the  National  Museum.  As  the  Zunishave  no  duplicate 
masks  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  and  as  the  writer  wished  these  particular  masks,  she  finally  induced 
two  priests,  whose  duty  it  is  to  look  after  them,  to  duplicate  them  for  her.  Those  secured  are  made 
of  rawhide  prepared  by  the  priests,  and  throughout  the  long  process  of  making  and  decorating 
them  every  ceremony  associated  with  their  preparation  was  religiously  observed.  In  order  to  obtain 
these  specimens  it  was  necessary  for  the  writer  to  provide  a  house  about  50  miles  away  from  Zuiii, 
where  the  priests  could  feel  entirely  safe  from  intrusion  and  also  where  they  would  not  hear  a 
of  "Mexican"  spoken.  For  many  years  past  the  Zufii  masks  have  been  made  almost  exclu- 
sively of  rawhide  prepared  in  a  peculiar  manner  instead  of  deerskin,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  the 
latter.  When  the  deerskins  are  secured  they  are  reserved  for  ceremonial  dress.  However,  it  was 
the  good  fortune  of  the  writer  during  her  investigations  among  the  Zuiiis  in  1902  to  obtain  a  mask  of 
'Klanil'ona  (owner  of  springs),  made  of  deerskin.  She  obtained  also  a  mask  of  Ko'mokatsi,  great 
mother  of  the  anlhropic  gods.  'Chakwena,  warrior  goddess  of  the  Kia'nakwc,  and  several  others. 

&The  shell  has  been  freed  from  the  thorns  or  projections  and  rubbed  smooth.  About  two-thirds  of 
the  turquoises  replace  older  ones.  The  modern  work  is  not  nearly  so  delicate  as  the  original.  The 
cement  used  in  the  older  work  is  said  to  be  a  preparation  oi  pifion  gum,  the  same  as  that  now  in 
use  by  the  Pueblos.  The  shell  was  secured  for  the  United  States  National  Museum.  The  writer 
has  never  seen  another  with  similar  setting  except  the  one  found  by  Dr  Walter  Hough,  of  the 
United  States  National  Museum,  in  Chavez  pass,  30  miles  south  ol  Winslow,  Arizona,  during  one  of 
Dr  Fewkes'sarcheological  expeditions.    This  rare  specimen  is  in  iheform  ofatoad. 

The  Hopi  Indians  set  turquoises  on  thin  slabs  of  wood  which  they  use  as  earrings  by  boring  a  hole 
in  the  slab  and  attaching  it  to  the  ear  by  means  of  a  string.  The  Zufiis  wear  strings  of  turquoises  in 
their  ears  instead  of  the  slabs.    These  earrings  are  worn  only  on  ceremonial  and  dance  occasions. 


244  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

skin  hangs  from  the  waist  and  dance  moccasins  ai-e  worn.  Both  carry 
a  large  collection  of  te'likinawe  in  each  hand,  and  a  'si'kon-ya'mune 
tikwane  and  small  deer  antlers  in  the  left.  Strings  of  black  and  white 
stone  1  leads  hang  across  the  body  over  the  right  shoulder. 

IVo  SaTimobiya  are  nude  excepting  the  breechcloth.  They  repre- 
sent the  Zenith  and  Nadir,  the  one  for  the  Zenith  having  the  upper 
portion  of  the  body  blocked  in  the  six  colors,  each  block  outlined  in 
black.  The  knees  and  the  dower  arms  to  the  elbows  have  the  same 
decoration;  the  right  upper  arm  is  }Tellow,  the  left  blue;  the  right  leg 
is  yellow,  the  left  blue.  Wreaths  of  spruce  are  wornaround  the  ankles 
and  wrists.  The  war  pouch  and  many  strings  of  grains  of  black  and 
white  Indian  corn  hang  over  the  shoulder,  crossing  the  body.  The 
upper  half  of  the  body  of  the  Sal'imobiya  of  the  Nadir  is  3Tellow  and 
lower  half  black;  the  lower  arms  and  legs  and  the  feet  are  j'ellow,  the 
upper  arms  and  legs  black.  He  wears  anklets  and  wristlets  of  spruce, 
a  war  pouch,  and  strings  of  black  and  wdiite  corn.  Each  of  these  gods 
carries  bunches  of  yucca  baccata"  in  each  hand  with  the  points  held 
backward.4 

TUe'lashoktipona  (wood  ears,  so  called  from  the  serrated  projection 
of  wood  on  either  side  of  the  mask)  wears  a  white  embroidered  kilt 
fastened  at  the  right  side  with  an  embroidered  sash  and  a  woman's  belt. 
A  fox  skin  is  pendent  at  the  back.  The  mask  which  covers  the  head 
is  similar  to  that  of  Pau'tiwa;  it  has  black  goat's  wool  hanging  over  the 
back,  with  two  strings  of  unspun  white  wool  falling  over  it.  The 
mask  is  wreathed  at  the  base  with  spruce  dotted  over  with  snow-white 
popcorn. 

The  gods  proceed  to  the  excavations  in  the  order  observed  by 
Shu'laawi'si.  Sa'j'atasha  tramps  back  and  forth  by  the  excavation  in 
a  kind  of  trot,  depositing  te'likinawe  in  the  excavation,  and  then 
resuming  his  step.  Hu'tutu  plants  his  plumes,  and  resumes  his  stride. 
They  both  sprinkle  meal  over  the  plumes  and  in  the  street  about  the 
excavation.  The  two  Ya'muhakto  stamp  the  meal  which  has  been 
sprinkled  in  the  street.     Sa'yatasha  and  Hu'tutu  pass  one  another  back 

and   forth.     As  they  meet,  they  stop  and  stamp,  crying  "Hu' 

tu  tu,  hu' tu  tu,  hu  tu,  hu  tu,  hu  tu,  hu  tu  tu  tu."     This   is 

repeated  at  each  of  the  six  excavations  where  the  plumes  are  planted. 
In  the  meantime  the  other  gods  run  and  tramp  about  by  the  excava- 
tions. After  leaving  the  sixth  excavation,  the}7  proceed  to  the  house 
where  they  are  to  spend  the  night,  Shu'laawi'si  and  his  chosen  father 
preceding  the  others.  The  former  plants  plumes  in  the  excavation 
under  the  ladder,  ascends  to  the  roof,  and  enters  the  house  through 

«  Yucca  baccata  is  also  referred  to  as  giant  yucca. 

bin  189G  tbe  SiU'imobiya  of  the  North  and  West  were  represented.  The  body  of  the  one  wearing 
a  yellow  mask  for  the  North  was  nude  except  the  breechcloth,  the  lower  arms  and  the  legs  were  colored 
yellow,  the  paint  extending  5  inches  above  the  knees.  The  body  of  the  one  wearing  the  blue  mask 
for  the  West  was  painted  in  thesame  manner,  the  color  being  purpish  blue,  from  corn  husks.  There 
was  a  wreath  of  spruce  at  the  base  of  his  mask.  The  Sal'imobiya  sometimes  wear  the  embroidered 
kilt  in  addition  to  the  breechcloth. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD   ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.    LVIII 


A.     HOEN     X    CO.,     Uth 


ALTAR  OF  UHUHUKWE   (EAGLE    DOWN  FRATERNITY) 


stevenso.n]       NIGHT    CEREMONIES    OF    COUNCIL    OF    THE    GODS  245 

the  hatchway.  The  lower  doors  loading- to  the  street  are  barred  on 
>uch  occasions.  The  plume  planting  at  the  ladder  and  the  other  cere- 
monies are  repeated  by  Sa'vatasha,  Hu'tutu,  and  the  Ya'muhakto,  after 
which  they  ascend  the  ladder." 

The  tirst  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mosona,  the  Ko'pekwin,  and 
two  A'p'r'lashiwanni  remain  at  He'patina  to  receive  the  Sha'lako,  who 
follows  after  the  Council  of  the  Gods;  then  hasten  to  the  house  of  the 
Kia'kwemosi,  where  the  Council  of  the  Gods  are  closing  the  ceremo- 
nies over  the  excavation  in  front  of  the  house. 

Crowds  have  gathered  before  the  Kia'kwemosi's  house  to  see  the 
last  of  the  gods  before  they  retire  from  the  streets.  On  ascending  to 
the  roof  the  Council  is  met  by  the  Kia'kwemosi,  his  wife  and 
daughters,  and  the  mo'sona  (director)  of  the  U'huhukwe  (Eagle  down) 
fraternity  (this  fraternity  having  been  invited  to  assist  in  the  ceremo- 
nies), who  pra}'  and  sprinkle  meal  upon  the  gods,  each  member  of  the 
family  first  sprinkling  meal  through  a  small  opening  in  the  roof.  The 
family  and  the  mo'sona,  who  carries  his  mi'li  and  meal  basket,  precede 
the  gods  to  the  chamber  below. 

While  the  white  visitors  are  hastening  to  enter  a  side  room  in  the 
hope  of  reaching  the  ceremonial  chamber,  they  are  ordered  by  a  hun- 
dred or  more  voices  to  come  away.  One  man,  more  persistent  than 
the  others,  follows,  declaring  that  no  American  shall  enter.  The  Kia'- 
kwemosi,6 hearing  the  disturbance,  leaves  the  ceremonial  chamber  by 
the  side  entrance,  and,  reproving  the  man  in  severe  words  for  intrud- 
ing upon  forbidden  ground,  escorts  the  guests  to  the  chamber  and 
seats  them  by  the  altar  which  stands  in  the  west  end  of  the  long  room 
and  then  returns  to  his  place  with  the  other  A'shiwanni.  The  altar 
(see  plate  Lvm)  shows  the  following  objects: 

1,  cougar  of  cream-yellow  sandstone;  2,  bear  of  black  lava;  3,  bison  of  black  lava; 
4,  badger  of  red  sandstone;  5,  white  wolf  of  white  quartz;  6,  medicine  stone  12 
inches  long  and  2  inches  in  diameter  of  highly  polished  lava;  7,  bear's  foot,  with 
claws,  north  side  of  altar;  8,  bear's  foot,  with  claws,  and  two  eagle-wing  plumes 
south  side  of  altar;  9,  flute;  10,  sacred  meal  basket;  11,  medicine  bowl  with  two 
eagle-wing  plumes;  12,  food;  13,  human  image  in  stone;  14,  Apache  basket  of  te'lik- 
inawe.  The  number  of  mi'wachi''  at  the  altar  shows  the  large  membership  of  the 
order  of  O'naya'nakia  (Mystery  medicine)  in  the  "U'huhukwe  fraternity.  The  altar 
itself  is  constructed  of  slabs  and  tablets  of  wood.  The  latter  are  supported  by  two 
solid  bars  of  wood  laid  upon  the  floor.  The  tablets  are  surmounted  by  faces  of 
Ku'pishtaya  (lightning-makers),  the  lower  portion  of  the  face  symbolizing  black 
rain  clouds.  Symbols  of  cumulus  clouds,  a  bird  resting  on  each,  surmount  the  faces. 
The  yellow, cougar  of  the  Xorth  and  the  red  cougar  of  the  South,  each  having  the 
heart  and  the  breath  line  indicated,  decorate  the  two  front  tablets.     Two  lightning 

a  The  entrance  of  this  group  of  gods  into  the  house  and  the  ceremonies  within  are  always  the  same 
in  their  main  features.  Elaborate  preparations  were  made  for  the  reception  of  these  gods  in  1879  in 
the  dwelling  of  the  Kia'kwemosi. 

fcToo  much  can  not  be  said  in  praise  of  this  Kia'kwemosi,  who  has  since  died.  In  dignity,  cour- 
tesy, and  graciousness  he  could  not  he  surpassed  by  any  civilized  man,  and  the  writer  owes  him  a 
debt  of  gratitude  for  his  aid,  which  was  at  all  times  cheerfully  given,  in  acquiring  knowledge  of  the 
most  sacred  rites  of  the  Zuhis. 

cSeep.  416. 


246  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

symbols,  carved  of  wood,  stand  between  the  front  and  back  tablets.  The  lower  slab 
is  carved  with  symbols  of  cumulus  clouds,  the  sun,  and  the  morning  and  evening 
shirs.  The  slab  above  shows  black  rain  clouds,  with  white  clouds  beyond.  The 
upper  slab  represents  the  rainbow.  The  yellow  face  of  the  moon  surrounded  by  the 
house  of  the  clouds  designed  in  black  and  white  blocks  rises  above  the  rainbow. 
A/chiyala'topa  (the  being  with  wings  and  tail  of  knives)  and  the  figure  of  the  star  of 
the  four  winds  are  suspended  above  the  altar.  An  eagle's  tail  plume  is  attached  to 
the  point  of  each  star,  which  is  decorated  with  cumulus  clouds  and  the  house  of  the 
clouds.     The  blue-green  color  of  the  altar  symbolizes  the  firmament  (see  page  24). 

A  line  of  meal  extends  from  the  altar  to  the  ladder  on  the  .south  side 
of  the  room  and  thence  to  the  east  end.  This  line  is  crossed  in  three 
places  at  intervals  of  3  feet,  each  cross  line  being  about  15  inches  long. 
A  number  of  finely  dressed  deerskins  lying  one  upon  the  other  are  on 
the  floor  north  of  the  altar.  The  ledge  on  the  north  side  of  the  room 
at  the  west  end  is  covered  with  robes  and  blankets  upon  which  the 
gods  sit. 

A  number  of  members  of  the  U'huhukwe  fraternity,  forming  a 
choir,  are  grouped  on  the  south  side  of  the  room  near  the  west  end. 
The  flutist  of  the  fraternity  sits  back  of  the  altar.  The  A'shiwanni 
stand  in  line  and  sprinkle  the  gods  as  they  pass  up  the  line  of 
meal  to  the  altar.  The  Kia'kwemosi  and  pe'kwin  each  hold  a  flat 
basket.  Shu'laawi'si  empties  the  contents  of  his  fawn  skin  into  the 
basket  of  the  pe'kwin  and  lays  the  rabbits  and  rats  over  the  basket. 
Each  of  the  other  gods  in  order  removes  a  quantity  of  seeds  from  his 
belt  and  deposits  them  in  the  basket  held  by  the  Kia'kwemosi.  The  two 
A'shi'wanni  wave  their  baskets  to  the  six  regions  and  deposit  them 
before  the  altar.  Sa'yatasha  and  Hu'tutu  stamp  back  and  forth  as  the}7 
did  about  the  excavations.  In  a  short  time  Sa'yatasha  takes  meal  from 
his  belt  and  with  it  marks  four  lines  on  the  north  wall  of  the  chamber 
by  running  his  four  lingers  downward.  Ya'muhakto  runs  his  bunch 
of  yucca  downward  over  the  lines.  Sa'yatasha  and  Ya'muhakto 
repeat  the  same  action  on  the  west,  south,  and  east  walls.  After 
marking  of  the  walls,  Sa'yatasha  mounts  a  low  platform  arranged  in 
the  middle  of  the  room  and  attaches  te'likinawe — one  blue  for  the  Sun 
Father,  the  other  yellow  for  the  Moon  Mother — wrapped  together  at 
the  ends,  to  a  unique  device  carved  of  wood  and  painted  in  various 
colors  and  secured  to  one  of  the  rafters.  This  little  structure,  the 
making  of  which  is  not  restricted  to  any  special  person,  is  symbolic 
of  the  house  of  the  clouds  and  is  to  be  found  in  every  house  which 
has  been  blessed  at  the  Sha'Iako  festival."  During  the  placing  of  the 
te'likinawe  the  choir  sing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and  drum, 
the  flutist  plays  back  of  the  altar,  and  a  warrior  of  the  fraternity  stands 
before  it  and  whirls  the  rhombus.6 

«0n  this  occasion  it  is  made  by  the  brother  of  the  pe'kwln's  wife. 

'»In  189fi  the  Council  of  the  Hods  met  in  the  pe'kwln's  house,  where  a  ladder  held  by  six  men  was 
used  instead  of  the  platform,  an  evidence  of  improvement  in  Zuni  house  structure,  these  walls  being 
much  higher.  Tin-  ambition  of  the  Znfiis  is  to  have  one  very  large  room  with  a  high  ceiling  in  the 
dwelling,  and  the  houses  are  improved  in  this  respect  from  year  to  year. 


stevenson]       NIGHT    CEREMONIES    OF    COUNCIL    OE   THE    GODS  247 

The  plumes  arc  placed,  with  prayers  for  rains,  good  crops,  health 
and  long  life  to  the  family  of  the  house,  and  all  good  which  can  come 
to  man  through  the  pure  breath  of  the  breath  of  life,  the  breath  of 
A/wonawil'ona,  who  pervades  all  space.  As  Sa'yatasha  steps  from  the 
platform,  Yii'muhakto  takes  his  place  and  sprinkles  the  te'likinawe 
with  meal,  the  other  gods  shaking  their  rattles  at  this  time.  Ya'nm- 
hakto is  followed  by  the  others,  who  sprinkle  the  te'likinawe  with 
meal,  and  pray,  after  which  Sa'yatasha  deposits  offerings  through  a 
circular  opening  about  -f  inches  in  diameter,  beneath  the  stone  floor 
directly  under  the  cage,  the  excavation  being  as  deep  as  the  length  of 
a  man's  arm  to  the  elbow.  These  circular  openings  are  symbolic 
of  the  entrance  to  A'witen  te'hula  (fourth  world)  and  are  so  carefully 
covered,  when  not  open  for  such  occasions  as  described,  that  one  would 
not  suspect  their  existence.  A  diminutive  game  of  'si'kon-ya'mune 
ti'kwane  with  la'showawe  attached,  grains  of  corn  of  the  colors  of  the 
six  regions,  sweet  corn,  squash,  watermelon,  and  muskmelon  seeds 
are  deposited  as  seeds  in  the  earth,  the  offerings  placed  below  being 
symbolic  of  the  seeds  of  life,  those  placed  above  of  life  itself. 
Prayers  are  offered  for  the  seeds  to  grow  into  life,  and  for  rains, 
much  corn,  and  that  the  children  of  the  house  may  grow  to  manhood 
and  womanhood  without  disease;  may  grow  old,  not  die,  but  sleep  to 
awake  in  Ko'thluwala'wa.  After  every  god  has  sprinkled  meal  into 
the  opening  and  prayed,  the  music  of  the  choir  and  flute  ceases  and 
the  warrior  lays  away  his  rhombus.  Sa'yatasha  and  each  god  in 
succession  stands  with  the  left  foot  on  a  small  package  wrapped  in  corn 
husks  and  prays  that  their  enemies  ma}'  succumb  to  their  children,  and 
they  again  stamp  about  the  floor  before  taking  seats.  Each  god  is 
seated  on  the  north  side  of  the  chamber  by  the  Kia'kwemosi,  who  places 
his  hands  on  the  shoulder  of  each  one,  beginning  with  the  Sa'yatasha, 
and  motions  him  to  the  six  regions.  Shu'Iaawi'si  remains  on  the  floor 
a  short  time  after  the  others.  The  following  diagram  gives  the  position 
of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  and  gods  as  the}7  are  seated  vis-a-vis: 

1  Ceremonial  father  of  Shu'laawi'si,  seated  next  to  the  altar. 

2  Shu'laawi'si  2'  Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith  (sun  priest) 

3  Sa'yatasha  3'  Shi'wannioftheXorth(  Kia'kwemosi) 

4  Yii'muhakto  4'  Associate  Shi'wanni  of  the  North 

5  Hu'tutu  5'  Shi'wanni  of  the  West 

6  Yii'muhakto  61  Shi'wanni  of  the  South 

7  'Hle'lashoktipona  71  Shi'wanni  of  the  East 

8  Siil'imobiya  8'  Shi'wanni   of    the   Nadir  and   elder 

brother  Bow  priest 
Sal'imobiya  9'     Younger  brother  Bow  priest 

10  Ko'mosona 

11  Ko'pekwin 

12  Ko'pi"l;ishiwanni 

13  Ko'pi"lashiwanni 


248  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [ETH.  akn.  23 

The  two  baskets  are  removed  from  the  altar  and  held  by  the 
Kia'kwemosi  and  pe'kwin,  while  prayers  are  offered.  The  pe'kwin 
passes  his  basket  by  the  Kia'kwemosi  to  the  associate  Shi'wanni 
of  the  North,  and  the  Kia'kwemosi  passes  his  basket  to  the  Shi'- 
wanni of  the  West,  and  in  this  order  the  baskets  are  passed  down 
the  line.  One  basket  is  not  passed  over  the  other,  but  around 
and  before  it.  As  each  shi'wanni  receives  a  basket  he  draws  a 
breath  of  the  contents  and  prays  for  much  rain,  all  seeds,  rats, 
rabbits,  and  other  game.  The  gods  say:  "To-morrow  I  go  to 
Ko'thluwala'wa,  but  I  leave  my  children  [referring  to  other  gods] 
with  you  for  five  days.  The}'  will  dance  in  your  houses  [the  new 
ones];  they  will  then  go  to  the  homes  of  the  gods  in  the  east,  where 
they  will  spend  one  night  and  leave  te'likinawe,  which  you  shall  give 
to  them,  and  they  will  return  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  Give  us  food  that 
we  may  eat,  and  next  year  we  will  bring  you  all  kinds  of  seeds."'  The 
pe'kwin  passes  to  the  end  of  the  line  of  A'shiwanni,  receives  the  basket 
containing  the  gifts  of  Shu'laawi'si,  places  it  before  the  altar,  and, 
returning,  receives  the  basket  containing  the  gift  of  Sa'yatiisha,  and 
places  it  beside  the  other.  The  rats  and  rabbits  are  offerings  to  the 
host.  They  are  cooked  by  the  women  of  the  house  and  eaten  as  deli- 
cious tidbits  by  the  A'shiwanni  and  others  in  the  morning  after  the 
sunrise  ceremony. 

A  young  man  clad  in  pure  white,  with  a  red  silk  scarf  around  his 
head,  sits  by  the  large  fire  holding  a  rod  of  cottonwood  root,  with 
which  he  furnishes  light  for  the  ceremonial  reed  cigarettes,  which  are 
constantly  smoked  by  the  personators  of  the  gods  and  A'shiwanni. 

For  two  hours  a  litan}^  is  intoned  in  low  notes  Ity  the  gods  and 
responded  to  by  the  A'shiwanni  while  two  members  of  the  A'pi"lashi- 
wanni  (Bow  priesthood)  stand  before  the  altar  and  whirl  rhombi. 
There  is  much  repetition  in  the  prayer,  at  the  close  of  which  the  six 
A'shiwanni  take  their  seats  near  the  fire  and  the  personators  of  the 
gods  remove  tneir  masks  and  place  them  upon  the  dressed  deerskins. 
Afterward  fifty-six  large  bowls  filled  with  meat  stew,  containing 
corn,  beans,  and  chili,  several  varieties  of  bread,  stewed  peaches,  and 
sliced  watermelons  are  brought  in  by  women  and  placed  in  lines 
down  the  north  side  of  the  room;  for  the  want  of  space,  some  are 
placed  on  the  opposite  side.  After  the  food  is  set  down,  the  wife 
of  the  Kia'kwemosi,  accompanied  by  a  male  member  of  her  family 
(filling  the  place  of  the  host,  who  must  remain  with  the  A'shi- 
wanni), advances  to  the  altar,  the  man  preceding  the  woman.  He 
wears  cloth  trousers,  a  red  calico  shirt,  a  red  silk  scarf  around  his 
head,  and  another  around  his  waist.  The  woman  wears  her  ordi- 
nary dress,  with  the  white  pi'toni,  a  piece  tied  in  front  and  falling 
over  the  back.  After  sprinkling  meal  upon  the  altar  they  turn  toward 
the  food,  and  the  man  in  half  whispers  offers  a  long  grace.     Every 


stevexson]       NIGHT    CEREMONIES    OF    COUNCIL    OF    THE    GODS  249 

little  while  the  woman  repeats  in  ;i  most,  impressive  manner:  "Athlu" 
(amen).  The  grace  is  repeated  over  the  food  on  the  south  side  of  the 
room,  and,  addressing  the  people,  the  two  say:  "I'tonawe  "  (eat).  The 
Slni'laawi'si.  taking  from  one  of  the  howls  a  pieee  of  he'we  as  big  as 
his  two  hands,  plaees  upon  it  a  bit  of  food  from  each  vessel  and  disap- 
pears through  the  hatchwa}'  in  the  roof,  followed  by  Sa'yatasha  and 
Hu'tutu.     The  large  assemblage  now  revels  in  the  feast. 

Slm'laawi'si  deposits  the  food  in  the  excavation  under  the  ladder 
before  the  house,  Sa'yatasha  plants  plumes  in  the  opening  and  scatters 
meal,  and  Hu'tutu  stamps  upon  the  meal  about  the  excavation.  The 
prayers  offered  by  the  gods  at  this  time  are  uttered  in  tones  so  low 
that  it  is  impossible  to  hear  a  word.  The  excavation  is  afterward 
covered  with  a  slab  and  with  earth  until  no  evidence  of  it  remains. 

The  three  gods  return  to  the  chamber  and  join  in  the  feast.  After 
all  the  food  is  consumed,  the  empty  vessels  are  removed.  The  person- 
ators  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  having  donned  their  masks,  Sa'yatasha 
and  Hu'tutu  stride  up  and  down  the  floor  until  the  rising  of  the  morn- 
ing star,  after  which  Sa'yatasha  and  the  pe'kwin  proceed  to  the  roof, 
where  they  remain  half  an  hour,  chanting  a  prayer. 

Returning  to  the  room,  they  approach  the  altar  side  by  side.  The 
pe'kwin  carries  a  meal  basket  and  throws  meal  before  them  as  they 
proceed  up  the  room.  Sa'yatasha  carries  his  bow  and  arrows  in  his 
left  hand  and  a  rattle  of  deer  scapula?  in  his  right.  On  reaching  the 
altar  the  two  sprinkle  it  with  meal  and,  turning  about,  slowly  retrace 
their  steps,  repeating  the  praj'er  they  chanted  on  the  house  top  as  the}r 
stride  up  and  down  the  long  room  three  times,  Sa'yatasha  with  every 
step  waving  the  scapula?  downward.  They  halt  midway  for  some 
thirty  minutes  until  the  close  of  the  prayer,  when  Sa'yatasha  places 
his  right  foot  forward,  facing  east,  and  extends  his  right  hand  toward 
the  eastern  heavens  and  his  left  backward  and  toward  the  earth; 
at  the  same  time  he  sprinkles  meal  from  both  hands.  This  motion  is 
repeated  by  the  pe'kwin,  and  then  Sa'yatasha  turns  to  the  choir, 
repeats  a  prayer,  and.  going  to  the  altar,  offers  a  short  pra}'er,  which 
concludes  the  all-night  ceremonial. 

The  mask  is  removed  by  an  attendant  and  placed  on  the  deerskins 
by  the  altar.  A  morning  repast  similar  to  the  one  spread  during  the 
night  is  enjoyed,  and  the  personators  of  the  gods  rest  and  sleep  until 
nearly  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  ceremonies  are   resumed. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  Sha'lako  are  met  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river  by  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  the  Ko'mosona,  and  the 
Ko'pekwin,  who  pray  and  sprinkle  meal  upon  the  gods.  Each  Sha'lako 
goes  to  the  house  he  is  to  dedicate. 


250  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

Night  Ceremonies  of  the  Sha'lako  Gods  in  1S91." 

Before  sunset  the  altar  of  'Siin'iakiakwe  (Hunters  Fraternity)  was 
erected  at  the  west  end  of  the  "large  room.  (Plate  lix  shows  altar 
divested  of  its  accessories.)  The  mo'sona  of  the  fraternity  prays  over 
a  bowl  of  meal  and  proceeds  to  make  a  cloud  design  of  meal  before  the 
altar.  The  symbol  is  formed  by  making  two  scallops  and  tilling  them 
in  with  meal.  A  line  of  meal  is  extended  from  between  the  scallops  a 
short  distance,  and  the  mo'sona  places  six  mi'wachi  in  line  between 
the  two  front  tablets  of  the  altar.  He  afterward  continues  the  line  of 
meal  down  the  floor  to  the  ladder  and  crosses  it  with  the  meal  eleven 
times,  the  cross  lines  being  about  3  feet  apart.  He  then  places  the 
meal  basket  by  the  altar.  The  maker  of  medicine  water  consecrates 
the  water  with  the  usual  ritual.  The  chamber  is  now  ready  to  receive 
the  gods. 

The  effigy  worn  by  the  Sha'lako  is  so  ingeniously  arranged  that  the 
wearer  has  only  to  step  under  the  hoop-skirt  structure  and  carry  it  by 
a  slender  pole,  which  is  supported  by  a  piece  of  leather  attached  to  the 
belt.  The  top  of  the  blanket  skirt  has  a  triangular  opening  through 
which  the  bearer  of  the  effigy  sees.  A  fox  skin  and  a  collarette  of 
raven  plumes  complete  the  base  of  the  mask.  The  personator  of  the 
Sha'lako  and  his  fellow  wear  deerskin  hoods  (see  plate  lx)  and  white 
cotton  shirts  with  native  black  woven  shirts  over  them.  The  open 
sleeves  of  the  wool  shirts,  which  are  fastened  only  at  the  wrists,  expose 
the  white  sleeves  beneath.  They  wear  black  woven  kite,  embroidered 
in  dark  blue.  White  dressed  deerskins  having  the  appearance  of  sleeve- 
less jackets  are  wrapped  about  the  body.  Each  wears  a  white  embroid- 
ered sash,  and  around  the  waist,  over  the  deerskin,  a  woman's  belt  tied 
at  the  right  side.  An  ancient  stone  hatchet,  with  handle,  and  a  quan- 
tity of  prayer  meal  are  carried  in  the  belt.  The  legs  are  bare  and 
painted  yellow,  the  color  extending  above  the  knees.  They  wear 
bunches  of  native  blue  yarn  tied  in  tassels  below  the  knees  and  dance 
moccasins. 

The  effigies  are  not  carried  by  the  personators  of  the  Sha'lako 
when  these  gods  come  to  the  village  in  the  evening,  but  by  the 
Sha'lako  wor'we  (managers),  who  also  have  their  legs  painted  yellow 
and  wear  dance  moccasins.  Each  personator  of  a  Sha'lako  and  his 
fellow,  with  other  members  of  the  ki'wi'sine  to  which  the  personator  of 
the  Sha'lako  belongs,  accompany  each  effigy.  The  six  Sha'lako,  with 
their  attendants,  stop  on  the  site  of  Hal'ona  kwi  (Ant  place).  Here 
the}'  are  met  by  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  who  pray  and  sprinkle 
meal  over  the  gods.  The  A'shiwanni  return  to  the  village  and  the 
Sha'lako  run  back  and  forth  for  a  time,  then  proceed  to  the  ceremonial 
ground,  situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  already  prepared 

a  The  writer  was  unable  to  observe  the  indoor  ceremonies  of  the  Sha'lako  gods  in  1879,  as  she  was 
housed  with  the  Council  of  the  Gods. 


BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT    PL.   LIX 


A.     HOEN    A    CO.,     Lith 


ALTAR  OF  TSANIAKIAKWE  (HUNTER  FRATERNITY) 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.    LX 


DEERSKIN    HOOD    OF    THE    SHA'LAKO,    GIANT    COURIER    GODS    OF    THE    RAIN 

MAKERS 


stevexsox]  NIGHT    CEREMONIES    OF    SHA'LAKO    GODS  251 

for  them  which  was  the  last  camping  place  of  the  Zuiiis  daring  their 
migrations  in  quest  of  the  Middle  of  the  world.  This  ground  which 
is  about  200  feet  from  north  to  south  and  150  feet  from  east  to  west 
has  been  watered  and  stamped  until  it  is  level  and  smooth.  Two 
Sha'lako  stand  on  the  left  and  two  on  the  east  side  of  the  ground, 
while  the  other  two  run  back  and  forth,  starting  from  opposite  sides, 
and  return.  Each  Sha'lako  takes  his  turn  in  running.  They  remain 
on  the  ground  until  after  dark,  then  proceed  to  the  village,  each  Sha'- 
lako, with  his  attendants,  going  to  the  house  where  he  is  to  remain 
during  the  night.  On  reaching  the  house  the  personator  of  the 
Sha'liiko,  not  the  present  bearer  of  the  effigy,  deposits  te'likinawe  in 
the  excavation  under  the  ladder.  His  alternate  repeats  the  act,  and 
both  sprinkle  meal  while  the  effigy  bearer  and  others  stand  by,  the 
attendants  singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle.  As  they  ascend 
the  ladder  the  rattle,  drum,  and  song  are  heard  within.  The  attend- 
ants remain  on  the  roof  and  sing,  while  the  effigy  bearer,  the  per- 
sonator of  the  Sha'lako,  with  his  fellow,  descend  into  the  house.  They 
are  led  by  the  master  of  the  house,  his  wife  and  daughters,  and  the 
mo'sona  of  the  fraternity  which  is  to  officiate,  who  carries  his  mi'li  and 
his  meal  basket,  from  which  he  sprinkles  meal  as  he  proceeds.  The 
room  in  which  the  ceremony  here  described  is  held  is  60  feet  long  and 
over  20  feet  wide.  The  maker  of  medicine  water  sits  by  a  medicine 
bowl  at  the  north  side  of  the  altar.  The  members  of  the  fraternity  are 
grouped  on  the  south  side  of  the  room  toward  the  west  end.  As  the 
Sha'lako  and  party  enter  the  room  the  effigy  bearer,  with  the  personator 
of  Sha'lako  and  his  fellow,  pass  to  the  west  end  of  the  room,  where  the 
figure  is  placed  on  a  blanket  rug  north  of  the  altar,  there  being  a  small 
circular  opening  in  the  stone  floor  to  hold  the  pole  to  which  it  is  attached. 
A  large  blanket  is  held  so  as  to  screen  the  figure  while  the  bearer  slips 
out  and  stands  it  in  position.  While  the  effigy  is  being  placed  by  the 
Sha'lako  wor'li,  the  personator  of  the  Sha'lako,  deposits  seeds,  a  gift  to 
the  host,  from  his  belt  into  a  basket  by  the  altar,  and  he  also  takes  meal, 
from  his  belt  and  marks  four  lines  on  each  wall — north,  wTest,  south, 
and  east — b}T  cariwing  the  meal  with  his  four  fingers  2  feet  down  each 
wall.  His  alternate  follows  and  strikes  the  meal  lines  four  times 
with  a  bunch  of  giant  }^ucca.  A  ladder  is  now  held  by  five  men,  and 
the  personator  of  the  Sha'lako  ascends  and  repeats  the  ceremony  of 
Sa'yatasha,  attaching  two  te'likinawe  to  the  symbolic  house  of  the 
clouds  that  is  fastened  to  the  rafters.  The  choir  of  the  Hunters  fra- 
ternity, accompanied  by  rattles  and  drum,  the  flutist  playing  and  a 
warrior  of  the  fraternity  whirling  a  rhombus,  begins  as  soon  as  the 
personator  of  the  Sha'lako  steps  upon  the  first  rung  of  the  ladder. 
The  depositing  of  offerings  in  the  floor  beneath  and  the  act  of  standing 
on  the  corn-husk  package  is  also  repeated  here.  His  alternate  follows 
each  time  and  sprinkles  meal,  and  the  maker  of  medicine  water  beats 
time  with  two  eagle  plumes  that  he  holds  in  each  hand. 


252  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  akn.  23 

After  this  ceremony  the  personator  of  the  Sha'liiko  and  his  alternate 
seat  themselves  by  the  male  head  of  the  house  in  the  same  manner 
as  in  the  seating-  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  and  repeat,  in  substance, 
the  same  litany.  The  Sha'liiko,  too,  says:  "I  leave  my  children  with 
you  for  rive  days.  They  will  dance  in  j'our  houses;  they  will  then  go 
to  the  home  of  the  g-ods  in  the  east  and  leave  te'likinawe  which  you 
shall  give  to  them,  and  they  will  return  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  Give  us 
food  that  we  may  eat,  and  next  year  we  will  bring  you  all  kinds  of 
seeds."  When  the  prayer  closes  the  maker  of  medicine  water  dips  his 
plumes  into  the  water  and  sprinkles  toward  the  north.  This  is 
repeated  for  each  of  the  six  regions.  Again  dipping  the  plumes  into 
the  water,  he  touches  them  to  the  lips  of  the  personator  of  the  Sha'- 
liiko. The  same  is  repeated  with  the  alternate,  who  now  rises  and 
dances  for  a  time,  when  he  is  joined  by  four  members  of  the  Hunters 
fraternity,  who  are  nude  except  as  to  breechcloths.  The  personator 
of  the  Sha'liiko  slips  into  the  effigy,  behind  a  blanket,  then  the  blanket 
is  dropped  and  the  giant  god  joins  in  the  dance.  He  is  observed  by  all 
present  with  the  most  solemn  interest.  Although  the  walls  of  this 
chamber  are  the  highest  in  Zuiii,  the  man  bearing  the  effigy  is  com- 
pelled to  dance  with  bended  knees,  which  he  does  with  much  difficulty. 
As  he  can  not  peep  through  the  opening  in  the  blanket,  constant  atten- 
tion is  required  on  the  part  of  the  attendant  to  prevent  such  accidents 
as  stumbling,  falling  down,  or  knocking  against  others. 

The  six  ki'wi'siwe  furnish  dancers  to  assist  in  the  great  celebration. 
Each  director  of  a  dance  vies  with  the  other  in  having  his  dancers  per- 
fect in  the  dance  and  song.  Each  personator  of  a  god  is  supposed  to 
have  the  spirit  of  the  god  he  represents  abiding  with  him  for  the  time 
being.  "Have  the  gods  not  said:  'We  will  all  be  with  you  in  the 
spirit?"  When  the  visiting  dancers  are  absent  from  the  house  the 
Sha'liiko  dances. 

The  Sha'liiko  houses  are  crowded  at  'all  times  during  the  night. 
Each  set  of  dancers  is  followed  from  house  to  house  by  a  number 
of  men,  who  pack  the  already  overfilled  chamber,  leaving  barely 
space  enough  for  the  dancers,  and  hang  on  to  the  inner  ladder  as  long- 
as  there  is  standing  room.  Every  one  who  enters  the  room,  except 
the  dancers,  goes  immediately  to  the  altar  and  effigy  to  pray  and 
sprinkle  meal,  passing  the  line  of  dancers  for  this  purpose. 

Zufii,  like  more  civilized  places,  has  its  exclusive  set,  and  at  no  time 
is  this  more  in  evidence  than  at  festivals,  some  women  especially  holding 
themselves  aloof  from  others,  wdiom  they  esteem  less  fortunate.  Here 
also  are  many  whose  birth  would  justify  but  whose  poverty  prevents 
the  exclusiveness  in  which  they  would  indulge,  their  houses  not  being* 
sufficiently  spacious  when  ceremonials  are  held.  In  the  present  in- 
stance this,  the  largest  house  in  Zuiii,  has  a  private  hallway  and  several 


stevenson]  NIGHT    CEREMONIES    OF   SHA'laKO    GODS  253 

inner  rooms  where  the  elect  gather  to  observe  the  ceremonies  through 
large  openings  in  the  wall,  which  are  kept  closed  except  on  such  occa- 
sions. Tims  with  this  primitive  drama  there  is  to  be  found  a  primi- 
tive theater,  with  pit  and  boxes.  The  observers  who  watch  through 
the  openings  are  principally  Avomen  and  children,  seated  on  chairs 
and  boxes.  If  there  be  attractive  maidens  in  these  inner  rooms, 
young  men  are  sure  to  be  found  there,  indulging  in  merrymaking 
with  the  girls  in  the  intervals  of  the  dances.  The  custom  among 
men  of  visiting  the  theater  box  may  have  originated  with  the  primi- 
tive drama.  There  are  also  in  these  rooms  men  seated  on  the  ledge 
or  on  their  wadded  blankets  on  the  far  side  of  the  room  smoking  and 
chatting  in  company  with  the  male  members  of  the  house.  They  take 
turns  in  advancing  to  the  openings  to  observe  the  dance  over  the 
women's  heads  or  to  spend  a  time  in  the  ceremonial  room.  Such  are 
the  scenes  early  in  the  evening;  but  as  the  night  advances  drinking  is 
indulged  in  until  the  scene  becomes  disgusting  in  the  extreme.  No 
whisky  is  served  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  and  great  care  is  observed 
that  none  but  Indians  shall  know  the  sources  of  the  intoxication. 

In  1879  whisky  was  rarely  if  ever  used  by  the  Zufiis;  but  with  the  advance  ot  civil- 
ization intoxicants  are  producing  demoralizing  effects  on  these  people.  While  there 
is  a  law  forbidding  the  sale  of  liquor  to  Indians,  this  law  is  not  executed;  at  least  it 
was  not  up  to  1896.  The  peddling  of  whisky  is  begun  weeks  before  the  Sha'lako 
festival.  The  liquor  is  usually  carried  in  kegs,  not  too  large  to  be  secreted  under  the 
blanket,  and  gallons  are  brought  in  this  way  to  Zufii  by  the  Rio  Grande  Indians. 
The  largest  peddler  of  whisky  during  several  seasons  was  a  returned  Carlisle  student, 
who  had  spent  five  years  under  the  influences  of  this  school.  When  discovered  by 
the  writer  his  excuse  was:  "I  am  a  saddler  by  trade.  On, my  return  from  school 
I  endeavored  to  get  employment  in  Albuquerque,  near  my  home — Laguna.  On 
applying  to  the  two  saddlers  there  I  received  the  same  reply  from  both:  'White 
men  are  good  enough  for  me.'  What  was  I  to  do?  You  know  my  people  make 
their  own  harness  and  saddles.  I  wanted  money,  so  I  engaged  to  carry  whisky  to 
Zufii  for  a  German."  This  Indian  could  not  be  induced  to  betray  the  name  of  the 
lawbreaker. 

Every  man  in  Zufii  spends  what  money  he  can  obtain  on  whisky,  not  only  for 
his  own  use  and  that  of  his  friends,  but  to  dispose  to  the  Navahos,  who  come  in 
large  numbers  to  the  dances.  The  whisky  is  usually  taken  from  the  kegs,  bottled, 
and  sold  at  exorbitant  prices.  The  Navaho  is  a  close  trader,  but  the  Zufii  is 
closer.  The  writer  has  observed  many  trades  in  which  the  Zufiis  came  out  the 
better.  One  Navaho,  crazy  for  liquor,  trades  a  fine  pony  for  a  gill  of  whisky. 
Another  exchanges  a  valuable  necklace  of  coral,  turquoise,  and  ko'hakwa  for  the  same 
quantity.  Those  who  are  able  to  buy  the  liquor  in  any  quantity  usually  make  use 
of  the  time  of  the  Sha'liiko  festival  to  replenish  their  stock  of  horses  from  the  Navahos, 
who  demand  fair  prices  in  their  early  stage  of  intoxication,  but  become  so  crazed 
with  drink  that  they  let  their  ponies  go  for  any  amount  of  whisky  the  shrewd  Zufii 
is  willing  to  give.  While  the  younger  men  of  Zufii  drink  as  much  as  the  Navahos, 
the  older  men  and  more  clever  traders  keep  their  heads  clear  enough  to  get  the  best 
of  the  bargain.  This  trading  of  liquor  goes  on  in  the  inner  rooms,  which  are  sup- 
posed, as  has  been  stated,  to  be  for  the  use  of  the  elect;  but  the  Zufiis,  being  no 
exception  to  those  who  are  demoralized  by  the  liquor  traffic,  indulge  their  love  of 


k254  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

gain  at  any  cost,  and  send  out  emissaries  from  these  inner  rooms  to  bring  in  those' 
who  wish  the  liquor.  The  drunker  the  man  the  more  eager  the  emissary  is  to  get 
him,  as  he  is  sure  that  the  trade  will  be  in  favor  of  those  of  his  house. 

After  each  dance  the  participants  have  medicine  water  administered 
to  them  with  a  shell  from  the  bowl  by  the  maker  of  medicine  water. 
These  (lancers  are  no  sooner  outside  of  the  house  than  the  Sha'liiko 
appears  on  the  floor. 

Dancing  is  suspended  at  midnight,  when  an  elaborate  feast  is 
spread,  in  which  those  present  indulge  to  the  fullest  extent.  This 
supper  is  served  with  the  same  ceremonies  as  those  observed  over 
the  feast  in  the  house  of  the  Sa'yatiisha,  food  being  deposited  under 
the  ladder  outside  of  the  house  by  the  personator  of  the  Sha'liiko  and 
his  alternate.  After  the  feast  the  dance  continues  until  daylight,  when 
the  ceremonies  close  to  be  resumed  at  a  later  hour  in  the  morning-. 

Night  Ceremonies  of  the  Ko'temshi  in  1896 

In  1896  the  ten  Ko'yemshi  as  usual  closely  follow  the  Sha'liiko  on 
their  arrival  at  the  village.  They  wear  white  cotton  trousers,  white 
dressed  deer  skins,  or  white  embroidered  blankets  wrapped  about 
them,  and  ordinary  moccasins.  Each  one  carries  a  fawn  skin  con- 
taining seed,  the  skin  being"  sewed  for  the  purpose.  A  miniature 
gaming  ring-  of  the  Ko'yemshi,  with  a  la'showanne  attached,  hangs 
from  the  mouth  of  the  fawn  skin  carried  by  the  Great  Father 
Ko'yemshi,  pe'kwin,  and  Pi'alashiwanni  of  the  Ko'yemshi.  Each 
carries  a  gourd  rattle  colored  pink.  They  form  into  a  group  at  the 
base  of  the  outer  ladder  of  each  house  entertaining  a  Sha'liiko  and 
sing.  Now  and  then  a  joke  is  passed  between  them.  After  their 
tour  through  the  village  they  go  to  the  house  which  they  are  to 
dedicate.  The  Great  Father  Ko'3'emshi  deposits  te'likinawe  in  the 
excavation  under  the  ladder  and  his  pe'kwin  sprinkles  meal  over  them. 
Ascending  the  ladder  they  are  met  by  the  master  of  the  house,  his 
wife,  and  daughters,  and  the  director  of  the  Ma"ke  'San'nakwe  (Little 
Fire)  fraternity,  who  precede  them  to  the  room  where  the  choir  of  the 
fraternity  is  singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and  drum. 
This  room,  contrary  to  the  Zuiii  method  of  building,  extends  north 
and  south.  The  altar,  which  is  most  elaborate — this  fraternity  being- 
one  of  the  largest  and  wealthiest  organizations  in  Zuni — is  in  the  north 
end  of  the  long  room.  The  fraternity  is  grouped  on  the  east  side. 
The  Ko'yemshi,  led  by  the  director  of  the  fraternity,  are  sprinkled 
with  meal  as  they  proceed  down  the  room.  Each  Ko'yemshi  empties 
the  contents  of  his  fawn  skin  into  a  basket  by  the  altar  as  a  gift  to  the 
host  of  the  house.  The  Great  Father  takes  meal  from  his  belt,  and 
with  it  runs  his  four  fingers  down  each  wall  of  the  room,  beginning 
with  the  north  wall.  His  pe'kwin  follows  and  strikes  the  lines  with  a 
bunch  of  vucca  baccata. 


stevenson]  NIGHT    CEREMONIES    OF    THE    KO'YEMSHI  255 

A  ladder  is  held  by  six  men  while  the  Great  Father  ascends  and 
attaches  two  te'likinawe  to  the  symbol  of  the  house  of  the  clouds. 
When  ho  descends  the  pe'kwin  goes  up  the  ladder  and  sprinkles  meal 
over  it  and  the  plumes.  The  deposition  of  plumes  and  seeds,  the 
sprinkling  of  meal  in  an  opening  beneath  the  floor,  and  the  standing 
upon  a  package  covered  with  corn  husks  are  repeated,  with  prayers 
similar  to  those  offered  by  those  dedicating  the  other  houses. 

The  Ko'yemshi  are  seated  by  the  master  of  the  house,  who  places 
his  hands  on  the  shoulders  of  each  god,  motioning  him  to  the  six 
regions  before  seating  him.  The  Ko'yeuishi  sit  in  line  on  the  west  side 
of  the  room,  and  ten  men  of  the  Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood)  and  Ta'kiakwe 
(Frog)  clans,  the  master  of  the  house  being  of  the  former  clan,  his 
wife  belonging  to  the  latter,  sit  opposite  the  Ko'yemshi,  as  shown  in 
the  following  diagram: 

Vis-a-vis 

Man  of  the  house 
Ta'kiakwe  (Frog  clan) 
Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood  clan) 
Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood  clan) 
Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood  clan) 
Ta'kiakwe  (Frog  clan) 
Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood  clan) 
Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood  clan) 
Ta'kiakwe  (Frog  clan) 
Ta'kiakwe  (Frog  clan) 

Ten  sticks  for  holding  live  coals  are  made  from  the  center  stalks  of 
giant  yucca  by  a  man  of  Pi'chikwe  clan,  each  stick  being  the  length 
of  the  bended  elbow  on  the  inner  side  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger. 
After  the  men  and  gods  are  seated  vis-a-vis,  a  coal  of  fire  is  placed 
between  the  split  ends  of  each  of  the  fire  sticks  by  the  man  who  made 
them  and  passed  to  the  ten  men,  each  man  lighting  a  reed  cigarette 
filled  with  native  tobacco.  These  cigarettes  are  prepared  by  the  male 
head  of  the  house.  Each  one  takes  six  whiffs  from  his  cigarette  and 
waves  it  to  the  six  regions,  and  whirling  it  in  a  circle  he  passes  it  to 
his  vis-a-vis,  who  repeats  the  smoking  and  waving.  The  masks  of  the 
Ko'yemshi  are  now  put  back  so  as  to  expose  the  face. 

The  Great  Father  consumes  two  hours  reciting  a  litany.  The  others, 
including  those  opposite,  respond:  "A'thlu"  (amen).  This  prayer  is 
much  the  same  as  those  repeated  in  the  other  houses,  differing  only 
according  to  the  different  versions  of  the  Sa'yatasha,  the  Sha'lako,  and 
Ko'yemshi  concerning  the  migrations  of  the  A'shiwi  from  Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa.  The  Ko'yemshi  also  say:  "I  leave  my  children  with  you 
for  five  days:  they  will  dance  in  your  houses;  they  will  then  go  to  the 
home  of  the  gods  in  the  east  and  leave  te'likinawe  which  you  shall 
give  them,  and  they  will  return  to  Ko'thluwala'wa.  Give  us  food 
that  we  may  eat.  and  next  year  we  will  bring  you  all  kinds  of  seeds." 


Ko'yemshi 

1 

A'wan  t;i"chu 

l1 

2 

Pe'kwin 

21 

3 

Pi'"l;ishiwanni 

31 

4 

F/sho'si 

41 

5 

Mu'yapona 

51 

6 

Po'so'ki 

61 

7 

Na'thlashi 

71 

8 

It'sepasha 

81 

9 

•Klii'lu'si 

91 

.0 

Sa'thlashi 

101 

256  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [EIB.  ANN.  23 

A  feast  is  served  after  the  long  prayer,  and  a  smoke  with  commercial 
tobacco  is  enjoyed.  The  Ko'yemshi,  on  finishing  their  smoke,  begin 
dancing.  Each  one  holds  two  te'likinawe,  as  long  as  from  the  inner 
side  of  the  bend  of  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger,  wrapped 
together  at  the  end,  one  stick  being  colored  blue  for  the  Sun  Father, 
the  other  j'ellow  for  the  Moon  Mother.  After  dancing  some  time  in 
a  promiscuous  group  to  the  song  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  all  but 
the  Great  Father,  his  pe'kwin,  and  Pi'"lashiwanui  visit  the  houses  of 
the  Sha'lako  and  dance.  During  their  absence  the  members  of  the 
fraternity,  who  have  their  nude  bodies  elaborately  decorated  in  white 
with  kaolin,  continue  dancing.  The  dancing  begins  in  earnest  after 
midnight,  each  man  seeming  to  throw  his  whole  soul  into  it. 

Morning  Ceremonies  of  the  Sha'lako  in  1891. 

Morning  brings  an  additional  influx  of  visitors.  Ever}7  house  of  any 
pretensions  has  guests,  welcome  or  otherwise;  nearty  eveiw  pueblo  is 
represented,  and  large  numbers  of  Navahos  are  here  to  enjoy  the  lavish 
hospitality  of  the  Zunis.  The  house  tops  on  the  south  side  of  the 
village  are  crowded  with  men,  women,  and  children,  while  the  streets' 
are  filled  with  pedestrians  and  equestrians,  many  being  Navahos  of 
both  sexes. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  more  revolting  picture  than  the  one 
presented  during  the  day  and  night.  The  scene  of  debauchery  in  the 
morning  is  shocking,  but  as  the  day  wanes  it  becomes  disgusting  in  the 
extreme.  The  mad  desire  for  drink  among  many  of  the  Zufiis  is  too 
great  for  them  to  remain  sober  enough  to  observe  the  ceremonial  of 
their  gods,  to  which  they  have  looked  forward  for  many  days.  Many 
of  these  staggering  Indians  are  not  over  14  or  15  years  of  age.  Num- 
bers of  Navahos  are  fighting  with  one  another  or  with  the  Pueblos, 
drawing  knives  and  pistols.  The  wonder  is  that  some  of  the  disturb- 
ers of  the  peace  are  not  trampled  to  death,  for  many  fall  from  their 
saddles  during  their  quarrels;  others  lie  motionless  in  the  streets,  too 
drunk  to  move  away  from  approaching  hoofs.  Native  police  are  kept 
busy  in  their  efforts  to  quell  disturbances  and  to  clear  the  streets  for 
the  processions. 

Before  midday  the  first  Sha'lako  with  his  retinue  comes  forth  from 
the  house  where  he  spent  the  night.  The  participants  in  this  proces- 
sion are,  first,  the  members  of  the  order  of  Pa'yatamu  (god  of  music), 
ten  in  number;  next  those  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity.  Each  man 
plays  upon  his  sho'konna  (flute)  which  is  as  long  as  the  muzzle  of  a 
gun.  The  noise  from  these  instruments  is  deafening.  This  group  is 
followed  by  an  officer  of  the  fraternity  carrying  his  mi'li,0  and  meal 
basket,  from  which  he  sprinkles  meal.  He  leaves  his  position  now  and 
then  to  sprinkle  meal  on  the  Sha'lako  of  his  party.     The  alternate  of 

a  See  p.  416. 


■ 


stevenson]  MORNING    CEREMONIES    OF   THE    SHA'jLAKO  257 

the  Sha'lako  follows  next,  carrying'  a  quantity  of  te'likinawe;  and  after 
him  conies  the  Sha'lako.  Thirty  or  more  members  of  the  ki'wi'sine  to 
which  the  personator  of  the  Sha'lako  belongs  follow  later,  singing,  the 
four  Sha'lako  wor'we  (managers)  being  foremost  in  the  group.  As  the 
Sha'lako  passes  through  the  village  those  on  the  house  tops  throw  meal 
upon  the  effigy,  while  both  sober  and  intoxicated  men  crowd  forward 
to  sprinkle  the  gods  with  meal.  The  procession  crosses  the  river  to 
the  south  bank. 

After  the  first  Sha'lako  crosses  the  river  with  his  retinue,  another 
follows,  attended  in  like  manner  by  the  oi'der  of  Pa'yatamu  belonging 
to  the  Pe'sha'silo'kwe  (Cimex)  fraternity.      The  other  Sha'lako  are 

a     b       c     .0      E      F 

••v.":  :•':•  ••/.•  v."-  :-'■  •:*• 

•ej  *®;  •¥»  e>'b  ®;-®v 

".     "•      <*•     a,     <*•    \  d  d  d  d  e  e  e  eee  e 

o o oo       ••••••• 


n  i         /   /     /    /    /  /  z  n 

/  /    /  /  /  /" 

/  »  D3 •:■'■■■■/■ ./...-/..-.yL-4. _...g  af 

fa  OS — «?■ -■■/■ — 7^-,.../-../ — - □  of 

S  »  07 ^—.J—J..-/.. . □  „y 

/    /  ' 

j-  „  n9. ^_i7i D  <*f 

J     /  12. 

fa  an — **£—/■ a  of 

ft  a  13—-=^ --  a  »/ 

Fig.  S — i,  pers  mators  of  Sha'lako  with  effigies;  b,  alternates  of  the  Sha'lako;  A,  B,  C,  Dt  E,  F,  groups 
from  the  ki'wi'sfwe;  d,  Ko'ruosona,  Ko'pekwin,  and  two  Ivo'pi''lashiwanni;  e,  first  body  of  A'shi- 
wanni; /,  Sha'lako  managers;  1,  2,  square  excavations  in  which  the  Council  of  the  Gods  deposit 
te'likinawe;  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9, 10, 17.  12,  13,  14,  square  excavations  in  which  the  Sha'lako  deposit 
te'likinawe.  The  ki'wi'Siwea  are  paired  as  elder  and  youngei  brother,  and  the  excavations  are 
visited  in  the  following  order:  A,  People  of  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine;  B,  people  of  the  Mu'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine:  C,  people  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine;  D,  people  of  the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine;  E,  people 
of  the  Up''sannawa  ki'wi'sine;  F,  people  of  the  He'klapawa  ki'wi'sine;  3,  4,  excavation  for  the 
Sha'lako  of  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  (elder);  9,  10,  excavation  for  the  Sha'lako  of  Q'he'wa  ki'wi'sine 
(youngert;  5.  6,  excavation  for  the  Sha'lako  of  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  (elder);  13, 14,  excavation  for 
the  Sha'lako  of  He'klapawa  ki'wi'sine  (younger);  7,  8,  excavation  for  the  Sha'lako  of  Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine  (elder) ;  11,  12,  excavation  for  the  Sha'lako  of  Up"sannawa  ki'wi'sine  (younger). 

attended  in  the  same  way  except  that  they  have  no  order  of  Pa'ya- 
tamu to  furnish  music.  The  Sha'lako  parties  follow  each  other  in 
close  succession.  Plate  lxi  shows  a  Sha'lako  on  his  way  to  the  cere- 
monial field.*  Upon  reaching  the  ceremonial  ground  above  referred 
to,  the  bearers  of  the  effigies  stoop  on  blanket  rugs  and  face  the  vil- 
lage, six  blankets  having-  been  spread  for  the  purpose  in  line  from  east 

aThe  ki'wi'siwe  are  relegated  to  the  six  regions,  as  follows:  He'iwa  (North),  Mu'he'wa  (West), 
Chu'pawa  (South),  O'he'wa  (East),  Up''sannawa  (Zenith),  He'klapawa  (Nadir). 

b  Formerly,  temporary  bridges  of  stones  and  earth  were  constructed,  but  in  1898  the  bridge  built  for 
the  use  of  the  writer  became  the  way  of  crossing  the  river,  not  only  for  the  people  at  large  but  for  the 
personators  of  the  gods  until  carried  away  by  a  freshet. 

23  eth— 04 17 


258  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ahn.  23 

to  west,  their  fellows  standing  back  of  them,  and  behind  each  fellow 
the  group  from  the  ki'wi'sine  to  which  the  Sha'lako  belongs.  In 
addition  to  these  groups  two  of  the  Sha'lako  have  the  flutists  of  the 
order  of  Pa'vatiunu  behind  them.  The  Ko'mosona,  the  Ko'pekwin, 
and  the  two  Ko'pialiishiwanni  stand  in  line  immediately  west  of  the 
Sha'liiko.  and  the  first  body  of  A'shiwauni,  not  including  the  Shi'wa- 
no"kia,  and  first  associate  to  the  Kia'kwemosi  are  in  line  west  of  these. 
The  accompanying  diagram  (figure  8,  page  257)  shows  the  positions  of 
the  Sha'lako  and  other  participants  on  the  ceremonial  ground. 

The  excavations,  which  are  each  12  inches  square,  are  made  after 
the  Sha'lako  take  positions  on  the  rugs.  Of  these,  12  are  made  by 
the  Sha'lako  wor'we,  who  remain  back  of  the  excavations,  ready  to 
rearrange  the  paraphernalia  of  the  Sha'lako  when  necessary.  The 
two  excavations  at  the  south  end  of  the  ground  are  made  by  a  wor'li 
from  the  ki'wi'sine  to  which  the  personator  of  the  Sa'3'atasha  belongs. 
The  Sha'lako  are  in  position  before  the  Ko'mosona  with  his  associates 
and  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  take  their  places.  The  Council  of 
the  Gods,  Shu'laawi'si  going  in  advance,  follow  after  the  Sha'lako. 
(Plate  lxii  shows  Shu'laawi'si  preceded  by  his  ceremonial  father.8 
Plate  lxiii  shows  other  members  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods. )  The 
personator  of  Shu'laawi'si  passes  up  the  east  line  of  exacavations  and 
deposits  te'likinawe  to  Shu'laawi'si  in  excavation  1  and,  passing  before 
the  line  of  Sha'lako,  he  deposits  similar  offerings  in  excavation  2.  Pass- 
ing down  the  west  line  of  excavations  and  up  the  east  line,  he  sprinkles 
meal  over  the  te'likinawe  in  excavation  1;  again  crossing  to  the  west, 
he  sprinkles  meal  over  the  offerings  in  excavation  2,  and,  passing  by  the 
A'shiwanni,  he  retires  from  the  ceremonial  ground.  Sa'yatiisha  and  his 
Ya'muhakto  and  Hu'tutu  with  his  Yii'muhakto  proceed  up  the  east  line 
of  the  excavations.  Sa'yatiisha  with  his  Yii'muhakto  cross  before  the 
Sha'liiko  to  excavation  2,  where  they  deposit  te'likinawe  to  these  gods. 
Hu'tutu  with  his  Yii'muhakto  deposit  te'likinawe  at  the  same  time  in 
excavation  1.  Sa'yatiisha  and  his  Yii'muhakto  continue  down  the  west 
line,  and,  crossing  the  ground,  they  pass  up  the  east  line  and  deposit 
te'likinawe  in  excavation  1.  Hu'tutu  with  his  Yii'muhakto  deposit 
te'likinawe  in  excavation  2  and  then  pass  down  the  west  line  and  up  the 
east.  While  Sa'yatiisha  and  his  associate  cross  over  to  excavation  2 
and  sprinkle  the  offerings  with  meal,  Hu'tutu  and  his  associate  sprinkle 
the  offerings  in  excavation  1.  The  two  couples  exchange  places  by 
crossing  directly  before  the  Sha'liiko.  Sa'yatiisha  and  his  Ya'muhakto 
sprinkle  meal  into  excavation  1  while  Hu'tutu  and  his  Ya'muhakto 
sprinkle  it  into  excavation  2.  The  two  couples  now  meet  midway  in 
the  line  of  Sha'liiko  and  face  the  village,  Yii'muhakto  to  the  east,  Sa'ya- 
tiisha next,  Hu'tutu  next,  and  the  other  Yii'muhakto  at  the  west 
end  of  the  line.      Sa'yatiisha  cries  "Hu ,  hu ,  hu , 

a"Ko'thluwala'wa"  on  the  plate  is  an  error.    For  "deputy"  see  p.  33. 


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stevesson]  MORNING    CEREMONIES    OF    THE    SHA'LAKO  259 

hu ,  hu "     The  couples  cross,  Sa^atiisha  and  his  alternate 

going-  to  excavation  2,  while  the  others  go  to  excavation  1.  The_y  bend 
and  motion  over  the  excavations,  and  again  they  meet  midway  in  the 
line  of  Sha'lako  and  face  the  village.     Sa'yatiisha  is  now  west  of  Hu'tutu 

and  beside  him.     Hu'tutu  exclaims:  "  Hu'tutu ,  Hu'tutu , 

Hu'tutu Hu'tutu ."     The  four  now  pass  in  file  down  the 

east  line  to  the  north  side  of  the  ground,  where  they  are  joined  by  two 
Sal'iinobiya,  who  run  back  and  forth  over  the  north  end  of  the  ground 
during  the  ceremony  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods.  The  Council  of  the 
Gods  return  up  the  east  line  of  excavations,  followed  by  the  two  Sal'i- 
mobiya,  and  pass  by  the  Sha'lako  and  on  by  the  Ko'mosona,  Ko'pe- 
kwin,  the  two  Ko'pi'lashiwanni  and  the  A'shiwanni.  Each  shi'wanni. 
holds  a  basket  of  prayer  meal,  from  which  he  sprinkles  the  gods  as 
they  pass.  The  Ko'mosona,  with  his  associates,  and  the  A'shiwanni 
leave  the  field  in  company  with  the  Council  of  the  Gods.  The  two 
Sal'iinobiya  soon  return  to  their  former  place  and  repeat  the  running 
back  and  forth.  The  Ko'mosona,  with  his  associates,  and  the  A'shi- 
wanni return  to  the  village  after  accompanjung  the  gods  a  short  dis- 
tance. The  Council  of  the  Gods  deposit  te'likinawe  in  a  cornfield  a 
south  of  the  village,  and  near  by,  in  an  excavation  about  4  feet  in 
diameter.  The  depth  of  the  hole  is  the  distance  from  the  feet  to  the 
waist  of  the  wor'li  who  made  it.  They  proceed  to  the  cabin  previously 
referred  to,  where  they  remove  their  masks  and  paraphernalia. 

The  personators  of  the  Sha'lako  rise  with  the  effigies,  each  as  his 
turn  comes.  The  one  from  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  runs  to  excavation  3, 
and.  drawing  a  te'likinane  from  his  belt,  thrusts  his  hand  through 
the  opening  in  the  blanket  and  deposits  it  to  the  Sha'lako  of  the  North; 
then,  rapidly  crossing  to  excavation  4,  he  plants  a  second  te'liki- 
nane to  Sha'lako  of  the  North"  and  returns  to  his  position  in  the  line 
of  Sha'lako.  when  the  group  from  his  ki'wi'sine  sprinkle  the  effigy 
with  meal.  He  then  slips  from  under  the  effigy,  his  alternate  taking 
his  place,  while  the  personator  of  the  Sha'lako  occupies  the  former 
position  of  his  fellow.  This  proceeding  is  followed  by  each  Sha'lako. 
As  soon  as  the  Sha'lako  from  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  starts  for  excavation  4, 
the  one  from  O'he'wa  runs  to  excavation  9  and  deposits  a  te'likinane 
to  the  Sha'lako  of  the  East,  and,  crossing  the  ground,  he  deposits 
another  in  excavation  10.  He  is  no  sooner  off  for  excavation  10  than 
the  one  from  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sine  runs  to  excavation  5;  and,  after 
depositing  a  te'likinane  to  the  Sha'lako  of  the  West,  he  runs  to  excava- 
tion 6  and  deposits  another  te'likinane.  The  Sha'lako  from  He'kiapawa 
ki'wi'sine  closely  follows  the  one  preceding  him  and  deposits  a  te'liki- 
nane in  excavation  13,  and,  crossing  to  excavation  14,  he  plants  another. 
The    Sha'lako  from  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine  follows   next.      He  runs  to 

'j  Much  skill  i-  required  by  the  bearer  in  manipulating  the  beak  tlwt  is  attached  •- 
■which  he  keeps  in  a  constant  chatter  while  he  runs  rapidly  with  the  effigy. 


260  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

excavation  7,  where  he  deposits  a  te'likinane  and  crosses  to  excava- 
tion 8,  where  he  plants  another.  He  is  no  sooner  started  for  exca- 
vation 8  than  the  Sha'lako  from  Up'*sannawa  runs  to  excavation  11, 
where  he  plants  his  offering,  and,  running-  to  excavation  12,  he  deposits 
another.  Before  he  is  fairly  on  his  way  for  excavation  12  the  alter- 
nate of  the  Sha'lako  from  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  proceeds  to  excavation  3, 
where  a  te'likinane  is  deposited,  and  he  runs  to  excavation  4  to 
deposit  another.  The  changing  of  places  by  the  Sha'lako  and  their 
alternates  to  and  from  the  effigies  is  most  dexterously  managed. 
The  planting  of  the  te'likinawe  is  repeated  b3T  each  alternate  in  the 
regular  order  mentioned  above.  When  the  fellow  from  Up"sannawa 
starts  for  excavation  14,  the  personator  of  the  Sha'lako  of  He'iwa 
ki'wi'sine,  having  taken  charge  of  his  effigy,  runs  to  excavation  3  and 
sprinkles  the  te'likinawe  with  meal,  which  he  also  carries  in  his  belt, 
and,  crossing,  he  sprinkles  the  te'likinawe  in  excavation  4.  The  sprink- 
ling of  the  plume  offerings  with  meal  is  conducted  in  the  same  manner 
in  which  the  plumes  are  deposited.  All  the  Sha'lako  now  appear  on 
the  field  at  once  (see  plate  Lxrv),  running  as  rapidly  as  possible, 
after  which  they  leave  the  field  in  single  tile  to  return  to  their 
dressing  room  above  referred  to.  Each  Sha'lako  is  accompanied  by 
his  wor'li  and  alternate.  The  groups  from  the  ki'wi'siwe  and  the 
flutists  return  to  the  village.  The  Sha'lako  are  followed  by  a  number 
of  gaily  dressed  young  men,  and  when  these  gods  are  a  distance  from 
the  village  they  run  as  rapidly  as  possible  and  are  pursued  by  the 
young  men.  When  a  Sha'lako  is  caught,  the  bearer  of  the  effigjr 
throws  it  upon  the  ground  amid  great  excitement.  The  one  who 
catches  the  effigy  exclaims:  "I  have  killed  the  deer."  He  sprinkles 
it  with  meal,  praying  that  he  may  be  successful  in  the  hunt.  The 
catching  of  the  effigy  is  indicative  of  success  in  the  coming  hunt,  and 
great  efforts  are  made  to  get  ahead  of  one  another  to  capture  the 
so-called  deer. 

Each  personator  of  a  Sha'lako  and  his  alternate  deposit  te'likinawe 
in  the  same  excavation  in  which  the  Council  of  the  Gods  planted  offer- 
ings. This  opening  is  filled  in  by  the  Sha'lako  wor'we,  who  proceed 
to  the  cabin  a  little  farther  off  where  the  effigies  are  taken  apart  and 
the  masks  and  paraphernalia  are  brought  to  the  village  by  them  under 
a  covering  of  blankets. 

This  elaborate  ceremonial  is  to  bring  rains  to  fructify  the  earth. 
The  rapid  running  from  one  excavation  to  another  is  a  dramatiza- 
tion of  the  services  performed  by  the  Sha'lako,  the  couriers  of  the 
A'shiwanni  u'wannami  (priest  rain-makers)  of  the  six  regions,  who, 
when  wishing  to  communicate  with  one  another,  employ  couriers  for 
the  purpose.  The  A'shiwanni  u'wannami  of  the  North,  wishing  to 
send  rains  upon  some  particular  land,  communicate  with  their  younger 


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Stevenson]-  MORNING    CEREMONIES    OF    THE    SHA'lAKO  261 

brothers,  the  A'shiwanni  u'wannami  of  the  East;  and  the  A'shiwanni 
u'wannami  of  the  West  send  their  courier  to  their  younger  brothers, 
the  A'shiwanni  u'wannami  of  the  Nadir;  and  so  also  the  A'shiwanni 
u'wannami  of  the  South  dispatches  their  courier  to  the  A'shiwanni 
u'wannami  of  the  Zenith.  Any  one  of  these  couriers  may  also  be  sent 
to  any  other  or  all  of  the  regions  when  it  is  desired  that  the  rain-makers 
of  all  the  regions  should  lend  their  aid  in  watering  the  earth.  The 
prayers  of  the  personators  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods  and  Sha'lako  at 
this  season  are  for  rains  from  all  quarters,  that  the  rivers  may  be  great 
and  come  dashing  through  the  canyons;  that  the  streams  may  swell  like 
rivers,  flooding  the  water  courses;  and  that  the  lakes  may  grow  large 
and  the  wells  be  filled  to  overflowing,  so  that  the  earth  may  give  to 
them  the  fullness  of  her  being.  These  prayers  are  accentuated  by  the 
drama  on  the  ceremonial  ground. 

The  last  participants  in  the  ritual  have  no  sooner  left  the  field  than 
it  is  filled  with  those  who  may  not  come  when  the  gods  are  here.  Num- 
bers of  Navahos,  wrapped  in  their  best  blankets,  their  horses  resplen- 
dent in  silver  bridles  and  silver-mounted  saddles,  make  a  brilliant 
picture  as  they  dash  across  the  stream  to  the  recently  forbidden 
ground,  now  free  to  all.  Rut  far  more  exciting  is  the  race  of  200  or 
more  Navahos,  mounted  on  their  fleetest  ponies.  After  their  return 
the  afternoon  is  consumed  in  equestrian  and  foot  racing  with  the 
Zunis,  the  latter  winning  in  almost  every  instance,  leaving  the  field 
with  ponies,  fine  blankets,  and  silver  and  coral  beads.  Though  the 
streets  are  filled  with  men  too  drunk  to  move,  others  are  sober  enough 
to  participate  in  the  pastime  which  delights  the  heart  of  aboriginal 
man  as  well  as  his  niore  civilized  brothers. 

This  is  indeed  a  gala  time  for  the  Zunis.  After  the  last  of  the 
Sha'lako  have  disappeared  over  the  hills  the  ten  personators  of  the 
Ko'vemshi  appear  in  daylight  for  the  first  time  since  their  appointment 
to  office,  except  when  they  leave  their  retreat  for  wood.  Their  absence 
during  the  ceremonial  of  the  Sha'lako  is  noticeable,  as  the  Ko'yemshi 
appear  on  most  occasions  of  the  coming  of  the  gods,  acting  as  their 
attendants,  arranging  any  portion  of  their  dress  which  may  have 
become  disarranged,  and  playing  the  clown  or  fool  during  the  inter- 
vals of  the  dance.  After  emerging  from  their  ceremonial  chamber 
the  KoVemshi  visit  everj^  house  top  in  the  village,  sprinkling  meal, 
singing,  dancing,  and  acting,  in  primitive  comedy.  They  are  sup- 
ported in  these  plays  by  women  inside  the  houses,  whose  voices  can 
be  heard  through  the  hatchway  in  the  roof. 

Ceremonies  Following  the  Sha'lako  Festival  of  1891. 

An  elaborate  display  is  supposed  to  be  made  for  five  consecutvie 
nights,  by  order  of  the  gods,  by  representatives  from  all  of  the 
ki'wi'siwe.     There  is  little  or  no  difference  from  year  to  year  in  the 


262  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Ljsth.  ann.23 

main  features  of  these  ceremonies.  Each  o'taikia  mo'sona  (dance 
director)  makes  every  effort  to  have  his  dance  excel  the  others. 
The  number  of  dances  varies  from  time  to  time.  Jugglery  differs  as 
it  is  performed  by  the  different  fraternities,  depending  on  the  one 
to  which  the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi  is  associated  at  the  time  of  the 
festival.  There  is  but  little  done  the  first  night  following  the  dis- 
appearance of  the  Sha'lako,  the  men  being  too  much  engrossed  in 
debauchery  to  attend  to  obligations  to  their  gods.  Liquor  is  the  only 
thing  that  prevents  these  Indians  from  performing  their  religious 
duties." 

The  dances  described  occurred  in  1S91  on  the  fifth  night  following  the 
arrival  of  the  Sha'lako  in  the  house  of  Roman  Luna,  a  hardy  old  Indian, 
as  brave  as  a  lion,  yet  as  gentle  as  a  child.  Masks  of  the  'Cha'kwena 
(certain  anthropic  gods)  hang  against  the  west  wall  of  the  large  room 
toward  the  north  end.  The}'  are  covered  with  a  strip  of  calico,  the  tips 
only  of  the  long  beards  showing  beneath  the  covering.  At  an  early 
hour  the  ledge  around  the  room,  which  extends  north  and  south,  is 
well  filled  with  spectators.  One  group  of  young  men  not  familiar  with 
the  songs  of  the  'Cha'kwena,  which  are  in  the  Laguna  tongue,  are 
receiving  instructions  from  a  Laguna  Indian  but  recently  returned 
from  Carlisle,  for  this  song  is  a  prayer  to  the  gods  of  his  people.  He 
seems  as  fully  absorbed  in  his  native  worship  as  though  he  had  not 
been  instructed  for  j'ears  at  the  expense  of  the  Government.  The 
song  is  very  low  at  first,  but  it  gradually  swells  into  louder  and  louder 
bass  tones,  which  are  very  pleasing. 

The  large  openings  in  the  wall  which  divide  the  front  and  back 
rooms,  through  which  the  Sha'lako  ceremony  was  observed,  are  left 
for  the  convenience  and  pleasure  of  the  Zuiii  aristocracj',  principally 
the  younger  members  of  this  set,  who  wish  to  observe  apart  from  the 
mass  of  people  who  crowd  the  room.  During  the  dances  many  of  the 
older  women  and  children  and  the  more  sober  maidens  of  the  elite 
occup\r  seats  with  the  more  common  people  on  the  east  side  of  the 
large  room,  but  the  privileged  ones  adjourn  to  the  back  room  during 
the  intermissions.  Two  Acoma  Indians  in  this  room,  teaching  three 
Zuiiis  song  prayers  in  their  tongue,  draw  about  them  a  few  listeners. 
The  writer  observes  that  several  elderly  women  are  the  most  interested, 
except  those  receiving  instruction.  The  scene  through  the  openings 
in  the  wall  is  most  pleasing.  Lights  and  shadows,  according  to  the 
freaks  of  the  fire  in  the  back  room,  play  about  the  faces  of  the  dusky 
maidens  and  youths,  who  are  seated  on  chairs  and  boxes.  Occasionally 
merry  laughter  is  heard  when  the  young  men  say  pleasing  or  amusing 
words  to  the  girls. 

"Since  Mr  Douglas  D.  Graham  has  had  the  Zufli  Indians  in  charge  there  is  much  Jess  dissipation 
among  them.  It  is  certain  that  he  will  see  that  the  law  is  executed  if  it  be  within  his  power,  and 
that  liquor  is  kept  from  them. 


stevknson]        CEREMONIES    FOLLOWING    SHA'lAKO    FESTIVAL  2(53 

A  small  side  apartment  is  used  as  the  greenroom  for  the  personators 
of  the  'Cha'kwena  to  adorn  themselves  for  the  dance,  the  elder  son  of 
this  house  being  dance  director  of  this  body.  It  is  in  this  room  that 
heads  of  the  dancers  are  washed  after  their  dance,  and  the  dancers 
wash  off  the  paint  from  their  bodies.  The  merrymaking  becomes 
general  here  and  in  the  back  room;  and  while  the  hair  washing  is 
going  on  even  the  women  who  perform  this  service,  which  is  a  part 
of  their  ritual,  enjoy  the  jokes  of  the  others.  This  apartment  serves 
another  purpose.  It  is  the  barroom,  where  are  served  Isleta  wine,  and 
also  whisky  obtained  from  the  whites.  Some  intoxicated  men  are  made 
to  leave  the  house  early  in  the  evening  at  the  demand  of  the  women 
in  the  back  room.  These  men  becoming  too  practical  in  their  jokes 
with  them,  the  elder  son  of  the  house  is  called  to  the  rescue  from  the 
front  room.  With  but  few  words  he  quickly  dispatches  the  offenders, 
who  are  all  Zunis  of  quality.  As  they  pass  through  the  front  room  in 
file  each  one  endeavors  to  say  in  his  most  polite  manner,  "So'anni 
kets'anishi  to'o  an'tiwatu  (Good-by;  all  good  come  to  you)." 

About  9  o'clock  the  group  learning  the  Laguna  song  separate  and 
take  seats  in  line  on  the  west  side  of  the  room  at  the  north  end. 
In  a  short  time  the  approaching  rattle  and  drum  are  heard,  and 
twenty-one  men  personating  the  He'mishiikwe  enter  the  room  in 
single  lile,  led  by  a  man  carrying  his  mi'li  and  meal  basket. 

In  all  religious  dances  the  plaza  or  chamber  is  entered  in  file,  led  by  a  man  or 
woman  who  will  be  termed  the  leader  of  the  dancers.  The  woman  leader  wears 
conventional  dress,  always  her  newest  and  best,  and,  if  necessary,  articles  are  bor- 
rowed from  her  family  or  members  of  her  clan  for  the  occasion.  Special  attention 
is  given  to  the  moccasins  and  leggings,  which  are  of  the  whitest  dressed  deerskins, 
with  glossy  black  soles,  an  entire  skin  being  used  for  the  purpose.  The  larger  the 
skin  the  more  desirable,  for  the  ambition  of  a  Zufii  woman  is  to  have  her  legs  so 
wrapped  from  the  ankle  to  the  knee  that  the  feet,  naturally  small  and  beautiful  in 
form,  shall  appear  as  diminutive  as  possible.  The  white  blanket  bordered  in  red 
and  blue  is  worn  over  the  back.  Sometimes,  but  rarely,  another  blanket  is  worn  in 
its  place.  A  fluffy  eagle  plume  is  tied  to  the  forelock  of  the  female  leader,  and  she 
carries  her  mi'li  and  meal  basket.  While  silver  beads  of  native  manufacture  are  the 
only  necklaces  used  as  the  daily  adornment  of  the  women,  the  ko'hakwa,  turquoise, 
and  coral  beads — the  necklaces  of  the  men — are  added  to  the  silver  ornaments  when 
the  women  appear  in  ceremonials,  as  many  as  can  be  secured  from  members  of  the 
family  or  intimate  friends,  until  the  breast  is  covered  with  the  precious  beads.  Bor- 
rowing of  finery  is  not  confined  to  the  women,  the  men  being  equally  as  anxious  to 
adorn  their  persons;  yet  it  is  always  done  in  the  most  secret  manner. 

The  man  is  less  conventional  in  his  dress,  so  there  is  greater  margin  for  variety  in 
costume.  He  frequently  wears  velvet  knee  breeches  lined  on  the  outer  sides  with  sil- 
ver buttons,  a  native  woven  black  wool  shirt,  elaborately  trimmed  with  red  and  green 
ribbons,  over  one  of  white  cotton,  the  sleeves  of  the  other  being  open  so  as  to  expose 
the  undersleeve  of  the  white  shirt.  Sometimes  a  silver  belt  is  worn;  at  other  times 
a  red  silk  scarf  is  tied  around  the  waist.  Ordinary  moccasins,  always  the  best  ones, 
are  worn  with  leather  leggings  ornamented  with  silver  buttons  and  tied  on  with  red 
garters.  While  this  is  the  usual  dress  of  the  male  leader,  any  apparel  which  suits  his 
taste,  and  is  not  directly  associated  with  the  dress  of  the  anthrophic  gods,  may  be  worn. 


%J()4  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

In  riild  weather  the  leader  frequently  has  a  blanket  in  addition  to  his  other  dress, 
worn  with  the  grace  with  which  only  an  Indian  can  wear  the  blanket.  A  line  of 
micaceous  hematite  crosses  his  face  below  the  eyes,  denoting  office,  and  a  fluffy  eagle 
plume  is  tied  to  the  forelock.     He  carries  hismi'li  and  meal  basket. 

It  will  be  understood  that  in  all  ceremonials  where  men  and  women  act  in  the 
capacity  of  leaders  of  dancers  or  serve  to  secure  dancers  for  the  festivals,  the  dress  is 
similar  to  that  described  above.  Any  exceptions  will  be  noted.  The  leader  is  never 
included  in  the  number  of  dancers. 

The  He'mishiikwe  are  met  at  the  entrance  by  the  host  of  the  house, 
who  carries  a  meal  basket  and  throws  out  a  line  of  meal  before  him 
as  he  leads  the  dancers  down  the  room.  Each  He'mishiikwe  has 
his  body  and  limbs  colored  purple  with  d}Te  from  the  berry  of  Ber- 
beris  fremontii.  He  wears  a  white  embroidered  kilt  held  on  by  a 
white  fringed  sash  and  a  woman's  red  belt  tied  in  loops  at  the  right 
side,  a  fox  skin  pendent  at  the  back  of  the  waist,  and  a  tortoise-shell 
rattle  attached  to  the  calf  of  the  right  leg.  Bunches  of  blue  yarn 
with  sleigh  bells  attached  are  tied  in  tassels  below  the  knees,  and 
dance  moccasins  are  worn.  No  masks  are  worn  on  this  occasion  by 
those  dancing  in  line,  though  a  few  maskers  appear  with  each  party  of 
dancers.  Each  He'mishiikwe  carries  a  spruce  twig  in  the  left  hand 
and  a  gourd  rattle,  colored  pink,  in  the  right.  The  drum,  rectangular 
in  form  and  wrapped  with  rope,  is  made  of  undressed  hide,  the  hair 
on  the  inner  side.  The  dancers  enter  in  single  file  and  proceed 
down  the  room  raising  the  right  foot  high  and  balancing  on  the 
left,  the  heel  only  of  the  left  foot  being  raised  from  the  floor.  This 
is  a  common  step  in  all  dances  where  the  anthropic  gods  are  person- 
ated. On  reaching  the  north  end  of  the  room  on  the  west  side  the}7 
remain  in  file,  and,  facing  north,  the  left  arm  of  each  dancer  is  slightly 
bent  and  held  at  the  side;  the  right  arm  is  also  slightly  bent,  but  less  than 
the  left.  The  movement  is  with  the  right  foot,  the  left  one  being  used  to 
balance.  Four  boys,  who  are  masked,  accompany  the  He'mishiikwe  and 
take  seats  on  the  west  ledge  by  the  dancers,  two  of  them  playing  on 
notched  sticks  during  certain  portions  of  the  dance,  the  lower  sticks 
resting  on  boxes.  After  shaking  the  rattle  the  He'mishiikwe  wave  both 
hands  to  the  left,  then  to  the  right,  and  repeat  the  motion,  the  rattle 
being  kept  in  constant  action.  The  bod}'  is  now  bent  forward  to  the  left, 
the  left  hand  being  held  to  the  side  and  the  right  hand  hanging,  as  a 
long,  rapid,  even  musical  shake  of  the  rattle  is  given.  All  now  turn 
and  face  the  east  and  give  a  long,  steady  shake  of  the  rattle.  The  first 
movement  is  repeated,  the  right  foot  is  raised  high,  and  they  stamp 
four  times  very  quickly  while  the  rattle  is  held  low  and  shaken.  But 
this  time  the  sound  is  altogether  different;  it  is  loud,  while  the  other 
is  like  the  shaking  of  many  seeds.  After  the  stamping  the  hands  are 
waved  to  the  left  and  then  to  the  right  five  times;  then  the  body  is 
bent  still  lower  and  the  stamping  repeated  eight  times.  Raising  the 
body,  the  lirst  movement  is  repeated  as  they  all  turn,  facing  the  north, 


stevbnson]        CEREMONIES    FOLLOWING    SHa'laKO    FESTIVAL  265 

and  in  a  moment  they  continue  around  toward  the  left  until  they  again 
face  the  east,  the  rattles  held  above  their  heads.  Turning  entirely 
around,  they  face  the  north  and  bending  low,  first  to  the  right,  then 
to  the  left,  shake  the  rattle.  The  first  two  figures  are  again  repeated, 
and  when  all  are  faring  north  they  stoop  and  with  a  quick  step,  bending 
the  knees  and  leaning  toward  the  right,  pass  around  toward  the  left, 
the  song  changing  from  a  major  to  a  minor  key,  with  considerable 
variety  of  tone.     The  motions  in  the  dance  are  rhythmic. 

The  next  dancers  to  appear  after  the  He'mishiikwe  depart  are  seven- 
teen Mu'luktakia  (tall  thin  gods).  They  cany  in  their  left  hands  long 
slender  staffs  ornamented  at  the  top  and  middle  with  plumes,  and  in 
their  right  gourd  rattles.  The  dance  and  songs  of  the  Mu'luktakia, 
though  pleasing,  are  far  inferior  to  those  of  the  He'mishiikwe.  The 
dress  of  both  parties  is  similar.  A  boy,  10  .years  of  age,  wearing  a 
bearskin  wrapped  about  his  bod}'  and  falling  to  his  knees,  accompanies 
the  Mu'luktakia.  Skins  of  bears'  legs  with  the  claws  are  drawn  over 
his  feet.  He  carries  a  stone  hatchet  in  his  right  hand  and  giant  j'ueca 
in  his  left.  He  gesticulates  and  growls,  animal-like,  as  he  dances  back 
and  forth  east  of  the  line  of  dancers. 

Having  made  their  toilets  in  the  side  room,  the  'Cha'kwena  gods  are 
the  next  to  appear,  the  returned  Carlisle  student  being  one  of  the  num- 
ber. The  leader  of  these  dancers  is  a  boy  not  more  than  twelve  years 
of  age.  He  carries  his  mi'li  and  meal  basket  in  the  left  hand  and 
sprinkles  meal  with  the  right.  The  limbs  of  the  dancers  are  painted 
white  and  their  bodies  are  zigzagged  in  white,  symbolic  of  lightning. 
They  wear  white  dressed  deerskins  as  kilts,  which  fall  below  the  knees, 
held  on  by  white  fringed  sashes  and  red  belts  tied  to  the  right  side,  and 
a  fox  skin  pendent  from  the  back  of  the  waist.  The  bodies  and  upper 
arms  are  colored  black,  a  yoke  is  designed  in  yellow  paint,  and  the 
lower  arms  and  hands  are  yellow.  In  one  case  the  yoke  is  pink  instead 
of  yellow,  and  the  hands  and  lower  arms  are  white.  A  scalp  knot  is 
painted  on  each  scapula  and  each  breast.  Some  of  these  are  in  yellow 
and  some  in  white.  Dressed  deerskins  worn  as  skirts,  held  in  place 
by  an  embroidered  sash  and  a  red  belt  fastened  at  the  right  side,  fall 
nearly  to  the  ground;  a  fox  skin  is  pendent  at  the  back.  They  wear 
dressed  deerskin  leggings,  fringed  at  the  outer  sides,  and  dance  mocca- 
sins with  anklets  embroidered  with  porcupine  quills.  Leather  armlets 
colored  blue-green,  each  having  three  points  to  which  pendent-banded 
turkey  plumes  are  attached  b}r  buckskin  throngs,  encircle  the  upper 
arms.  Spruce  twigs  stand  around  the  upper  side  of  the  armlets,  and 
gourd  rattles,  painted  blue-green,  are  carried  in  the  right  hand;  bows 
and  arrows  are  in  the  left.  A  quiver  containing  arrows  hangs  over  the 
back.  Each  carries  giant  yucca  in  the  left  hand.  The  hair  is  done  up 
in  a  knot  at  the  back,  and  a  fluffy  white  eagle  feather  is  attached  to  the 


I'li*)  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

forelock.  A  yucca  ribbon  is  tied  around  the  head.  One  of  the  num- 
ber wears  a  black  skull  cap  covered  with  the  skin  of  a  duck  so  well 
mounted  as  to  appear  as  if  a  duck  had  just  perched  there.  A  black 
wool  cap  is  used  when  the  masks  are  not  worn.  Two  others  wearing 
masks  accompany  these  dancers.  One  hideous  mask  has  padded  eyes; 
another  has  a  long- white  beard.  The  'Cha'kwena  form  in  line  north 
and  south,  and  the  other  two  dance  violently  east  of  the  line,  which 
faces  west  quite  as  frequently  as  east  during  the  dance.  Before  this  party 
complete  their  song  and  dance,  the  'Cha'kwena  of  another  ki'wi'sine 
arrive,  the  dancers  making  room  for  them.  The  newcomers  also  form 
in  line  on  the  west  side  of  the  room.  Their  dress  and  masks  are  simi- 
lar to  those  worn  by  the  'Cha'kwena  who  precede  them.  The  'Cha'- 
kwena, like  most  of  the  Zunis,  are  beautiful  in  form,  and  the  sight 
of  their  bodies  swaying  from  side  to  side  in  rythmical  motion,  while 
they  gracefully  manipulate  the  rattle  in  accompaniment  to  the  song, 
gives  real  delight. 

A  bo}7  of  five  or  six  years  and  a  man  representing  a  bear,  the  latter 
wearing  a  mask,  dance  in  front  of  the  line.  The  child  wears  a  black 
woven  breechcloth,  buckskin  leggings,  and  a  tortoise-shell  rattle  tied 
to  the  calf  of  his  right  leg;  a  yucca  ribbon  is  tied  around  his  head, 
and  his  breast  is  covered  with  necklaces.  He  carries  in  his  right  hand 
a  gourd  rattle  which  is  almost  as  large  as  himself,  and  in  his  left  a  bunch 
of  giant  }rucca.  The  child  seems  as  much  interested  in  the  dance  as 
his  elders.  The  man  representing  the  bear  has  his  lower  legs  painted 
black  and  spotted  white.  He  wears  armlets  of  uncolored  leather.  A 
bearskin  covers  the  body  and  a  portion  of  the  lower  limbs  and  skins 
of  bears'  legs  with  the  claws  are  drawn  over  his  feet.  A  tortoise-shell 
rattle  is  attached  to  the  calf  of  his  right  leg.  He  carries  a  wooden 
hatchet,  with  goafs  wool,  significant  of  a  scalp  lock,  in  his  right  hand 
and  yucca  in  his  left;  yucca  is  also  tied  around  his  legs  below  the  knees. 
These  two  remain  a  short  time  after  the  'Cha'kwena  leave,  running 
about  the  room  like  animals." 

Next  to  appear  are  seventeen  Wa'tem'la  (all  herds),  seven  of  the 
number  being  boys.  They  are  led  by  a  man  carrying  his  mi'li  and  m<  al 
basket.  Their  bodies  are  nude,  marked  thus) (in  yellow  on  each 
scapula  and  breast.  The  legs  are  painted  white,  and  they  wear  various 
styles  of  kilts  and  wrappings  about  the  loins  and  legs.  Each  carries 
a  gourd  rattle  in  his  right  hand,  with  a  bunch  of  giant  yucca  in  his 
left.  Forming  in  line  on  the  west  side  of  the  room  and  facing  east, 
they  stamp  three  times  with  the  right  foot  and  begin  the  dance,  which 
is  like  the  former,  though  the  song  is  quite  different. 

After  these  dancers  leave,  a  Hopi  dance  is  introduced,  led  by  Nan'- 

<■  At  this  point  in  the  ceremony  four  spectators-are  severely  whipped  across  the  ankles  anil  arms  for 
speaking  a  word  or  two  of  Spanish,  for  a  word  in  this  language  must  not  be  uttered  in  the  presence  of 
the  personators  of  the  anthropic  gods. 


stevensox]        CEREMONIES    FOLLOWING    SHA'lAKO    FESTIVAL  267 

nahe,  a  Hopi  Indian  married  to  a  Zu.ni  woman.  The  feature  of  this 
dance  is  the  enthusiasm  exhibited  by  Nan'nahe,  who,  being'  conscious 
that  his  associates  arc  but  partly  drilled  in  the  song,  makes  every 
effort  to  prevent  failure.  Their  costume  is  a  Hopi  kilt,  a  silk  scarf 
passing  over  the  right  shoulder  and  tied  on  the  left  side,  dance  moc- 
casins, and  anklets  embroidered  with  porcupine  quills.  There  are 
two  others  outside  of  the  line  of  dancers,  and  thejT  wear  improvised 
Hopi  masks. 

After  these  dancers  leave,  the  Ko'yemshi  arrive,  wearing  masks  and 
having  blankets  around  them  tied  at  the  waist.  Goatskins  with  the 
wool  inside  cover  their  feet.  A  fawn  skin  hangs  over  the  shoulder, 
the  head  peeping  up  from  under  the  blanket,  and  a  quantity  of  te'liki- 
nawe  are  held  in  the  blanket,  two  are  longer  than  the  others,  one  stick 
being  colored  blue  for  the  sun  and  the  other  yellow  for  the  moon.  Each 
carries  a  gourd  rattle  in  the  right  hand.  The  masks  are  so  covered 
with  meal  from  the  sprinkling  they  have  received  at  other  houses  that 
they  appear  as  though  they  had  been  in  a  heavy  snowstorm.  They 
are  preceded  by  sixteen  male  members  of  the  Ant  fraternity  led  by 
the  female  head  of  the  house  dedicated  by  the  Koyemshi.  She  wears 
ordinary  dress,  with  a  white  blanket  striped  blue  and  red  and  many 
silver  beads.  The  members  of  the  fraternity  wear  black  native  breech- 
cloths.  Their  bodies  are  painted  white  to  represent  stars  and  animals. 
The  hair  hangs  down  the  back,  a  wreath  of  yucca  is  worn,  and  a  salmon- 
colored  fluffy  eagle  plume  is  attached  to  the  forelock.  The}'  are  led 
down  the  room,  as  usual,  b\'  the  host  of  the  house.  The  woman,  fol- 
lowing next,  carries  her  mi'li  and  meal  basket  in  her  left  hand  and 
sprinkles  meal  with  the  right'.  The  pe'kwin  (deputy  director)  of  the 
fraternity,  carrying  an  eagle  plume  in  each  hand,  is  next  to  her.  The 
director  comes  next,  be  being  a  member  of  the  Sun  clan.  He  wears 
over  his  left  hand  the  skin  of  a  bear's  leg  with  the  claws  attached. 
He  carries  an  eagle  plume  in  each  hand  and  holds  with  both  hands  a 
basket  containing  six  disks  of  wood  about  2i  inches  in  diameter,  painted 
blue-green  and  edged  with  black  and  white  blocks,  symbolic  of  the  house 
of  the  clouds  and  four  fluffy  white  eagle  plumes  are  attached  to  the 
periphery.  Three  black  lines  on  the  disk  indicate  the  mouth  and  eyes. 
All  the  others,  with  one  exception,  cany  two  eagle  plumes  in  the  left 
hand  and  a  rattle  in  the  right.  The  third  man  following  the  director 
has  a  bear's  leg  skin  over  his  left  arm,  and  the  quill  ends  of  his  eagle 
plumes  are  stuck  into  it  on  the  top  of  the  arm.  The  male  head  of  the 
house  dedicated  by  the  Ko'yeinshi  follows  at  the  end  of  the  line  of  the 
fraternity,  also  carrying  his  mi'li  and  meal  basket.  They  all  pass  down 
the  west  side  of  the  room  and  around  to  the  east,  forming  an  ellipse 
which  is  left  open  by  a  gap  of  3  or  4  feet.  These  circles  must  never 
be  closed,  the  opening  being  symbolic  of  the  road  of  life,  of  rain,  and 
of  the  sun — everything  suggestive  of  life.     After  dancing  around  once, 


268  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

everyone  waving  his  plumes  or  whatever  he  has  in  his  hands  up  and 
down,  the  director,  first  handing  his  basket  containing  the  disks  to 
his  pe'kwin,  takes  meal  from  the  basket  of  the  host  of  the  house. 
He  drops  six  pinches  i>f  meal  on  the  floor  north  of  the  center  of  the 
ellipse,  indicating  the  six  regions;  over  this  he  forms  a  disk  about  6 
inches  in  diameter  and  extends  a  line  of  meal,  9  feet  in  length,  south 
from  the  disk  and  taking  the  mi'li  from  the  woman  who  leads  the 
party  dances  about  with  it,  waving  it  to  the  six  regions.  Then  rais- 
ing it  up  and  down  six  times  to  the  music  of  the  rattle  and  drum,  he 
places  it  on  the  meal  disk,  and  taking  his  basket  from  the  pe'kwin, 
removes  one  of  the  disks  and  returns  the  basket.  Then,  after  many  ges- 
ticulations and  incantations,  throwing  his  bod}7  at  times  almost  prostrate 
upon  the  floor  in  his  animal-like  gestures,  he  lays  the  disk  on  the  meal 
south  of  the  mi'li.  The  host  of  the  house,  removing  his  moccasins, 
enters  the  circle  and  standing  to  the  left  of  the  director,  leans  his 
head  toward  him  while  the  director  whispers  to  him.  The  dance  is 
suspended  during  this  performance.  The  picture  is  striking.  The 
director  says:  "Take  this  ya'tokia  'san'na  (small  sun)  [handing  him  the 
disk]  and  jDlace  it  next  to  the  heart  of  the  warrior,"  referring  to  the 
warrior  of  the  Ant  fraternity,  who  now  leaves  the  circle  and  stands 
at  the  end  of  the  meal  line.  The  latter  waves  his  plumes,  held  in 
each  hand,  up  and  down,  moving  his  beautifully  formed  body  most 
gracefully.  The  director  says  to  the  host  of  the  house:  "When  3'ou 
place  the  disk  over  the  warrior's  heart,  and  it  remains  there,  then  your 
heart  and  your  wife's  are  good  and  you  will  have  much  corn  and  other 
things  in  the  coming  year.  Should  it  fall,  then  the  heart  of  the  wife 
desires  another  than  her  husband."  After  receiving  the  disk,  the  host 
manipulates  it  before  the  mi'li  for  a  time,  and  then,  passing  down  the 
meal  line,  puts  the  disk  to  the  warrior's  heart,  who  does  not  cease 
his  dancing  and  gesticulation  at  this  time.  The  disk  is  no  sooner 
placed  than  it  drops  to  the  floor.  The  director  hastens  to  pick  it  up, 
and  the  host  leaves  the  circle  with  the  belief  that  his  wife  is  unfaithful 
to  him,  at  least  in  her  heart. 

As  a  Ko'vemshi  is  led  into  the  circle  by  the  director,  he  hands  his 
rattle  to  the  companion  at  his  side.  The  Ko'yemshi  makes  the  effort 
with  the  disk,  manipulating  it  before  the  mi'li.  and  puts  it  to  the 
heart  of  the  warrior,  with  the  same  result  as  that  which  befell  the 
host  of  the  house.  The  Ko'yemshi  exclaims:  "  My  wife  has  been  with 
another,  and  I  think  I  will  run  off  to-night."  This  causes  general 
amusement,  especially  among  his  fellows,  who  are  passing  their  jokes, 
paying  little  or  no  attention  to  what  is  going  on  before  them. 

The  director  now  selects  a  member  of  his  fraternity  and  hands  him 
a  disk.  He  acts  wildly,  cowering  and  leaping  about  with  bended 
knees,  and  in  this  posture  jumping  up  and  down  the  meal  line,  all  the 
while  keeping  his  eyes  fixed  on  the  mi'li.     Finally  he  rises  suddenly 


stevenson]        CEREMONIES    FOLLOWING    SHA'lAKO    FESTIVAL  269 

and  places  the  disk  to  the  heart  of  the  warrior,  and  the  warrior  dances 
more  violently  than  ever,  the  disk  remaining  in  place.  The  man  who 
places  the  disk  returns  to  the  circle,  and  in  a  moment  or  two  the 
director  removes  the  disk  from  the  breast  of  the  warrior,  but  after  an 
instant  replaces  it.  In  a  short  time,  however,  he  returns  it  to  the 
basket  and  raising  the  mi'li,  repeats  a  long-  prayer  over  it;  then,  facing 
south,  he  waves  it  to  the  six  regions,  and  returning  it  to  its  owner, 
takes  his  position  with  the  dancers.  The  warrior  also  joins  the  circle 
and  they  all  dance  around  twice  and  leave  the  house  in  file. 

One  of  the  cleverest  tricks  was  observed  in  1879  in  the  house  dedicated  by  the 
Ko'yenishi  that  year.  At  the  time  the  writer  was  not  sufficiently  familiar  with 
this  Zuni  ceremonial  to  know  that  it  was  the  fraternity  furnishing  the  altar  and 
songs  for  the  Ko'yemshi  that  performed  the  trick.  She  was  invited  by  a  member 
of  the  Galaxy  fraternity  to  visit  the  house  dedicated  by  the  Ko'yenishi.  The 
Ko'yenishi  and  the  members  of  the  fraternity  were  in  the  midst  of  their  prepara- 
tions for  the  coming  ceremonial.  The  members  were  painting  each  other  from  a 
large  bowl  of  kaolin,  while  the  Ko'yenishi  rubbed  their  bodies  over  with  a  paint  of 
pinkish  clay.  Two  hours  were  consumed  in  perfecting  the  toilets,  consisting  only  of 
the  paint  which  covered  their  bodies  and  the  breechcloth.  The  hair  was  parted  in 
the  middle  and  done  up  in  the  usual  knot  in  the  back,  with  a  single  ribbon  of  yucca, 
scarcely  an  inch  wide,  tied  around  the  forehead  at  the  edge  of  the  hair  and  fastened 
on  the  side  in  a  bowknot.  Feathers  were  attached  to  the  forelock  of  the  members 
of  the  fraternity.  The  altar,  as  usual,  stood  at  the  west  end  of  the  room,  and  the 
masks  of  the  Ko'yenishi  lay  on  dressed  deerskins  behind  the  altar.  The  inner 
rooms  were  covered  with  sheepskins  and  blankets,  which  were  occupied  by  Jhose 
privileged  to  be  present.  IMany  of  the  women  had  their  infants  with  them.  All 
chatted  merrily  while  they  awaited  the  opening  of  the  ceremony.  The  bowl  of  medi- 
cine water  was  in  its  usual  place  in  front  of  the  altar;  also  a  basket  tray  containing 
grains  of  corn,  and  another  containing  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes.  The  Ko'yenishi, 
having  completed  their  toilets,  except  the  masks,  sat  in  line  along  the  south  ledge  of 
the  room. 

The  writer  tied  a  silk  head-kerchief  around  the  head  of  a  youth  sitting  by  her,  and 
the  next  moment  one  of  the  Ko'yenishi  approached  her  and  gracefully  bent  on 
one  knee  and  bowed  his  head  to  receive  a  similar  gift.  Having  a  second  head-ker- 
chief she  tied  it  around  his  head.  He  arose  and  bowed  in  acknowledgment  of  the 
gift.  When  the  hour  arrived  for  him  to  don  his  mask,  he  looked  toward  the  giver 
and  expressed  with  his  eyes  that  which  could  not  be  said  by  the  lips — his  regrets 
that  the  head-kerchief  must  be  removed.  • 

The  evening  festivities  opened  with  fourteen  dancers  from  one  of  the  ki'witsine,  led 
as  usual  by  a  man  carrying  his  mi'li  and  basket  of  meal.  They  danced  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  the  rattle  and  drum  for  thirty  minutes,  the  variations  in  the  dance  con- 
sisting in  the  motions  of  the  body  and  not  in  the  step.-  As  all  the  dances  which 
occurred  in  this  house  have  been  previously  described,  the  writer  will  not  repeat  the 
:  -  riptions,  but  will  depict  the  scene  after  the  Jast  group  of  .visiting  dancers 
departed. 

When  the  Ko'yemshi  donned  their  masks  behind  the  altar  they  were  immediately 
metamorphosed  from  attractive-looking  men  into  hideous,  unnatural  objects.  The 
members  of  the  Galaxy  fraternity  formed  into  an  ellipse  before  the  altar,  and  the 
Ko'yemshi  stood  in  line  south  of  them.  A  curious  old  pottery  lamp  was  produced  by 
a  woman  of  the  house  and  placed  on  the  mantel.  The  fire,  which  burned  brightly 
during  the  early  evening,  had  been  allowed  to  die  out,  leaving  a  heap  of  bright  coals. 

Of  the  Ko'yemshi  four  were  very  old,  and  there  were  sixteen  aged  men  of  the 


270  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.2S 

fraternity.  The  writer  has  never  seen  as  large  a  number  of  men  so  advanced  in  years 
actively  associated  with  any  of  the  other  fraternities.  One  or  two  appeared  to  be 
at  least  85.  It  was  most  interesting  to  see  these  men  imbued  with  all  the  vigor  and 
vitality  of  youth,  their  shapely  limbs  as  nimble  as  those  of  the  younger  men  who 
danced  before  them. 

The  director  of  the  fraternity  left  the  ellipse  and  advanced  to  the  center.  After  a 
time  the  A'kwamosi  (maker  of  medicine  water) ,  who  retained  his  seat  by  the  side  of 
the  altar  up  to  this  time,  carried  the  basket  containing  the  eagle  feathers,  tied  in 
twos,  to  the  director,  who  took  one  bunch,  singing  all  the  while,  and,  holding  it  up, 
danced  about  in  the  most  fantastic  manner,  the  plume  in  his  own  white  hair  bending 
with  the  breeze.  After  a  time  he  handed  the  feathers  to  one  of  the  Ko'yemshi,  who 
danced  in  the  center  of  the  ellipse  with  him,  and,  running  to  the  lamp,  which  had 
been  lighted,  be  passed  the  feathers  through  the  flame,  bringing  out  two  charred  bits. 
Returning  to  the  circle  he  danced  and  sang,  pressing  the  crispy  atoms  to  his  breast, 
making  desperate  efforts  to  accomplish  something,  the  writer  could  not  imagine 
what.  Failing  in  his  efforts,  he  returned  what  remained  of  the  feathers  to  the  director, 
who  continued  to  dance.  After  a  while  a  member  of  the  fraternity  left  the  ellipse  and 
drew  near  to  the  director,  who  handed  him  the  charred  bits;  he  immediately  ran  to 
the  lamp  ami  passed  them  through  the  flame  with  curious  antics  and  returning  to 
the  ellipse,  pressed  them  to  his  nude  body.  After  dancing  and  singing  a  short  time, 
all  the  while  pressing  the  atoms  to  his  breast,  two  beautiful  white  plumes  appeared. 

A  similar  trick  was  performed  in  1896  by  the  Little  Fire  fraternity  in 
the  house  dedicated  by  the  Ko'yemshi.  All  altars  have  been  removed 
from  the  houses  except  the  one  dedicated  by  the  Ko'yemshi.  Here  the 
altar  remains  intact  with  the  mi'wachi.  Two  bowls  of  medicine  water 
and  two  large  Hat  baskets  of  grains  of  corn  of  all  colors  are  bjr  the 
altar,  and  the  small  flute  of  the  fraternity  is  immediately  before  it. 
The  Ko'3remshi  sit  in  line  on  the  west  side  of  the  room  wrapped  in 
their  blankets;  they  wear  their  moccasins.  At  half  past  8  in  the  evening 
twent}r-four  members  of  the  fraternit}*  retire  to  an  adjoining  room  to 
prepare  for  the  dance.  When  they  reappear,  their  bodies  are  elabo- 
rately decorated  in  white  kaolin  to  represent  the  heavens,  prey  animals, 
and  lightning;  the  only  ones  privileged  to  use  the  lightning  symbol 
being  such  members  as  belong  also  to  the  A'pialashiwanni  (Bow  priest- 
hood) and  the  order  of  the  Arrow  in  the  Great  Fire  fraternity.  Each 
wears  a  native  black  breechcloth  embroidered  at  the  ends  in  dark  blue. 
Each  member  of  the  Bow  priesthood  wears  his  war  pouch,  and  his  wand 
which  is  usually  attached  to  the  bandoleer  near  the  shoulder.  Yucca 
ribbons  are  worn  around  the  head,  and  their  breasts  are  covered  with  a 
profusion  of  necklaces.  The  director  is  the  first  to  enter  the  room. 
He  takes  his  seat  before  the  altar  on  the  east  side,  facing  south,  and  the 
others,  who  closely  follow,  group  themselves  near  him  and,  after  a 
prayer,  indulge  in  a  smoke.  The  Ko'yemshi  now  remove  their  mocca- 
sins, put  on  their  masks,  and  throwing  off  their  blankets  expose  the 
ragged  black  kilt.  The  members  of  the  fraternity  form  in  a  file,  led  by 
a  woman  of  the  fraternity.  Her  necklaces  are  numerous  and  rare,  and 
her  moccasins  are  of  the  finest  quality.  She  carries  a  meal  basket  in 
the  left  hand  and  her  mi'li  in  the  right.     The  last  man  in  the  line  is 


stevenson]         CEREMONIES    FOLLOWING    SHa'lAKO    FESTIVAL  271 

also  a  member  of  Shu'maakwe.  of  which  fraternity  he  is  pe'kwin 
(deputy)  to  the  director.  He  carries  his  mi'li  of  Little  Fire  fraternity 
in  his  right  hand  and  a  meal  basket  in  the  left.  An  eagle  plume  thrust 
through  the  septum  of  his  nose,  the  quill  end  protruding  through  the 
left  side,  is  a  badge  of  his  high  office  in  the.  Shu'maakwe.  Nai'uchi, 
the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  is  warrior  guardian  of  the  Little 
Fire  fraternity,  carries  a  small  basket  tray,  on  which  is  a  hemispherical 
gourd,  the  concave  side  down.  This  gourd  is  painted  white  and  capped 
with  a  tuft  of  raw  cotton,  colored  red,  in  the  center  of  which  are  a 
number  of  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes;  he  also  carries  his  two  eagle-wing 
plumes.  All  the  men,  including  the  Ko'yemshi,  have  gourd  rattles  in 
the  right  hand.  After  passing  once  around  the  room,  the  Ko'jTemshi 
following  after  the  fraternity,  they  form  an  ellipse  and  dance  for 
a  short  time,  after  which  they  visit  the  six  houses  blessed  by  the 
Sha'lako.     In  the  first  house  visited  is  observed  the  following  trick: 

The  drummer  precedes  the  dancers,  who,  to  the  music  of  the  rattle 
and  drum,  pass  down  the  room,  the  host  of  the  house. leading.  The 
female  leader  and  the  member  at  the  rear  end  sprinkle  meal  in  the 
usual  manner  as  they  proceed.  An  ellipse  is  formed,  and  after  danc- 
ing around  once  they  halt,  and  the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi  secures  a 
blanket  from  one  of  the  spectators  and  spreads  it  in  the  center  of  the 
ellipse.  Nai'uchi  now  makes  a  small  disk  of  meal  in  the  center  of  the 
blanket  and  forms  a  cross  by  extending  four  lines  outward  from  it  and 
places  the  basket  tray  on  the  disk.  One  of  the  Ko'yemshi  performs 
about  the  basket  tray  with  his  two  eagle  plumes.  Returning  to  his 
place.  Nai'uchi  and  another  member  of  the  fraternity,  the  pe'kwin  of 
Shu'maakwe,  stand  side  b}7  side  by  the  basket.  After  the  pe'kwin 
whispers  in  the  ear  of  the  Nai'uchi  he  moves  about  in  the  ellipse 
like  an  animal,  stooping  and  growling,  while  the  others  cry  out 
as  though  they  were  giving  warning  of  the  presence  of  some  wild 
beast.  Finally  he  plucks  the  plumes  from  the  gourd  and  dashing  to 
the  fireplace,  passes  them  through  the  flames.  Returning  with  the 
charred  bits,  he  dances  wildly  about,  part  of  the  time  in  a  cowering 
posture,  making  great  efforts  apparently  to  draw  something  from  his 
breast,  all  the  while  holding  the  charred  bits  between  his  fingers. 
Finally  the  plumes  reappear. 

The  director  of  the  fraternity  and  the  Great  Father  Ko'3'emshi  stand 
side  by  side  before  the  basket,  facing  east,  and  pray.  At  the  close  of 
the  prayer  Nai'uchi  takes  the  basket,  and  the  Great  Father,  after  shak- 
ing the  blanket  slightly  to  remove  the  meal,  returns  it  to  its  owner.  All 
dance  around  once  and  leave  this  house  to  visit  another.  In  the  second 
house  the  gourd  is  turned  concave  side  upward  in  the  basket.  After 
several  futile  attempts  of  the  Ko'}Temshi  to  raise  the  gourd  with  their 
eagle-wing  plumes,  a  member  of  the  fraternity,  touching  the  gourd 
with  the  quill  ends  of  his  plumes,  gracefully  holding  them  at  the  feather 


272  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

ends,  raises  it  some  distance  above  the  basket.  This  feat  calls  forth 
the  wildest  encores  from  the  spectators.  Though  the  writer  is  near 
and  closely  observing,  she  fails  to  discover  the  trick. 

The  Little  Fire  fraternity  give  such  delight  during  the  evening  that 
they  are  requested  to  appear  in  the  te'wita  (plaza)  the  following  day. 
All  are  decorated  as  they  were  the  previous  night,  excepting  two 
members,  they  being  the  director  of  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity  and 
his  pe'kwin,  who  are  also  members  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity. 
Each  has  two  eagle  plumes  passed  through  the  septum  of  the 
nose,  the  plumes  being  about  8  inches  long,  and  the  quill  ends  put 
in  from  opposite  sides.  The  Ko'vemshi  follow  the  fraternity  in  file, 
each  one  having  a  rattle.  As  on  the  previous  night,  the  members 
of  the  fraternit}r  are  led  by  a  woman  carrying  the  mi'li  and  meal 
basket.  After  passing  once  around  the  Si'aa'  te'wita  the  party  form 
in  a  broken  circle,  and  a  Ko'vemshi  procures  a  blanket  from  one  of 
the  spectators  and  places  it  upon  the  ground.  The  wind  is  blowing  so 
hard  that  the  blanket  must  be  secured  with  heavy  stones.  Nai'uchi, 
warrior  of  the  fraternity,  proceeds  to  make  a  small  cross  of  meal  upon 
the  blanket,  and  placing  the  mi'li  upon  it  and  securing  the  fetish  to 
its  position  with  small  stones,  lajTs  a  large  gourd  rattle,  painted  white, 
by  its  side.  The  Ko'yemshi  who  procured  the  blanket  selects  two 
men  from  the  crowd  of  spectators,  who  approach,  first  removing 
their  own  blankets.  Nai'uchi  hands  the  mi'li  to  one  of  the  men. 
whispers  something  to  him,  hands  his  rattle  to  the  second  man, 
whispers  to  him,  and  returns  to  his  place  with  the  dancers,  who 
proceed  to  shake  their  rattles  and  dance.  The  second  man.  holding 
the  white  rattle  close  to  the  blanket,  shakes  it  in  time  with  the  others. 
The  other  man,  holding  the  mi'li  with  the  tip  pointing  to  the  ground 
(see  plate  lxv),  taps  it  with  two  eagle  plumes.  He  continues  this  for 
some  minutes  and  returns  the  mi'li  to  the  warrior,  who  also  takes  the 
rattle.  The  mi'li  and  rattle  are  placed  on  the  blanket,  a  Ko'yemshi 
brings  two  other  men,  and  the  performance  is  repeated.  Nai'uchi 
now  calls  a  member  of  the  fraternity  and  hands  him  the  mi'li,  and  a 
Ko'yemshi  takes  the  rattle.  All  dance  and  sing  to  the  accompaniment 
of  the  rattles.  As  soon  as  the  man  with  the  mi'li  begins  tapping  it 
with  his  eagle  plumes,  grains  of  wheat  pour  out  from  the  plumes  until 
fully  a  quart  is  deposited  on  the  blanket,  much  to  the  delight  of  a  large 
number  of  spectators,  This  trick,  which  the  writer  has  observed  on 
several  occasions,  is  a  clever  one.  After  dancing  a  short  time  the 
fraternity,  followed  by  the  Ko'yemshi,  leave  the  plaza. 

Personators  of  the  gods  from  different  ki'wi'siwe  appear  in  the  Si'aa' 
te'wita  five  consecutive  days  in  full  ceremonial  attire,  including  masks. 
Although  at  times  the  wind  blows  like  a  hurricane,  carrying  so  much 
dust  that  one  not  accustomed  to  these  storms  finds  it  almost  impossible 
to  exist,  the  dances  go  on.     The  thermometer  is  never  too  low  or  the 


stevenson]  RETIREMENT    OF    KO'YEMSHI  '273 

winds  too  piercing-  for  these  devotees  to  take  part  in  the  outdoor 
ceremonial.  Such  windstorms  are  not  considered  favorable,  and  for 
this  reason  the  dance  is  all  the  more  vigorously  performed  and  the 
songs  the  more  fervently  sung,  the  singers  hoping  in  this  way  to  appease 
the  wrath  of  the  gods.  A  rain  priest  gave  the  following  as  a  reason 
for  the  continued  windstorms  in  1891:  "The  Kok'ko  A'wan  (Council 
of  the  Gods)  are  angry,  and  send  the  winds  because  the  Ko'yemshi  are 
personated  this  year  by  the  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy)  fraternity,  who  do  not 
speak  the  old  language.  Some  years  ago,  when  the  Ne'wekwe  repre- 
sented the  Ko'vemshi,  similar  hard  winds  came,  and  the  Kia'kwemosi, 
who  has  since  died,  declared  that  the  Ko'vemshi  must  never  again  be 
personated  by  this  fraternity;  but  his  successor,  being  a  member  of  the 
Ne'wekwe.  this  fraternity  continues  to  take  its  turn  in  representing 
the  Ko'yemshi,  and  therefore  the  gods  are  very  angry.  Other  person- 
ators  of  the  Ko'vemshi  bring  rain  and  good  crops,  for  they  speak  their 
prayers  in  the  old  tongue." 

Retirement   of   the   Ko'yemshi  and  Accompanying   Ceremonies 

The  day  following  the  ceremonies  described  the  first  bodj^  of  A'shi- 
wanni  gather  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  in  the 
early  morning  and  prepare  te'likinawe.  The  Ko'mosona,  Ko'pekwin, 
and  two  Ko'pi'Tashiwanni  assemble  in  the  He'iwa  (North)  ki'wi'sine, 
where  they  remain  throughout  the  day,  except  at  such  times  as  they 
appear  in  the  plaza.  Each  prepares  te'likinawe.  After  the  A'shi- 
wanni  complete  their  te'likinawe,  the  offerings  are  grouped  into  a 
kia'etchine,  and  the  Kia'kwemosi  carries  it  in  a  flat  basket  to  the 
He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  where  it  is  placed  on  the  floor  on  the  cloud  symbol 
of  meal  made  by  the  pe'kwin.  The  te'likinawe  prepared  by  the 
Ko'mosona  and  his  associates  are  also  made  into  a  kia'etchine  and 
deposited  on  the  meal  painting. 

Baskets  of  all  sizes  containing  meal  are  carried  by  the  women  and 
children  of  the  paternal  clans  of  the  Ko'yemshi  to  the  house  where 
their  masks  are  kept,  and  where  they  are  to  be  entertained  at  a  feast, 
These  offerings  are  to  furnish  bread  for  the  occasion.  Some  are 
diminutive,  coming,  as  they  do,  from  children  three  or  four  years  of 
age.  These  little  tots  carry  their  baskets  on  their  heads  as  their 
mothers  do.  The  meal  is  stacked  high,  as  smoothly  as  possible,  every 
care  being  taken  in  the  arrangement  of  it;  yet  it  hardly  comes  into 
the  house  before  it  is  emptied  from  the  vessel  in  which  it  is  brought 
into  one  belonging  to  the  woman  of  the  house.  Before  the  transfer- 
ring of  the  meal,  the  one  who  brings  it  takes  a  pinch  from  the  apex 
and  reserves  it  to  sprinkle  upon  the  Ko'yemshi. 

At  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  fourteen  members  of  the  Little  Fire 
fraternity  wearing  ordinary  dress  and  moccasins,  each  having  his 
23  eth— 04 18 


27-4  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

mi'li  and  two  eagle-wing  plumes,  precede  the  Ko'yeinshi  in  file  to 
the  Si'aa'  te'wita,  led  by  a  woman  of  the  fraternity  carrying  her  mi'li 
and  meal  basket.  The  Ko'yemshi  are  wrapped  in  heavy  blankets, 
and  wear  moccasins.  Each  has  a  large  roll  of  canvas  on  his  back  and 
carries  te'likinawe,  including-  those  given  to  the  male  head  of  each 
house  dedicated  at  the  coming  of  the  Sha'lako,  except  the  te'likinane 
of  the  male  head  of  the  house  visited  b}r  the  Council  of  the  Gods. 
This  one  was  carried  by  the  personator  of  Sa'vatiisha  to  his  home 
and  is  afterward  planted  by  him.  Each  has  also  a  fawn  skin  tilled 
with  seeds,  to  be  distributed  to  those  in  the  ki'wi'sine.  They  pass 
four  times  around  in  a  circle,  when  the  Kia'kwemosi,  who  awaits 
them  in  the  plaza,  forms  a  cross  of  meal  (symbolic  of  the  four  regions) 
on  the  ground  at  the  west  side  of  the  plaza,  and  the  Great  Father 
Ko'yemshi  standing  east  of  the  cross  the  Kia'kwemosi  places  a  hand 
on  each  shoulder,  motions  him  to  the  four  regions,  and  then  seats  him 
on  the  cross.  The  forming  of  the  cross  is  repeated  as  many  times  as 
there  are  Ko'yemshi  to  be  seated.  The  other  Ko'yemshi  are  in  line 
on  the  north  side  of  the  plaza;  all  of  them  except  the  Great  Father 
are  to  be  seen  in  the  illustration  (plate  lxvi). 

The  members  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity  stand  in  an  irregular  line 
during  the  seating  of  the  Ko'yemshi.  The  Kia'kwemosi,  returning  to 
the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi,  draws  a  line  of  meal  upward  over  the 
mask  and  prays,  repeating  the  same  with  each  Ko'yemshi;  and  the 
members  of  the  fraternity,  with  a  prayer,  sprinkle  each  mask  with 
meal,  and  leave  the  plaza.  The  Ko'yeinshi  now  rise,  leaving  their 
rolls  of  canvas  in  place  on  the  ground,  and  group  themselves  by  the 
man  who  is  at  this  time  completing  an  excavation  in  the  ledge  in  front 
of  the  ki'wi'sine.  When  he  retires,  each  Ko'yemshi  stands  his  te'lik- 
inawe in  the  opening.  They  remove  them  late  in  the  night,  and  still 
later  plant  them  in  an  excavation  west  of  the  village.  This  excavation 
is  as  deep  as  from  the  breast  to  the  feet  of  the  man  who  makes  it. 

The  Kia'kwemosi  comes  from  his  ceremonial  chamber  and,  sprinkling 
meal  upon  the  Ko'yemshi,  throws  a  line  of  meal  up  the  ladder  and 
leads  the  Great  Father  and  the  other  Ko'yeinshi  into  the  chamber.  The 
canvas  packs  are  left  in  the  plaza  (see  plate  lxvii).  Men  and  women 
soon  begin  to  crowd  the  plaza,  bearing  offerings  to  the  retiring 
Ko'yemshi  (see  plate  lxviii).  The  first  donations  are  made  by  women, 
who  bring  baskets  of  corn  and  wheat  flour  and  light  bread.  White 
chalk  lines  across  the  blanket  wraps  show  that  they  are  fresh  from  the 
weavers'  hands.  A  Zufii  woman  is  as  eager  to  exhibit  the  line  on  her 
blanket  as  a  civilized  woman  is  to  display  the  marking  on  her  India 
shawl.  Later  men  come  to  the  plaza  with  dressed  sheep,  watermelons, 
and  other  food. 

At  half  past  11  the  Ko'yemshi  descend  to  the  Si'aa'  te'wita  and, 
unrolling  their  canvases,  deposit  bread   which   they   have   received 


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TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PI 


a  MASK  OF  GOD  ACCOMPANYING  HE'MISHIKWE      b,  C    MASKS  OF  GODDESSES 

ACCOMPANYING   HE'MISHIKWE    .PROMT  AND   REAR  VIEWS 


HEL'OTVPE   CO.,    BOSTON. 


stevenson]  RETIREMENT    OF    KO'YEMSHI  275 

upon  the  cloth.  The  first  dancers  to  appear  in  the  plaza  arc  the 
Wa'tem'la  (all  herds;  see  plate  lxix),  who  come  from  the  newly 
dedicated  house  which  faces  the  east. 

Among  the  gods  in  this  group  are  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers;  see 
plate  lxx),"  Na'tashku6  (see  plate  lxxi  a),  and  Na'wisho  (possessor  of 
many  deer;  see  plate  Lxxib,  c),  also  called  O'lolowishkia.  This  god  is 
supposed  to  sweeten  bread  by  micturating  upon  the  meal  ("His  urine 
is  sweet  like  honey").  The  penis  is  represented  bjr  a  gourd  with 
white  tlu fly  eagle  plumes  attached  pendent.  During  the  dance  of  the 
Wa'tem'la  the  Ko'mosona  approaches  the  O'lolowishkia  and  most  rev- 
erently prays  while  he  sprinkles  the  mask  and  artificial  penis  with 
sacred  meal. 

The  Mu'luktakia  are  among  the  most  attractive  of  the  gods  who 
appear.  They  wear  white  embroidered  kilts  held  on  by  sashes  tied  at 
the  right  side,  fox  skins  are  pendent  at  the  back,  sleigh  bells  are  fast- 
ened to  the  blue  yarn  which  is  wrapped  around  the  legs  below  the 
knees,  strings  of  black  and  white  corn  hang  over  the  right  shoulder, 
and  they  wear  elaborate  necklaces  of  ko'hakwa,  turquoise,  and  coral, 
each  necklace  having  an  abalone  shell  pendent  at  the  back.  Each  car- 
ries in  the  left  hand  a  slender  staff  ornamented  with  plumes  and  spruce 
twigs,  and  in  the  right  a  gourd  rattle  (see  plate  lxxii).  Plate  lxxiii 
shows  mask  of  Mu'luktakia.  The  He'mishiikwe  follow  the  Mu'luktakia 
to  the  plaza.  Their  dress  is  similar,  but  their  masks  are  altogether 
different.  All  the  He'mishiikwe  masks  are  alike,  but  the  tablets  which 
surmount  them  are  different,  not  so  elaborate  usually  as  one  shown  in 
plate  lxxiv.  The  disk  on  the  front  of  the  tablet  denotes  the  sun;  the 
small  figures  on  each  side  symbolize  squash  blossoms.  The  varicol- 
ored geometrical  figures  represent  corn  of  different  colors.  The  rain- 
bow is  represented  on  the  back  of  the  tablet.  Plate  lxxv  shows  masks 
of  a  god  and  goddesses  accompanying  the  He'mishiikwe. 

The  plaza  is  constantly  changing  in  aspect.  It  is  a  kaleidoscope  for 
hours,  the  lines  of  dancers  varying  from  one  to  six,  and  when  the  full 
number  are  present  in  their  picturesque  costumes  and  the  house  tops 
are  crowded  with  gaily  attired  spectators  the  scene  is  most  brilliant. 
Each  party  of  dancers  brings  ears  of  corn  to  the  plaza,  which  are 
collected  by  the  A'shiwanni,  who  are  present  at  times  in  the  plaza,  and 
carried  into  the  ki'wi'sine.     The  Kla'kwemosi,  his  associate,  and  the 

a  The  bear's  claws  on  the  mask  symbolize  the  footprints  of  the  bear  in  the  soft  earth,  indicating 
the  desire  of  the  A'shiwi  (Zufiis)  for  the  earth  to  be  well  watered  that  the  feet  of  all  animals  may  sink 
into  it— another  expression  to  indicate  the  desire  of  these  people  for  the  fructification  of  the  earth. 
The  zigzag  each  side  of  the  face  of  the  mask  denotes  the  lightning  shooting  from  the  house  of  the 
clouds  of  the  north,  yellow  symbolizing  the  north  and  the  black  and  white  blocks  the  house  of  the 
clouds.  The  blue-green  shown  each  side  of  the  back  of  the  mask  indicates  the  house  of  the  clouds 
of  the  west,  this  color  symbolizing  the  west.  Eagle  down  on  the  top  of  the  mask  represents  clouds. 
The  dragon  flies  on  the  back  are  suggestive  of  rain. 

b  Na'tashku,  the  Zunis  assert,  was  adopted  from  the  Hopi  Indians,  and  a  sketch  secured  by  Dr  J.  W. 
Fewkes  shows  that  the  Hopi  have  the  identical  mask. 


276  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

Shi'wanni  of  the  West  sprinkle  the  Wa'tem'la  with  meal  and  pray 
before  returning  to  the  ki'wi'sine. 

Large  quantities  of  corn  are  collected  from  the  dancers  during  the 
day  and  carried  into  the  ki'wi'sine.  The  pe'kwin,  the  younger 
brother  Bow  priest,  and  the  Ko'pekwin  receive  several  ears  of  corn 
from  the  dancers,  and  each  repeats  a  long  prayer  to  the  donor.  The 
Ko'pekwin  receives  corn  also  from  the  O'lolowishkia.  The}',  too, 
return  to  the  ki'wi'sine  after  they  have  prayed  and  sprinkled  the  gods 
with  meal. 

The  performances  of  four  men  and  three  boys  of  the  Galaxy  fra- 
ternity add  to  the  amusement  in  the  plaza.  All  but  one  wear  trousers; 
those  worn  by  the  men  are  from  cast-off  uniforms  of  the  Army. 
Their  bodies  and  faces  are  painted  ash-color.  The  entire  body  of 
the  nude  man  is  painted  ash-color.  All  wear  the  ash-colored  skullcap, 
with  bunches  of  ribboned  corn  husks  on  each  side.  The  drum  used  on 
the  present  occasion  is  of  hide,  folded  with  the  hair  inside,  and  wrap- 
ped around  with  rope.  The  one  who  leads  the  others  in  mimicry  of 
the  dancers  carries  a  piece  of  goat's  hide  as  a  mi'li  (see  page  416). 
After  passing  around  the  plaza  the}-  all  join  in  a  Navaho  dance 
and  afterward  burlesque  the  personators  of  the  Zuiii  gods.  The 
dance  breaks  up  in  a  regular  melee  between  the  Ko'yemshi  and  the 
members  of  the  Galaxy  fraternity.  The  youthful  members  of  the 
fraternity  deem  it  wise  to  keep  somewhat  aloof  at  this  time.  The 
Ko'yemshi  snatch  the  skullcaps  from  the  men  of  the  fraternity,  throw 
them  down,  and  rob  them  of  their  trousers.  At  one  time  during  the 
excitement  one  of  the  boys  runs  to  the  scene  and  kicks  the  hide  drum 
against  a  Ko'yemshi,  who  falls  down,  and  a  member  of  the  fraternity 
calls  upon  members  of  the  'Ko'shi'kwe  (Cactus)  fraternity,  who  are 
spectators,  for  aid.  Finally  one  of  the  'Ko'shi'kwe  leaves  the  plaza 
and  returns  with  a  bunch  of  long  willows  and,  removing  his  clothing 
to  the  breechcloth.  divides  the  willows  with  the  one  who  called  for  aid, 
and  there  is  a  general  switching.  A  woman  throws  another  bunch  of 
willows  from  a  house  top  to  the  plaza  for  the  use  of  the  Ne'wekwe.  and 
the  scene  becomes  exciting.  The  Ko'yemshi  apparently  have  the  best 
of  it  for  a  time.  During  this  excitement  the  drum  never  ceases. 
Some  of  the  Ko'yemshi  take  seats  on  the  ledge,  but  they  are  not 
allowed  to  retain  their  scats  for  any  length  of  time,  the  switches 
being  used  to  bring  them  to  their  feet.  Finally  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  gathers  all  the  willows  in  his  right  hand,  waves  them  to 
the  six  regions,  and  carries  them  from  the  plaza  through  the  eastern 
covered  way. 

The  Ko'yemshi  now  examine  the  man  who  was  foremost  in 
the  fight  and  say:  '"Oh!  ho!  I  see  nothing  is  the  matter."  The 
man    replies:    "No,   I  was   not  hurt."     Much   merriment  is  shown 


stevenson]  Bl'/TSITSI    WITH    THE    Mo'LAWE  277 

over  the  wool-bag  game  played  by  the  Ko'yemshi  and  Ne'wekwe 
during  the  absence  of  the  dancers,  who  retire  from  the  plaza  after 
each  dance.  When  the  dancers  return  for  the  last  time  to  the  plaza 
they  are  laden  with  cooked  sweet  corn,  rabbits,  and  sliced  watermelon, 
the  ears  of  corn  tied  together  with  yucca  string  braided  in  fancy  shape 
and  hung  over  their  shoulders. 

Bl"tSItSIa   WITH    THE    MO'LAWE,  FRUIT   AND   SEED   BEARERS6 

VI tout  half  an  hour  after  noon,  while  the  plaza  is  alive  with 
dancers,  Bi^'si'si  comes  alone  from  the  eastern  covered  way.  He 
wears  a  grav-and-white-striped  blanket  and  has  a  strip  of  rabbit  skin 
tied  around  his  throat  and  hanging  in  front.  A  line  of  white  paint 
runs  across  his  nose  and  under  his  eyes.  Another  line  crosses  the 
lower  part  of  his  face,  passing  over  his  lips.  These  lines,  about  three- 
fourths  of  an  inch  wide,  extend  entirely  across  his  face.  His  arms 
have  several  bands  of  white  above  the  wrist  and  one  around  the  upper 
arm.  White  fluffy  eagle  plumes  are  attached  at  the  bands  by  means  of 
a  thread  around  the  arm.  His  hair  is  done  up  in  a  long  knot  extend- 
ing out  beyond  the  forehead,  to  which  corn-husk  ribbons  are  attached. 
Bunches  of  the  same  are  on  both  sides  of  the  head.  He  wears  ordinary 
moccasins  and  carries  two  eagle-wing  feathers.  His  Ne'wekwe  baton 
is  stuck  in  his  belt  at  the  back,  the  large  blanket  he  wears  being  belted 
in.  With  great  dignity  he  crosses  the  plaza  with  even  strides.  His 
presence  does  not  interrupt  the  dancing  in  the  plaza.  He  ascends 
the  ladder  and  enters  the  ki'wi'sine  to  announce  the  arrival  of  the 
mo'lawe''  at  Ku'shilowa  (red  earth).  The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni, 
the  Ko'mosona,  Ko'pekwin,  two  Ko'pi"lashiwauni,  the  ceremonial 
father  of  Bi'"si'si,  and  others,  are  gathered  in  the  ki'wi'sine  to 
receive  him.  Live  coals  are  on  the  fire  altar,  and  a  cloud  S3?mbol  of 
meal  is  on  the  floor  in  the  west  end  of  the  room.  A  number  of 
mi'wachi  (plural  of  mi'li)  extend  along  the  west  side  of  the  meal 
painting.  A  bowl  of  medicine  water  stands  by  the  painting.  The 
medicine  water  has  been  consecrated  by  the  Ko'mosona,  who  deposits 
six  a'thlashi  concretion  fetishes  sacred  to  the  fields,  in  the  bowl  and 
forms  a  cross  and  circle  on  the  water  with  a  powder  made  from  a  root 
ground  by  his  wife.  A  line  of  meal  extends  from  the  cloud  symbol 
to  the  ladder. 

aBi-''si'si  was  the  original  director  of  the  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy)  fraternity  (see  p.  408). 

''See  Rediscovery  of  the  Corn  maidens  and  recreation  of  corn. 

cTo  spare  the  women  the  long  exposure  to  the  cold,  the  mo'lawe  are,  on  the  occasion  described, 
personated  by  men  from  the  six  ki'wi'siwe,  wrho  are  supposed  to  be  young,  although  such  is  not 
always  the  case,  the  chief  worli  of  each  ki'wi'sine  making  the  selection.  Each  worli  is  supposed 
to  supply  four  mo'lawe,  but  on  the  occasion  described  there  are  but  fifteen;  on  another  occasion 
observed  by  the  writer  there  were  twenty-three.  An  equal  number  of  women  are  chosen  by  a  man 
of  the  Ai'yaho'kwe  (a  plant)  clan,  whose  office  is  for  life.  At  his  death  the  clan  gather  together 
and  the  parent,  or  elder,  of  the  clan  selects  a  successor.    The  present  representative  is  an  albino. 


278 


THK    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


After  Bil"si'si  goes  to  the  ki'wi'sine  the  Ko'mosona  and  the  Ko'- 
pekwin  leave  the  plaza,  where  they  have  received  corn  from  the 
Mu'luktakia  gods,  and  return  to  the  ki'wi'sine.  The  plaza,  kaleido- 
scopic with  the  various  dancers  until  half  past  3  o'clock,  forms  a 
striking  picture,  especially  when  several  lines  are  dancing  simulta- 
neously  in  their  brilliant  dress,  their  bodies  swaying  in  rhythmic 
motion.  Each  time  they  come  they  bring  corn,  which  is  received  by 
some  of  the  officiating  priests  and  carried  to  the  ki'wi'sine.  When 
the  dancers  leave  the  plaza  for  the  last  time,  they  are  supposed  to 
go  to  Chi'pia,"  in  the  east,  to  visit  the  anthropic  gods  who  live  there 
and  then  return  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  by  a  northern  route.     In  fact, 


Fig.  9 — Depositing  prayer  plumes  at  Ku'shilowa. 

they  visit  Ku'shilowa,  just  beyond  the  eastern  side  of  the  town, 
where  the}-  deposit  their  te'likinawe.  All  the  members  of  the  Ko'ti- 
kili  (mythologic  fraternity)  visit  Ku'shilowa  sometime  during  the 
afternoon,  each  carrying  his  Kor'kokshi  mask  and  eight  te'likinawe, 
of  which  four  are  planted  to  Kok'ko  A'wa  (all  the  gods)  and  four  to 
Ko'yemshi  (see  figure  9).  Those  who  are  absent  from  Zufii  or  are 
unable  to  go  must  have  their  masks  and  offerings  carried  by  others. 

While  the  personators  of  the  mo'lawe  gather  at  Ku'shilowa,  the 
chosen  women  (see  note  c,  p.  277)  congregate  at  the  southeast  point  in 
the  village,  each  carrying  on  her  back,  held  on  by  a  blanket  around  her 
waist,  an  offering  of  a  watermelon  and  seeds  to  be  made  by  a  mo'lawa 
(singular  of  mo'lawe),  each  donation  having  been  supplied  from  the 

"Seep.  407. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.  LXXVI 


PERSONATOR    OF     BI"SI'SI,    ORIGINAL    DIRECTOR    OF    NE'WEKWE    (GALAXY 
FRATERNITY)    CROSSING    PLAZA 


stevenson]  Bl      SITSl    WITH    THE    MO'LAWE  279 

house  of  the  woman  who  carries  it.  When  all  is  in  readiness,  the  man 
of  the  Ai'vaho'kwe  clan  who  has  chosen  them  throws  out  a  line  of 
meal  toward  Ku'shilowa  and  commands  the  women  to  run.  Off  they 
go  as  rapidly  as  possible,  each  one  trying  to  outrun  the  other.  On 
reaching-  Ku'shilowa  the  women  deposit  the  baskets  containing  the 
offerings  in  line  on  the  ground,  just  where  the  Corn  maidens  are 
supposed  to  have  taken  their  places  (see  page  52). 

B""si'si,  coming  from  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine,  descends  the  ladder, 
face  forward,  with  the  ease  and  grace  of  a  Roman  (see  plate  lxxvi), 
and  disappears  through  the  eastern  covered  way,  followed  by  the 
pe'kwin  (sun  priest).  The  two  return  at  sunset,  accompanied  by 
Pau'tiwa  (director-general  of  the  gods),  elaborately  dressed  in  white 
embroidered  blankets,  wearing  the  mask,  and  carrying  a  gourd  jug  of 
water,  the  neck  of  the  jug. being  filled  with  grass,  and  by  the  fifteen 
mo'lawe,  each  carrying  a  basket  on  his  head  containing  a  watermelon 
and  seeds.  These  wear  white  embroidered  kilts,  sashes,  and  dance 
moccasins,  and  the  hair,  which  had  been  tightly  braided  to  make  it 
wavy,  hangs  loosely  over  the  shoulders.  A  bunch  of  3rellow  parrot 
plumes  is  attached  to  the  fore  part  of  the  bead.  Each  carries  te'liki- 
nawe  in  the  right  hand  and  a  mi'li  in  the  left.  They  are  met  at  the 
entrance  of  the  eastern  covered  way  by  the  Great  Father  K.o'3'emshi, 
and  the  procession  advances  in  file  across  the  plaza.  It  presents  one 
of  the  most  attractive  pictures  to  be  seen  in  Zuni. 

The  pe'kwin  retires  immediately  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  sprinkling  meal  as 
he  pi'oceeds.  Bi'"si'si  follows  him  to  the  roof,  where  he  remains  until 
Pau'tiwa  ascends.  While  the  latter  prays  at  the  hatchway  Bi'"sitsi 
stands  behind  him  and  pats  him  on  each  side  with  his  eagle-wing 
feathers,  which  are  unusually  long  and  sharp  at  the  ends.  Bi'"sitsi 
remains  standing  at  the  hatchway  for  a  short  time  and  then  follows 
Pau'tiwa  into  the  ki'wi'sine.  When  Bi'"si'si  enters,  he  stands,  with  his 
arms  crossed,  north  of  the  meal  line  near  the  ladder  and  points  to  the 
east.  The  pe'kwin  now  takes  a  cigarette,  proceeds  to  the  fire  altar, 
and  igniting  a  roll  of  cedar  fiber  at  the  coals  lights  the  cigarette; 
then,  stooping  before  Pau'tiwa,  he  takes  six  whiffs  from  the  cigarette, 
blowing  the  smoke  over  Pau'tiwa's  mask;  next,  passing  to  the  jug  of 
water,  he  blows  smoke  over  it  six  times,  and  after  depositing  the 
remains  of  the  cigarette  upon  the  grass  he  returns  to  his  seat  by  the 
side  of  the  Ko'pr'lashiwanni,  and  all  present  sprinkle  meal  over  Pau'- 
tiwa's mask  (see  plate  xxviii).  Each  one  now  sprinkles  meal  over  the 
jug  of  water,  and  Pau'tiwa,  passing  south  of  the  meal  painting, 
ascends  the  ladder  from  the  west  side;  descending  into  the  plaza,  he 
leaves  it  by  the  western  way.  All  present  sprinkle  his  mask  with 
meal  as  he  crosses  the  plaza.  After  Pau'tiwa's  exit  from  the 
ki'wi'sine,  Bi'^si'si,  passing  north  of  the  meal  line  and  stepping 
over  the  heaps  of  corn,  stands  before  the  place  vacated  by  Pau'tiwa. 


280  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

The  pe'kwin  places  his  hands  upon  Bi"tsitsi's  shoulders,  turns  him  to 
the  six  regions,  seats  him,  and  makes  a  prayer  over  him.  At  this  time 
the  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  who  is  also  elder  brother  Bow  priest, 
leaves  the  ki'wi'sine,  followed  by  a  man  of  his  clan  (Eagle)  whom  he 
calls  younger  brother,  who  carries  the  jug  brought  by  Pau'tiwa,  and  by 
the  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  who  carries  a  lighted  brand  of  cedar 
fiber  about  li  inches  in  diameter  and  several  feet  long.  The  Shi'wanni 
of  the  Nadir  whirls  the  rhombus  as  they  proceed  to  He'patina,  where 
the  water  is  emptied  from  the  jug  into  one  of  the  rain  vases  on  the 
upper  floor  of  the  shrine  (see  page  201).  Each  one  also  deposits  te'lik- 
inawe  in  the  inclosure  on  the  north  side  of  the  shrine,  after  which  the 
party  returns  to  the  ki'wi'sine. 

As  soon  as  Pau'tiwa  disappears  from  the  plaza,  the  Great  Father 
Ko'yemshi  leads  the  fourteen  mo'lawe  around  in  a  circle,  stopping 
four  times  as  he  proceeds.  They  afterward  form  an  arc  of  a  circle, 
which  vanishes  as  they  leave  one  by  one  for  the  ki'wi'sine.  As 
Pau'tiwa  crosses  the  court  the  Great  Father  Ko'yem- 
shi sprinkles  the  ladder  with  meal  and  the  first  of 
the  mo'lawe  ascends  and  passes  to  the  northeast  cor- 
ner of  the  roof  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  and  still  holding 
his  basket  on  his  head  stands  on  a  cross  of  meal 
facing  north,  the  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi  having 
made  a  cross  in  each  of  the  four  corners  of  the 
roof.  Bi'"si'si,  having  come  from  the  ki'wi'sine, 
stands  at  the  back  of  the  mo'lawa  and  blows  a  tiny 
FIG-  1°-™s!le  used     whistle,"   which   is   secreted   in  his   mouth  (fig.  10 

by  Bi"«si«si.  .  v    & 

shows  whistle  of  Bi'"si'si).  He  taps  the  mo'lawa 
with  his  eagle-wing  plumes  on  each  side,  at  the  same  time  blowing 
his  whistle,  and  the  latter  turns  completely  around  from  right  to  left 
and  then  on  until  he  faces  west.  Bi'"si'si  does  not  change  his  position 
until  the  mo'lawa  throws  out  a  line  of  meal  toward  the  west  and  passes 
to  the  northwest  corner  of  the  roof,  when  Bi'"si'si  follows.  The  cere- 
mony is  repeated  at  each  of  the  four  corners,  the  southeast  corner 
being  the  last  one.  The  mo'lawa  faces  west  at  the  second  corner, 
south  at  the  third,  and  east  at  the  fourth.  After  he  has  turned  on  the 
fourth  cross  the  Ivia'kwemosi  comes  from  the  ki'wi'sine  and,  approach- 
ing the  mo'lawa,  sprinkles  the  plumes  he  carries  with  meal,  receives 
from  him  the  basket,  which  he  hands  to  his  associate,  who  awaits 
on  the  inner  ladder,  and,  throwing  meal  upon  this  ladder,  descends 
to  the  ki'wi'sine.  The  mo'lawa,  retaining  the  te'likinawe  in  the  right 
hand  and  the  mi'li  in  the  left,  leans  forward  with  bended  knees  and 
catches  hold  of  each  side  of  the  ladder  that  leads  into  the  ki'wi'sine,  just 
below  the  roof,  and  jumps  upon  it  while  he  is  whipped  on  both  sides 

«  A  whistle  used  by  Bi"'si'si  was  secured  and  deposited  in  the  United  States  National  Museum. 
Fig.  10  gives  top,  side,  and  end  views  of  the  whistle,  which  is  of  vegetable  matter  and  less  than 
an  inch  in  length.  x 


stevenson]  Bl'/TSITSI    WITH   THE    MO'LAWE  281 

with  the  feathers  by  Bi"tsi*si,  who  at  the  same  time  blows  his  whistle. 
Bi^'si'si  afterward  stands  west  of  the  hatchway,  facing'  east,  and  offer- 
ing a  short  prayer  follows  the  mo'lawa  into  the  ki'wi'sine.  The  Kia'- 
kwemosi,  and  his  associate  holding  the  basket  of  fruit  and  seeds,  stand 
east  of  the  ladder  at  the  end  of  the  meal  line.  The  pe'kwin,  advanc- 
ing, sprinkles  meal  on  the  gift  and  passes  up  the  meal  line,  sprink- 
ling meal  as  he  goes.  The  associate  shi'wanni,  following  him  and 
also  sprinkling  meal,  deposits  the  basket  containing  the  watermelons 
and  seeds  on  the  meal  line  near  the  mi'li  of  the  Kia'kwemosi.  The 
Kia'kwemosi  follows,  sprinkling  a  line  of  meal,  and  upon  reaching 
the  basket  throws  meal  over  the  offerings.  The  Kia'kwemosi  and  his 
associate  then  return  to  their  places  back  of  the  cloud  symbol;  the 
pe'kwin  returns  to  his  seat  on  the  north  side  of  the  room.  The 
mo'lawa  passes  from  the  east  side  of  the  ladder  around  north  of  the 
meal  line  and  takes  his  seat  to  the  left  of  the  pe'kwin.  Bi"tsitsi 
follows,  passing  up  uorth  of  the  line,  and,  stepping  over  the  heap 
of  corn,  takes  his  former  place  immediately  back  of  the  meal  paint- 
ing. He  does  not  speak  on  this  occasion,  but  expresses  much  as 
with  folded  arms  he  looks  upon  all  those  present.  If  anj'one  should 
sleep  or  doze  while  Bi'"si'si  is  in  the  ki'wi'sine  he  must  remain  seated 
until  the  sleeper  awakens.  Such  a  delinquent  usually  receives  a  shake 
from  some  one.  No  one  in  the  ki'wi'sine  speaks  during  this  cere- 
monial, when  heart  speaks  to  heart.  When  a  cigarette  is  to  be 
lighted,  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  ignites  the  cedar  fiber  at  the 
lire  altar  and  hands  it  to  the  one  wishing  to  smoke. 

.When  all  the  mo'lawe  have  entered  the  ki'wi'sine,0  Bi'"si'si,  passing 
south  of  the  meal  line,  joins  his  ceremonial  father  at  the  east  end  of 
the  room  and  stands  with  crossed  arms;  his  father  rises  from  his  seat, 
and  Bi'"sitsi  deposits  his  whistle  from  his  mouth  into  the  palm  of  the 
right  hand  of  his  father,  who  on  this  occasion  is  director  of  the  Ne' wekwe 
fraternity.  The  father  prays  for  rain  and  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  waves 
his  hand  in  a  circle  S3'mbolic  of  all  the  world,  and  draws  in  common 
with  the  others  present  the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona  (see  page,22). 
Then  Bii"si'si,  speaking  for  the  first  time,  utters  the  greeting  given 
after  sunset:  "Ko'naton  sun'hakianapkia."  The  others  reply:  "Kets'- 
anishi  (All  good  come  to  you,  or  be  with  you)."  After  Bi'"si'si  takes 
his  seat  by  his  ceremonial  father  the  general  silence  is  broken.  The 
mo'lawe  now  rise  and  remain  standing  while  the  pe'kwin  removes  each 
offering  from  the  basket,  returning  it  to  the  owner.  After  the  return 
of  the  basket  the  Ko'mosona  administers  the  consecrated  water,  dip- 
ping it  with  a  shell  to  each  mo'lawa,  beginning  with  the  one  at  the 
west  end  of  the  line.  As  soon  as  the  draft  is  swallowed  the  recipient 
says:    uTa"chumo"  (Father).     The  Ko'mosona  replies:    "TaTlemo" 

a  The  scenes  in  the  ki'wi'sine  at  this  time  are  a  dramatization  of  the  rediscovery  of  the  Corn  maidens 
and  re-creation  of  corn  (see  p.  54). 


282  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

(Younger  brother)  or  vounger  one.  After  the  mo'lawe  are  helped, 
the  Ko'mosona  administers  the  water  to  the  others  in  the  following 
order:  First,  Bi'"sitsi;  second,  his  ceremonial  father;  third,  the 
younger  brother  Bow  priest;  fourth,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest; 
fifth,  sixth,  seventh,  eighth,  ninth,  tenth,  the  A'shiwanni  in  order; 
then  the  Ko'pekwln,  and  finally  the  two  Ko'pi'lashiwanni.  The 
Ko'mosona  makes  a  different  reply  to  the  Bow  priests  from  the  one 
that  he  gives  to  the  others.  They  say,  like  the  others,  "Ta'chumo." 
The  Ko'mosona  replies,  "Na'namo"  (Grandfather).  When  all  have 
been  supplied  with  the  consecrated  water,  the  Ko'mosona  takes  a 
mouthful  and  throws  it  out  through  his  teeth  over  those  present  and 
then  takes  a  draft  himself.  Bi"tsi*si  now  advances  to  the  west  end  of 
the  room,  passing  north  of  the  meal  line,  and  stands  west  of  the  meal 
painting  while  he  offers  a  prayer,  after  which  he  leads  the  mo'lawe 
from  the  ki'wi'  sine  and  through  the  eastern  covered  way  to  Ku'shi- 
lowa  to  deposit  te'likinawe.  Those  of  Bi'^si'si  are  offered  to  A'towa 
e'washtokii  (Corn  maidens),  each  stick  being  colored  for  one  of  the 
six  regions.  These  offerings,  which  are  tied  in  a  group,  are  separated 
before  planting.  The  mo'lawe  offer  te'likinawe  to  all  the  ancestral 
gods. 

Bi"tsitsi  and  the  mo'lawe  no  sooner  disappear  from  the  plaza  than 
the  work  begins  of  removing  the  offerings  to  the  Ko'yenishi,  which 
would  fill  several  large  wagons.  These  donations  are  carried  away  in 
blankets  or  canvas  on  the  backs  of  members  of  the  clans  of  the  paternal 
parents  of  the  Ko'j^emshi,  each  Ko'yemshi  assisting  with  his  own 
gifts.  This  work  continues  until  far  into  the  night,  and  though  much 
labor  is  involved  in  filling  large  sacks  with  flour  or  meal  from  the 
baskets  in  which  it  is  brought  and  assorting  numbers  of  dressed  sheep, 
melons,  corn,  etc.,  still  all  seem  to  be  having  a  good  time  generally, 
and  the  air  resounds  with  merry  voices. 

After  the  te'likinawe  are  planted,  the  mo'lawe  separate  and  go  to 
their  homes,  where  their  heads  are  washed  in  }rucca  suds  by  women 
of  their  clans.  Bi'^si'si  returns  to  the  ki'wi'sine,  taking  his  seat  by 
his  ceremonial  father.  The  pe'kwin  now  distributes  the  offerings  of 
the  mo'lawe.  He  presents  the  group  nearest  the  meal  painting  to 
the  Kia'kwemosi  and  the  next  one  to  the  first  associate  Kia'kwemosi. 
The  third  one  is  given  to  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  the  fourth  to  the 
Shi'wanni  of  the  South,  and  the  fifth  to  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  East; 
the  sixth  he  takes  for  himself;  the  seventh  is  given  to  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest,  who  is  also  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir;  the  eighth  to 
the  younger  brother  Bow  priest;  the  ninth  to  the  Ko'mosona;  the 
tenth  to  the  Ko'pekwln;  the  eleventh  to  the  Ko'pi"lashiwanni  of  the 
Ko'mosona;  the  twelfth  to  the  Ko'pialashiwanni  of  the  Ko'pekwln; 
the  thirteenth  to  Bi"tsitsi;  the  fourteenth  to  the  ceremonial  father  of 
Bi"tsitsi."    The  corn   collected    from  the   personators   of    the   gods 


a  The  fifteenth  was  given  to  a  party  unknown  to  the  writer. 


stevenson]  SUMMARY    OF   HISTORICAL    EVENTS  283 

during-  the  dancing-  in  the  plaza  is  next  distributed  in  the  same  order. 
The  ceremonial  father  now  takes  down  Bi'"sitsi,s  hair,  removing-  the 
husks.     The  hair  is  left  hanging. 

The  mi'wachi  are  collected  and  given  to  their  owners,  and  after  the 
other  objects  are  removed  from  the  meal  painting  the  Ko'mosona 
brushes  the  meal  of  the  painting  together  with  his  hands  and  deposits 
it  in  the  small  circular  opening-  in  the  floor  of  the  ki'wi'sine,  symbolic 
of  the  opening  through  which  the  A'shiwi  came  to  this  world  from 
interior  worlds.  The  A'shiwanni  and  others  carry  their  gifts  to  their 
homes,  and  then  they  may  indulge  in  a  repast,  no  food  having  been 
taken  since  the  previous  day  b}T  any  in  the  ki'wi'sine  except  Bi'^si'si 
and  Pau'tiwa,  who  were  not  obliged  to  observe  the  fast. 

HISTORY,  ARTS,  AND  CUSTOMS 

Chronologic  Summary  of  Historical  Events  Connected  with  Zuni 

1539-1800 

Zuni  history,  as  recorded  b\7  the  Spanish  invaders  and  others,  has 
been  so  "fully  exploited  that  little  space  need  be  devoted  to  it  in  the 
present  paper.  Mr  F.  W.  Hodge,  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  to 
whom  the  writer  is  much  indebted,  has  furnished  the  following  synop- 
sis of  historical  events: 

1539,  May.     Fray  Marcos  of  Niza  visited  Cibola  in  this  month  and  viewed  Hawikuh, 

one  of  the  Seven  Cities,  from  a  neighboring  height.  This  pueblo  was  the 
scene  of  the  death  of  his  negro  companion  Estevan  at  the  hands  of  the  Zunis 
about  May  20.  Niza  here  took  possession  of  the  province  in  the  name  of  the 
King  of  Spain. 

1540,  July  7.     Francisco  Vasquez  Coronado,  after  a  conflict  in  which  he  was  wounded, 

captured  Hawikuh  and  applied  to  it  the  name  Granada.  It  had  200  war- 
riors. On  July  11  the  Indians  retired  to  Toaiyalone  (To'wa  yiLFlannfi). 
This  is  the  first  reference  in  history  to  the  use  of  this  mesa  as  a  place  of 
refuge,  although  it  may  have  been  used  as  such  in  prehistoric  times. 

1540,  July  15.  Coronado  sent  Pedro  de  Tovar  from  Cibola  to  the  province  of  Tusa- 
yan  (the  Hopi  country). 

1540,  July  19.  Coronado  journeyed  from  Granada  to  Toaiyalone  and  returned  the 
same  day. 

1540,  August  3.  Coronado  wrote  his  celebrated  letter  to  the  Viceroy  Mendoza,  dated 
"  from  the  province  of  Cevola,  and  this  city  of  Granada." 

1540,  Augustus  (?).  Coronado  sent  Lopez  de  Cardenas  from  Cibola  on  a  journey 
which  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  Grand  Canyon  of  the  Colorado  river. 

1540,  August  29.  Hernando  de  Alvarado  was  sent  eastward  from  Cibola  to  the  buffalo 
plains. 

1540,  September.  The  army  of  Coronado  reached  Cibola  with  sheep  and  cattle.  This 
doubtless  marked  the  beginning  of  the  sheep  and  cattle  industry  and  of  the 
use  of  horses  among  the  Southwestern  tribes.  Twenty  days  later  the  army 
started  for  Tiguex,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  where  it  established  winter  quarters. 

1542,  spring.  Coronado  and  his  army  passed  through  Cibola  on  their  way  back  to 
Mexico,  leaving  some  natives  of  Mexico  among  the  Zufiis. 

1581,  summer.  Francisco  Sanchez  Chamuscado,  with  a  small  force,  visited  the  prov- 
ince of  Zuni  (misprinted  Cami  in  the  records),  which  comprised  six  pueblos; 
one  village  having  been  abandoned  subsequent  to  Coronado's  visit. 


284  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

15SS,  — .  Antonio  tie  Espejo,  with  Fray  Bernardino  Beltran  and  an  escort  of  four- 
teen men,  visited  a  group  of  six  pueblos;  one  of  them  named  Aquico  (Hawi- 
kuh),  "  which  they  call  Zuiii,  and  by  another  name  Cibola."  Here  crosses 
were  found  erected  near  the  pueblos  and  three  Christian  Mexican  Indians 
who  had  been  left  by  Coronado  forty-one  years  previous.  Fray  Bernardino 
remained  at  Hawikuh  for  several  weeks,  while  Espejo  made  a  tour  to  the 

west. 

1598,  September  9.  The  province  of  Zuni  became  a  parochial  district  under  the  new 
governorship  of  Juan  de  Dilate,  the  colonizer  of  New  Mexico,  and  Fray 
Andres  Corchado  was  assigned  to  it,  but  he  never  was  an  active  missionary 
there.  In  the  records  Fray  Juan  Claros  is  also  assigned  to  this  parish, 
through  misunderstanding. 

159S,  November.  Juan  de  Oiiate  visited  Zuiii,  and  on  November  9  the  natives  made 
their  vows  of  obedience  and  vassalage.  Oiiate  mentions  the  six  villages  by 
name:  Aguicobi,  or  Aguscobi  (Hawiktm);  Canabi  (Kyanawe?);  Coaqueria 
(Kyakima);  Ilalonagu  (Halona);  Macaqui  (Matsaki);  and  Aquinsa  (Apin- 
awa?).  Crosses  were  found  and  also  children  of  the  Mexican  Indians  left 
behind  by  Coronado.     Here  Ofiate  spent  only  a  couple  of  days.   . 

159S,  December  10  (?).  Oiiate  passed  through  Zuni  on  his  way  back  to  the  Rio 
Grande  from  the  Hopi  country. 

1604,  October.     Oiiate  again  visited  Zuni,  or  Cibola,  on  his  way  from  the  capital  of 

New  Mexico,  San  Gabriel,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  to  the  Gulf  of  California. 
The  province  consisted  of  six  villages  containing  about  300  houses.  Hawi- 
kuh was  the  most  important  village  at  this  time,  its  houses  numbering  110. 
In  Coronado's  time  it  was  said  to  have  more  than  200  houses  or  500  families. 
From  thence  Oiiate  proceeded  to  the  Hopi  country,  the  province  of  Tusayan. 

1605,  April.     Ofiate  probably  passed  through  Zuiii  on  his  way  from  the  mouth  of  the 

Colorado  to  the  Rio  Grande,  as  he  carved  an  inscription  April  16  on  El  Morro, 
or  Inscription  Rock,  35  miles  east  of  Zuni. 

1629,  June  23.  A  band  of  missionaries  under  Fray  Estevan  de  Perea,  accompanied 
by  the  governor,  Don  Francisco  Manuel  de  Silva  Nieto,  started  westward 
from  Santa  Fe  for  the  purpose  of  planting  missions  among  the  Acomas,  Zuiiis, 
and  Hopis.  They  evidently  reached  Zuni  late  in  July,  as  Nieto's  first  inscrip- 
tion on  El  Morro  is  dated  July  29.  Fray  Roque  de  Figueredo,  Fray  Agustin 
de  Cuellar,  and  Fray  Francisco  de  la  Madre  de  Dios,  together  with  three 
soldiers,  one  of  whom  was  Juan  Gonzales,  remained  at  Zuiii.  A  house  was 
bought  for  religious  purposes  at  Hawikuh,  which  became  the  first  mission 
established  in  the  Zuiii  country.  Possibly  the  Hawikuh  church,  the  walls 
of  which  are  still  traceable,  was  built  by  these  missionaries,  and  they  may 
also  have  erected  the  church  the  ruins  of  which  still  stand  at  Ketchipauan, 
on  a  mesa  southeast  of  Ojo  Caliente,  as  well  as  the  one  which  formerly 
existed  at  Halona.  These  three  missionaries  disappear  from  Zuni  history 
before  1632.  They  were  succeeded  by  Fray  Francisco  Letrado,  who  arrived 
in  New  Mexico  in  1629  and  was  first  assigned  to  the  Jumanos  east  of  the 
Rio  Grande. 

16SS,  February  22.  The  Zuiiis  killed  Fray  Francisco  Letrado  at  Hawikuh  and  fled 
to  Toaiyalone,  where  they  remained  about  three  years. 

1632,  February  27.  Some  Zuiiis,  having  followed  Fray  Martin  de  Arvide,  murdered 
him  and  his  escort  of  two  soldiers  on  their  way  from  the  Zuni  villages  to  a 
tribe  called  Cipias,  or  Zipias,  who  lived  toward  the  west. 

1632,  March  28.  The  maestro  de  campo,  Tomas  de  Albizu,  was  at  El  Morro  on  his 
way  to  Zuni  with  some  priests  and  a  small  detachment,  to  reduce  the  Zuni 
stronghold.  They  were  admitted  to  the  summit  of  the  mesa,  and  the  Zuiiis 
promised  to  be  peaceful  thenceforth. 


stevenson]  SUMMARY   OF   HISTORICAL   EVENTS  285 

1685.  Some  of  the  Zuflis  left  the  mesa  and  began  the  resettlement  of  their  villages 
in  the  valley. 

1GS6.  No  missionaries  at  Zuni  because  the  governor  at  Santa  Fe  refused  an  escort. 
There  appears  on  El  Morro  the  inscription:  "  We  pass  by  here,  the  lieutenant- 
colonel  and  the  captain  Juan  de  Archuleta,  and  the  lieutenant  Diego  Martin 
Barba,  and  the  ensign  Augustin  de  Ynojos,  in  the  year  of  1636." 

1643.     Missionaries  were  probably  again  established  at  Zufii  about  this  time. 

1670,  October  7.  The  Apaches  (or  Navahos)  raided  Hawikuh,  killing  the  Zufii  mis- 
sionary. Fray  Pedro  de  Avila  y  Ayala,  by  beating  out  his  brains  with  a  bell 
while  he  was  clinging  to  a  cross.  The  priest  at  Halona,  Fray  Juan  Galdo, 
recovered  Fray  Pedro's  remains  and  interred  them  at  Halona.  The  mission 
of  La  Concepcion  de  Hawikuh  was  henceforth  abandoned,  but  the  pueblo 
was  occupied  by  the  Indians  for  a  few  years. 

16S0,  August  10.  A  general  revolt  of  the  Pueblos  against  Spanish  authority  took 
place.  The  Zunis  murdered  their  missionary,  Fray  Juan  de  Bal,  of  the 
mission  pueblo  of  La  Purification  de  la  Virgen  de  Alona  (Halona),  burned 
the  church,  and  fled  to  Toaiyalone,  where  they  remained  for  more  than 
twelve  years.  At  the  time  of  this  rebellion  the  Funis,  who  numbered  2,500, 
occupied,  in  addition  to  Halona,  the  villages  of  Kiakima,  Matsaki,  and 
Hawikuh.  Two  villages  (Canabi  and  Aquinsa)  had  therefore  been  aban- 
doned between  Onate's  time  (1598)  and  the  Pueblo  revolt  (1680). 

1692,  November  11.     The  Zunis  were  found  on  the  mesa  by  Diego  de  Vargas  Zapata 

Lujan  Ponce  de  Leon,  to  whom  they  submitted,  and  about  300  children 
were  baptized. 

1693,  April  15.     Vargas  consulted  with  a  Zufii  chief  at  San  Felipe  with  a  view  to 

transferring  the  pueblo  of  Zufii  to  the  Rio  Grande,  but  no  definite  action 
was  taken. 
1696,  June  29.     An  expedition  was  sent  by  the  Spaniards  against  the  Jemez  and  their 
allies  from  the  Navaho,  Zufii,  and  Acoma  tribes.    The  Indians  were  defeated, 
and  the  Zunis  returned  home  frightened. 

1699,  July  12.     The  pueblo  of  La  Purisima  de  Zuni  (evidently  the  present  Zufii  vil- 

lage, which  meanwhile  had  been  built  on  the  ruins  of  Halona)  was  visited 
by  the  governor,  Pedro  Rodriguez  Cubero,  to  whom  the  inhabitants  renewed 
their  allegiance. 

1700,  June.     Padre  Juan  Garaicochea  was  priest  at  Zufii. 

1702.  In  the  spring  the  Hopis  tried  to  incite  the  Zunis  and  others  to  revolt.     Captain 

Juan  de  Lribarri  was  sent  to  investigate  and  left  Captain  Medina  at  Zuni 
with  a  force  of  19  men  as  a  garrison.  This  force  was  later  reduced,  those 
who  were  left  treating  the  natives  harshly. 

1703.  Padre  Garaicochea,  who  was  still  missionary  at  Zuni,  complained  to  the  gov- 

ernor at  Santa  Fe,  and  the  Indians,  receiving  no  redress,  on  March  4  killed 
three  Spaniards  who  were  exiles  from  Santa  F6  and  who  had  been  living 
publicly  with  native  women.  Some  of  the  Zufiis  thereupon  fled  to  the 
Hopis,  others  took  refuge  on  Toaiyalone.  Captain  Roque  Madrid  was  sent 
to  Zuni  to  bring  away  the  friar,  leaving  Zuni  without  a  missionary. 

170S,  November  {.').  Padre  Garaicochea  urged  the  reestablishment  of  the  Zufii  mis- 
sion, but  no  action  was  taken. 

1705,  March-April.  Padre  Garaicochea  returned  to  Zuni  as  missionary  early  in  the 
year;  he  induced  the  Indians  to  come  down  from  Toaiyalone,  where  they 
had  been  since  1703,  and  again  settle  on  the  plains.  On  April  6  they  renewed 
their  allegiance  to  Captain  Roque  Madrid. 

1705,  September.  The  Spaniards  found  a  knotted  cord,  probably  a  quipu  (calendar 
string),  which  reminded  them  of  the  days  of  1680,  when  a  similar  device 
was  employed  to  notify  the  revolutionists  and  to  fix  the  day  of  the  rebellion. 


286  THE    ZUNT   INDIANS  [bth.  ann.  23 

1706,  April-Maii.     The  Hopis  had  been  raiding  the  Zunis,  who  were  now  baptized 

Christians;  therefore  Captain  Gutierrez  was  sent  with  eight  men  for  their 
protection.  The  Zunis  made  an  expedition  against  the  Hopis  in  May,  kill- 
ing two  and  recovering  seventy  animals.  Later  the  Zunis  aroused  suspicion 
by  asking  that  the  garrison  be  removed  from  their  pueblo.  Fray  Antonio 
Miranda,  now  resident  missionary  at  Acoma,  occasionally  ministered  to  the 
Zunis. 

1707.  Governor  Jose  Chacon  Medina  Salazar  y  Villasenor,  Marquis  de  la  Pefiuela, 

sent  an  embassy  of  Zufiis  to  the  Hopis  to  exhort  them  to  peace  and  sub- 
mission, but  refugee  Tanos  and  Tewas,  who  lived  among  the  Hopis, 
responded  by  making  a  raid  on  Zufii.  At  this  time  Fray  Francisco  de  Iraz- 
ilbal  was  missionary  at  "Alona,"  indicating  that  the  old  name  was  still  some- 
times applied  to  the  new  pueblo. 

1709,  June  5.  The  following  inscription  occurs  on  El  Morro:  "On  the  5th  day  of  the 
month  of  June  of  this  year  of  1709  passed  by  here,  bound  for  Zufii,  Ramon 
Paez  Hurtado."  He  was  lieutenant-general  of  the  province  and  acting  gov- 
ernor in  1704-5.  The  expedition  here  noted  was  probably  sent  against  the 
Navahos,  who  were  hostile  this  year. 

1713,  May.  Padre  Irazabal  reported  that  a  Zufii  Indian  attempted  to  instigate  the 
Acomas  and  Lagunas  to  kill  their  missionary,  Fray  Carlos  Delgado. 

1713,  December.  Two  Zunis  were  granted  permission  to  visit  the  Hopis,  who 
expressed  eagerness  for  peace  and  alliance  with  the  Zufiis,  but  not  with 
the  Spaniards. 

1716,  August  26.  The  governor,  Don  Feliz  Martinez,  carved  his  inscription  on  El 
Morro  on  his  way  to  conquer  the  Hopis,  by  way  of  Zufii.  The  custodian, 
Fray  Antonio  Camargo,  and  the  alcalde  of  Santa  Fe  accompanied  him. 
Native  commissioners  were  sent  forward  from  Zufii,  which  was  still  called 
Alona. 

1726,  February.  The  ensign,  Don  Jose  de  Payba  Basconzelos  visited  Zufii,  leaving 
his  inscription  on  El  Morro  dated  February  18  of  this  year. 

1736-1738.  General  Juan  Paez  Hurtado  ( son  of  Ramon ) ,  official  inspector,  visited  the 
pueblo  in  1736;  Bishop  Elizaecochea  of  Durango  visited  the  pueblo  in 
September  1737;  and  Governor  Enrique  de  Olavide  y  Michelena  in  1738. 

1744-1743.  Zufii  is  reported  by  one  authority  as  having  a  population  of  150  families, 
and  by  another  2,000  souls.  It  had  two  priests,  one  of  whom  was  Padre 
(Juan  Jose?)  Toledo. 

1760.  Bishop  Tamaron  reported  the  population  of  Zufii  to  be  664,  but  this  number 
is  smaller  by  nearly  1,000  than  that  reported  by  Ilzarbe  in  1788. 

1774-1773.     Fray  Silvestre  Velez  Escalant3  was  missionary  at  Zufii. 

1779-1780.     Fray  Andres  Garcia  was  missionary  at  Zufii. 

1788.  Fray  Rafael  Benavides  was  missionary  at  Zufii,  also  Fray  Manuel  Vega. 
Ilzarbe  reports  the  population  to  be  1,617. 

1792.  Fray  Daniel  Martinez  was  missionary  at  Zufii  before  this  date. 

1793.  Revilla  Gigedo  reports  the  population  at  1,935. 

1798-99.  The  population  of  Zufii  is  reported  at  2,716.  (In  1820-21  it  had  appar- 
ently dwindled  to  1,597.) 

Native  Accounts  of  the  Revoet  of  1680 

Accounts  of  the  revolt  of  the  Zufiis  against  Spanish  rule  in  1680  were 
obtained  by  the  writer  from  a  shi'wanni  (rain  priest)  and  from  Tu'maka, 
a  theurgist  of  one  of  the  esoteric  fraternities.  The  shi'wannfs  account 
is  as  follows:  When  (in  1680)  the  Pueblo  Indians  as  a  body  planned 


stevenson]  NATIVE   ACCOUNTS    OF   REVOLT    OF    1680  287 

the  revolt,  the  Zunis  went  to  the  mesa  called  by  them  To'wa  yal'lanne 
(Corn  mountain)  and  prepared  for  defense.  On  their  way  they  poi- 
soned a  number  of  the  springs.  The}7  also  deposited  stones  near  the 
brink  of  the  mesa,  for  use  as  missiles.  The  Spanish  priest  who  was 
with  them  at  the  time  accompanied  them  to  the  mesa.  When  the 
Spaniards  came  to  avenge  the  supposed  death  of  this  priest,  who  had 
long  since  adopted  the  dress  of  the  Zunis,  having  none  other  to  wear, 
they  were  met  with  missiles  hurled  from  the  mesa  and  with  small 
shells  rilled  with  magic  medicine,  that  could  not  fail  in  its  purpose, 
ejected  from  the  mouths  of  the  keeper  of  the  'su/'hlan'na  (great  shell) 
and  his  deputy.  Finally  the  rain  priests  scraped  a  buckskin  and 
requested  the  foreign  priest  to  write  upon  it  telling  the  Spaniards 
that  he  was  safe  and  beloved  by  the  Zunis.  This  he  did,  and  a  large 
stone  was  fastened  to  the  rolled  skin  and  thrown  down  into  the  val- 
ley.    Learning  of  the  safety  of  the  priest,  the  Spaniards  retired. 

A  more  detailed  account  of  the  revolt  was  given  by  the  theurgist 
Tu'maka,  as  follows:  "After  the  old  church  was  built  in  I'tiwanna,  a 
Spanish  priest  resided  permanently  at  the  village.  After  a  time  the 
Zunis  came  to  believe  that  they  were  to  be  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  they  planned  a  revolt.  They  told  all  their  women  and  children  to 
refrain  from  attending  services  on  a  certain  day,  and  the  men,  pro- 
viding themselves  with  bows  and  arrows,  which  they  hid  under  their 
blankets,  started  for  the  church.  The  leader  of  this  revolt  was  the 
keeper  of  the  great  shell,  who  said  that  he  was  not  afraid,  as  he  had 
plenty  of  medicine  to  destroy  the  enemy.  The  Indians  found  only  a 
few  Spaniards  in  the  church.  They  locked  the  doors  and  killed  all 
but  the  priest  and  one  other  who  escaped  through  the  roof.  The 
priest  was  stripped  of  his  vestments  and  made  to  wear  Zuni  dress. 
The  keeper  of  the  great  shell  declared  that  it  would  be  best  to  return 
to  To'wa  yal'lanne  to  protect  themselves  better  from  the  enemy. 

While  on  To'wa  yal'lanne  they  noticed  one  night  a  fire  in  the  dis- 
tance, and  several  men,  perhaps  six,  were  sent  to  find  out  what  it 
meant.  A  party  of  Laguna  Indians  had  made  the  fire,  and  they  told 
the  Zunis  that  in  a  short  time  man}7  Spaniards  and  many  Indians 
would  attack  them.  The  Zunis  returned  with  the  news  and  were  again 
dispatched  to  the  Lagunas,  who  joined  the  party  of  Zunis.  The  Lagu- 
nas  said  that  they  had  been  compelled  to  accompany  the  Spaniards  in 
the  march  against  the  Zunis,  but  had  escaped.  They  were  instructed 
by  the  Zuiiis  to  fill  hides  with  water  and  not  to  touch  water  from 
any  spring  in  the  Zuni  country,  as  they  would  all  be  poisoned,  and 
also  to  take  a  bit  of  cedar  twig  into  their  mouths  to  protect  them  from 
the  poisoned  shells  which  would  be  shot  by  the  keeper  of  the  shell. 
When  the  enemy  was  discovered  approaching  the  keeper  of  the 
great  shell  and  his  deputy  were  in  their  house.  Three  times  they  were 
called  upon  to  come  out  and  help  the  people,  but  they  did  not  appear. 


288  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ann.28 

When  they  were  called  the  fourth  time  and  came  forward,  the  enemy 
was  well  up  the  mesa.  The  keeper  and  his  deputy  were  nude  except  a 
breechcloth,  their  bodies  and  limbs  were  painted  red,  and  they  had  anklet 
and  wristlet  wreaths  of  yucca.  The  face  of  each  was  painted  black, 
the  forehead  and  chin  covered  with  eagle  down,  and  a  red,  fluffy  eagle 
plume  was  tied  to  the  scalp  lock.  They  had  been  preparing  medicine, 
which  had  to  be  obtained  on  the  mesa,  and  therefore  could  not  appear 
sooner.  Each  theurgist  filled  a  tin}'  shell  with  the  medicine,  put  the 
shell  into  his  mouth,  and  approached  the  edge  of  the  mesa  unarmed. 
The  people  were  alarmed  and  cried  to  them  not  to  advance.  The 
theurgists  said:  'We  are  not  afraid."  They  blew  the  shells  contain- 
ing the  medicine  toward  the  enemy,  who  were  immediately  affected 
by  it.  The  enemy  at  first  appeared  to  be  intoxicated.  One  would 
try  to  catch  the  other  as  he  fell,  and  then  both  would  stagger  and 
soon  fall.  Nearly  the  whole  army  was  destroyed.  The  survivors 
retreated.  All  the  Rio  Grande  pueblos  except  the  Lagunas  fought 
the  Zuiiis.  Those  of  the  Lagunas  who  accompanied  the  Spaniards  did 
not  shoot  an  arrow.  About  six  months  after  this  attack  the  Lagu- 
nas again  appeared  and  made  a  fire,  and  information  was  given  to 
the  Zuiiis  that  another  attack  was  expected.  The  keeper  of  the 
shell  prepared  his  medicine,  but  the  Spanish  priest,  who  was  still  with 
them,  being  anxious  to  prevent  further  destruction  of  the  Spaniards, 
looked  about  for  something  on  which  to  send  a  message.  He  finally 
wrote  with  charcoal  on  a  piece  of  deerskin,  saying  that  he  was  safe 
and  that  he  loved  the  Zuiiis  and  wished  to  remain  with  them,  and  threw 
it  down  the  mesa  side,  calling  to  the  Spaniards  to  receive,  it.  After 
the  message  was  read  and  the  Spaniards  learned  of  the  safety  of  their 
priest,  the}7  made  no  attack,  but  sent  clothing  and  other  things  to  him. 
An  associate  of  the  keeper  of  the  great  shell  fell  sick  about  a  year 
after  the  Spaniards  came  the  second  time,  while  the  Zuiiis  were  still 
living  on  the  mesa.  A  sorcerer  went  one  night  to  this  man's  house 
and,  ascending  to  the  roof,  put  his  medicine  all  around  it;  but  when 
lie  attempted  to  descend  through  the  hatchway  into  the  house,  he  found 
that  his  strength  was  gone  and  that  he  could  not  move.  At  daylight 
the  father  of  the  sick  man,  discovering  the  sorcerer  on  the  roof,  said: 
'You  had  better  come  into  the  house.  If  anyone  should  see  you  here 
you  would  get  into  trouble.'  He  helped  the  man  into  the  house. 
The  sick  man  asked:  'What  were  you  doing  on  my  roof?'  'I  put 
medicine  there  because  I  wished  you  to  die.'  'You  must  not  try 
that  again.  I  can  easily  find  you  out  and  destroy  you.'  The  sister  of 
the  sick  man  said  to  her  brother:  'I  shall  put  away  your  medicine. 
You  find  out  too  many  bad  men  and  kill  them.'  She  placed  the  medi- 
cine, including  all  the  tiny  shells,  in  a  water  vase,  dug  a  hole  about 
2  feet  deep  on  a  knoll  at  the  base  of  the  mesa,  and  buried  the  vase. 
And  so  those  little  shells  are  all  gone;  only  the  great  shell  is  left  for 


STEVE.VSON]  GOVERNMENT  289 

the  Navahos.  This  shell  would  be  used  with  the  medicine  if  an  attack 
were  made  upon  the  Zufiis,  hut  at  the  ceremonials  it  is  only  blown, 
for  if  the  medicine  were  used  it  would  kill  all  the  people." 

After  dwelling  a  long-  time  onTo'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain),  the 
Zunis  again  descended  and  scattered  over  the  valley,  but  raids  of  the 
Navahos  and  Apaches  forced  them  to  build  the  present  village  upon 
the  remains  of  old  I'tiwanna,  which  stood  on  a  knoll  containing  15 
acres,  considerably  elevated  above  the  north  bank  of  the  Rio  ZuSi. 
This  village  has  a  population  of  about  1,600.  It  consists  principally 
of  groups  of  houses,  compactly  built,  one  upon  another,  the  highest 
portion  being  five  stories.  The  roof  of  the  lower  houses  furnish  the 
front  yards  for  the  houses  above.  Generall}*  the  interior  is  so 
arranged  that  the  inhabitants  can  readily  communicate  with  one 
another.  These  remarkable  structures  served  as  fortifications,  the 
ladders  for  ascending  to  the  roofs  being  drawn  up  in  case  of  attack. 
A  church  was  built  in  Shi'wona,  the  name  of  this  new  village,  and 
after  a  time  the  Zunis  became  interested  in  the  Catholic  ritual,  espe- 
cially as  they  were  allowed  to  make  use  of  their  own  symbols  in  deco- 
rating the  churches.  So  far  as  the  writer  has  been  able  to  discover, 
the  religious  and  social  institutions  of  the  Zunis  have  been  but  slightly 
affected  by  the  teachings  of  the  Spanish  priesthood,  and  their  mode 
of  thought  is  practically  what  it  was  before  the  arrival  of  Coronado 
more  than  350  years  ago. 

Government 

The  government  of  Zuni  is  hierarchical,  four  fundamental  religious 
groups,  the  A'shiwanni  (Rain  priesthood),  the  Ko'tikilli,"  the  A'pi"la- 
shiwanni  (Bow  priesthood),  and  the  other  esoteric  fraternities  being  con- 
cerned. The  dominant  authority,  however,  is  what  the  writer  terms 
the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  composed  of  eight  men  and  one  woman. '' 
A  governor  with  four  assistants  and  a  lieutenant-governor  with  his  four 
deputies  constitute  the  civic  branch.  These  men  are  all  nominated 
by  the  first  body  of  rain  priests,  though  much  influence  is  brought 
to  bear  for  or  against  the  various  men  supposed  to  be  in  favor  with 
this  body.  The  public  notification  to  the  governor  of  his  appoint- 
ment takes  place  in  the  te'wita  'hlanna  (large  plaza),  when  the  gov- 
ernor's cane,  a  gift  from  President  Lincoln  (formerly  a  native  staff 
was  in  use),  is  handed  to  the  new  appointee.  Though  the  governor  is 
elected  for  one  year,  he  may  be  reelected  one  or  more  times.  He 
may.  for  proper  cause,  lose  his  office  at  any  time,  and  this  is  also  true 

a  Organization  directly  associated  with  anthropic  worship. 

&The  rain  priests  are  designated  by  terms  which  indicate  freedom  from  secular  work,  the  six 
A'shiwanni  directly  associated  with  the  six  regions,  the  Shi'wano'*kIa  (Priestess  of  fecundity),  and 
the  elder  and  younger  Bow  priests,  the  two  latter  being  A'shiwanni  ex  officio,  as  they  are  the  earthly 
representatives  of  the  Divine  Ones,  constitute  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni. 

23  eth— 04 19 


290  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ass.23 

of  any  member  of  his  statf.  The  governor  and  his  -tali  attend  to 
such  secular  affairs  as  do  not  require  the  judgment  of  the  first  body 
of  rain  priests  or  of  the  Bow  priest-.  Capital  punishment  come- 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  latter  body. 

A  ease  came  to  the  notice  of  the  writer  in  1891,  when  a  conference 
was  held  between  the  Kia'kwe'mosi  (rain  priest  of  the  North)  and 
an  associate  rain  priest,  who  was.  however,  not  connected  with  the 
first  body  of  rain  priests.  It  was  interesting  to  note  the  determination 
of  the  young  associate  priest  in  his  attempt  to  convince  the  lain  priest 
of  the  North  that  the  governor  was  unworthy  to  fill  the  position,  and 
he  succeeded  so  far  as  to  receive  directions  to  inform  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  first  body  of  rain  priests  that  a  meeting  to  discuss  the  situ- 
ation would  be  held  on  the  following  night  in  the  house  of  the  Prieste-- 
of  fecundity.  Seven  days  after  this  meeting  a  hundred  or  more  men. 
most  of  them  past  middle  life,  gathered  in  the  large  plaza.  The  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  sat  upon  a  ledge  extending  across  a  house  on  the 
north  side  of  the  plaza,  with  the  governor's  assistants  on  either  side, 
the  governor  sitting  opposite  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  A  Mexi- 
can who  had  been  captured  by  the  Zunis  when  a  child  and  afterward 
adopted  into  the  tribe  accused  the  governor  of  having  stolen  Zuni 
horses  and  traded  them  to  Mexicans  for  sheep.  The  governor  with 
great  dignity  resented  the  charge  and  made  a  rather  lengthy  speech. 
in  which  he  exhibited  independence  and  determination.  The  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  spoke  next.  His  voice  was  low.  but  every  word 
was  distinct,  and  he  was  listened  to  with  profound  interest  as  he  set 
forth  the  reason  why  the  governor  should  be  dismissed.  During  his 
speech  one  of  the  younger  men  ventured  to  address  a  word  to  a  neigh- 
bor, upon  which  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  stopped  and  without 
uttering  a  word  stared  at  the  offender.  The  fellow  ceased  suddenly, 
as  though  -truck  dumb,  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  continued 
his  speech  without  further  interruption.  Both  sides  were  earnest  in 
their  arguments  for  and  against  the  governor,  but  the  whole  affair  was 
conducted  with  great  dignity,  and  when  the  judges,  the  first  body  of 
rain  priests,  announced  that  the  governor  was  deposed,  he.  with  his 
friends,  left  the  plaza  without  speaking  a  word,  the  other-  following 
in  silenc  . 

Property 

The  Zunis  are  an  agricultural  and  pastoral  people.     The  held.-  are 
not  owned    by   elans,  and  the  Zunis  claim  that  they  never  were  -. 
owned.     A  man  may  cultivate  any  strip  of  land,  provided  it  has  not 
already  l>een  appropriated,  and  once  in  his  posses-ion.  he  has  the  right 
to  transfer  it  to  whomsoever  he  please-  within  the  tribe.     Land  is 

■  ained  from  the  owner  by  trade,  and  houses  are  di-posed  of  in  the 
same  manner.     The  -ale  of  a  houst-  came  under  the  observation  of  the 


Stevenson]  LIST    OP    CLANS  291 

writer  in  L896.  An  old  woman  owning  two  houses,  one  immediate]}'' 
in  front  of  the  other,  sold  the  one  in  front,  to  the  great  annoyance  of 
her  female  children,  who  feared  that  a  story  would  be  added  to  the 
house,  thus  cutting  off  the  view  of  the  street  from  their  upper  floor. 

Much  generosity  is  exhibited  by  these  people  regarding  propertjr 
left  to  them.  According  to  the  law  the  landed  property  of  a  married 
man  or  woman  goes  after  death  to  the  daughters.  The  sons  are  sup- 
posed to  be  able  to  acquire  their  own  fields,  but  if  there  arc  no  girls 
the  sons  are  the  next  heirs.  In  case  a  man  has  sisters  or  brothers, 
especially  sisters  who  are  poor,  his  children  are  apt  to  give  them  part 
of  their  property  or  permit  them  to  enjoy  some  of  the  benefits  received 
therefrom.  Disputes  arising  over  the  distribution  of  property  are 
usually  settled  by  the  civil  authorities,  although  occasionally  they  are 
carried  to  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  who  have  the  higher  control 
of  civil  affairs. 

After  a  man  is  married,  the  products  of  his  fields  are  carried  to  the 
house  of  his  wife's  parents  (his  home  after  marriage),  and,  though  it  is 
understood  that  these  products  are  for  general  household  use,  there  is 
an  unwritten  law  that  the  property  of  each  man  may  be  removed  from 
its  storing  place  only  by  his  wife  and  himself.  The  wife's  grain — the 
produce  of  fields  given  her  by  her  father  or  mother — is  placed  with 
that  of  the  husband.  On  the  death  of  the  owner,  horses,  cattle,  sheep, 
and  blankets  are  divided  among  the  girls  and  the  boys  of  the  family; 
the  silver  beads  and  turcpioise  earrings  of  the  mother  go  to  the  daugh- 
ters; the  coral,  white  shell,  and  turquoise  necklaces  and  earrings  of 
the  father  go  to  the  eldest  son.  The  little  gardens  about  the  villages, 
which  are  tended  exclusively  by  the  women,  are  inherited  by  the 
daughters. 

List  of  Clans 

The  Zuni  tribe  is  divided  into  clans  (a'notiwe).  While  descent  is 
through  the  maternal  side,  the  offspring  is  also  closely  allied  to  the 
father's  clan.  The  child  is  always  referred  to  as  belonging  to  the 
mothers  clan  and  as  being  the  "child"  of  the  father's  clan.  It  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  "child  of  the  clan  "throughout  this  paper  refers 
to  its  relation  to  the  paternal  clan.  In  the  family  the  child  is  under 
the  control  of  both  parents.  The  clan  plays  an  important  part  in  cere- 
monials. Manj-  ceremonial  offices  are  filled  either  by  a  member  of  a 
given  clan  or  by  a  "child"  of  the  clan — that  is,  either  the  mother  or 
the  father  must  belong  to  the  particular  clan.  In  some  cases  offices 
are  filled  annually,  in  rotation,  first  by  a  member  of  a  particular  clan 
and  secondly  by  a  "child"  of  the  specified  clan.  Some  offices  are 
always  filled  b}T  a  particular  clan;  in  other  cases  the  offices  must  be 
filled  only  by  a  "child"  of  a  designated  clan.  The  list  of  clans  here 
presented  has  been  collected  with  the  greatest  care.     If  there  were 


292  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

6ther  clans  at  any  period  of  the  past,  the  knowledge  of  them  is  lost 
to  the  sages  of  the  present  time. 
The  existing  clans  are  as  follows: 

Pi'chikwe Dogwood  clan 

To'wakwe Com  clan 

Ya'toklakwe Sun  clan 

To'nashikwe Badger  clan 

Aifishikwe Bear  clan 

Sus'kikwe Coyote  clan 

'Kc/'loktakwe Sandhill-crane  clan 

KliikTiilikwe Eagle  clan 

Ta'k iak  we  « Frog  clan 

A'na'kwe Tobacco  clan 

Ai'yaho'kwe ( a  plant ) 

Po'yi'kwe Chaparral-cock  clan 

To'nakwe Turkey  clan 

Sho'hitakwe Deer  clan 

Ta'hlup'sik we Yellow  wood  ( Berberis 

fremontii)  clan 
Ma'wikwe '' Antelope  clan 

The  extinct  clans  are  as  follows: 

Ta'wi Wood  clan 

A'poyakwe Sky  clan 

Ok'shikokwe Cottontail-rabbit  clan 

Kwln'ikwakwe  '' Black  corn  clan 

Social  Customs 
the  household 

Though  some  Zuiii  houses  have  as  many  as  eight  rooms,  the  ordinary 
house  has  from  four  to  six  and  a  few  have  onhT  two.  Ledges  built 
with  the  house  extend  around  the  rooms,  forming  seats  and  shelves. 
The  largest  is  the  general  living  room,  where  the  entire  household 
works,  cats,  and  sleeps,  and  where  guests  are  entertained.  When  the 
room  is  required  for  the  use  of  some  fraternity,  the  family  adjourns 
to  other  quarters,  moving  all  its  belongings.  In  this  room  the  family 
wardrobe  hangs  on  a  pole  suspended  from  the  rafters.  The  more  val- 
uable things,  especially  the  ceremonial  paraphernalia,  are  carefully 
wrapped  and  deposited  in  the  storage  rooms.  As  a  rule  the  mills  for 
grinding  meal  are  set  up  in  the  general  living  room.  They  consist  of 
three  or  more  slabs  of  stone,  of  different  degrees  of  fineness  of  grain. 
set  side  by  side  at  an  angle  of  about  45°  and  separated  by  upright 
slabs,  the  whole  surrounded  by  other  slabs,  making  an  inclosure  for 
each  mill. 

Most  of  the  rooms  are  provided  with  fireplaces,  of  which  there  are 
several  varieties.     One  style  is  formed  by  a  wall  several  feet  high  and 

a  See  i>.  ins,  note  '■. 

Mm-'  man  has  been  tin1  only  member  of  tli  is  clan  for  the  past  ten  or  twelve  years. 
(•This  elan  became  extinct  in  1902  by  the  death  of  an  aged  shi'wnnni. 


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stevessosj  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  293 

of  equal  breadth  extending-  at  right  angles  from  one  of  the  longer  walls 
of  the  room,  the  projecting  wall  being  so  placed  as  to  protect  the  fire- 
place from  the  doorway.  A  commodious  mantel  usualhy  extends  over  a 
part  of  the  fireplace,  and  on  it  rests  the  masonry  chimney,  reaching 
up  through  the  roof,  while  the  exterior  chimney  is  composed  of  old 
pottery  vessels  with  perforated  bottoms.  Cooking  vessels  are  set  on 
stones  in  the  fireplaces;  food  is  also  cooked  in  the  coals  and  ashes. 
One  room  of  every  dwelling  of  any  pretension  has  a  fireplace  of 
peculiar  construction.  It  is  from  6  to  12  feet  wide  and  has  a  projection 
above  like  a  Chinese  awning.  When  the  great  ceremonial  caldrons 
are  used  for  the  feasts,  they  are  balanced  on  stones  in  this  fireplace. 
He'we  (wafer  bread)  is  also  baked  in  this  fireplace  upon  highly  polished 
stone  slabs.  The  room,  however,  is  not  exclusively  set  apart  for  this 
cooking.  Like  most  of  the  rooms,  except  the  general  living  room  and 
the  one  immediately  adjoining,  it  is  used  largely  as  a  storage  room. 

Candles  are  never  used  in  a  Zuni  house  nor  are  lamps  used  for  ordi- 
nary lighting.  A  lamp  made  of  baked  cla,j  and  somewhat  resembling 
a  Roman  lamp  is  employed  on  the  occasion  of  certain  ceremonials.  It 
gives  very  little  light. 

The  domestic  life  of  the  Zuiiis  might  well  serve  as  an  example  for 
the  civilized  world.  As  has  been  stated,  the  husband  lives  with  his 
wife's  parents,  and  it  is  common  to  find  several  families,  under  the 
same  roof.  The  Zuiiis  do  not  have  large  families,  and  the  members 
are  deeply  attached  to  one  another.  The  writer  found  great  enjoy- 
ment in  her  visits  to  the  general  living  room  (see  plate  lxxvii)  in  the 
early  evening,  after  the  day's  labors  were  over  and  before  the  elders 
were  called  away  to  their  fraternities  or  elsewhere.  The  }roung 
mothers  would  be  seen  caring  for  their  infants,  or  perhaps  the  fathers 
would  be  fondling-  them,  for  the  Zuni  men  are  very  devoted  to  their 
children,  especially  the  babies.  The  grandmother  would  have  one  of 
the  younger  children  in  her  lap,  with  perhaps  the  head  of  another 
resting  against  her  shoulder,  while  the  rest  would  be  sitting  near  or 
busying  themselves  about  household  matters.  When  a  story  was  told 
by  the  grandfather  or  some  younger  member  of  the  group,  intense 
interest  would  be  depicted  on  the  faces  of  all  old  enough  to  appreciate 
the  recital. 

The  Zuni  child  is  rarely  disobedient,  and  the  writer  has  known 
but  one  parent  to  strike  a  child  or  to  use  harsh  words  with  it.  The 
children  play  through  the  livelong  day  without  a  quarrel.  The  young- 
est children  never  disturb  or  touch  anything-  belonging  to  others.  In 
years  of  experience  with  the  Zuiiis  and  other  Indians  the  writer  has 
never  lost  an  article  through  them,  either  of  food  or  otherwise. 

The  boys  have  many  childish  amusements,  which  they  greatly  enjoy. 
One  of  their  especial  delights  at  night  is  to  run  about  with  burning- 
brands  made  of  balls  of  fiber  attached  to  slender  poles.  The  boys  and 
girls  do  not  play  much  together.     In  fact  the  girls  seem  to  have  little 


294  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.2S 

time  for  things  which  delight  other  children.  They  carry  the  younger 
sister  or  brother  on  their  backs,  often  tottering  from  the  weight.  The}' 
seem  ever  ready  to  look  after  the  younger  ones,  and  when  they  are 
free  from  this  care  they  imitate  all  that  their  mothers  do.  They  make 
pottery,  weave  belts  (see  plate  lxxviii),  make  bread,  and  at  times  they 
may  actually  be  found  playing  with  dolls  instead  of  the  living  babies. 
The  children  are  as  punctilious  as  their  elders  in  attending  to  ceremo- 
nial observances. 

Games  and  impromptu  dances  are  the  favorite  pastime  of  the  .young- 
men.  Though  they  never  wear  their  ceremonial  masks  in  these  dances, 
they  do  wear  masks  copied  after  those  of  the  Navahos  (see  plate 
lxxix).  The  dog  dance  (plate  lxxx),  in  which  the  performer  picks 
money  and  silver  buttons  from  the  ground  with  his  mouth,  always 
draws  a  large  audience  and  leads  to  considerable  betting.  Girls 
occasionally  join  in  some  of  the  pleasure  dances  (see  plate  lxxxi). 

The  older  girls  do  not  usually  go  about  the  village  unattended.  The 
only  place  the}'  are  free  to  visit  alone  is  the  well  (see  plate  lxxxii)," 
where  the  youth  may  be  found  lurking  in  the  early  evening,  waiting 
for  an  opportunity  to  speak  a  word  to  the  pretty  girls,  and  to  some 
special  one  if  he  has  settled  his  affections.  Those  who  state  that  the 
Zufii  maiden  makes  advances  to  the  man  are  in  error.  The  writer  has 
observed  many  cases  of  love-making,  and  they  have  never  differed 
essentially  from  the  experiences  of  our  own  .youths  and  maidens.  The 
conduct  of  a  girl  who  shows  her  preference  for  a  man  before  he  has 
shown  his  for  her  is  looked  upon  as  indelicate.  While  parents  are 
inclined  to  look  to  the  marriages  of  their  children,  there  are  many 
love  matches  in  Zufii. 

NATAL    CUSTOMS 

Previous  to  the  birth  of  a  child,  if  a  daughter  is  desired,  the  husband 
and  wife,  sometimes  accompanied  by  a  doctress  or  a  female  relative, 
visit  the  Mother  rock,6  on  the  west  side  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn 
mountain).  The  pregnant  woman  scrapes  a  small  quantity  of  the 
rock  into  a  tiny  vase  made  for  the  purpose  and  deposits  it  in  one  of 
the  cavities  in  the  rock  (see  plate  xn  a),  and  they  all  pray  that  the 
daughter  may  grow  to  be  good  and  beautiful  and  possess  all  virtues,  and 
that  she  may  weave  beautifully  and  be  skilled  in  the  art  of  making 
potten'.  If  a  son  is  desired,  the  couple  visit  a  shrine  higher  up  the 
side  of  the  mountain,  in  a  fissure  in  the  same  rock,  and  sprinkle  meal 
and  deposit  te'likinawe,  with  prayers  that  a  son  may  be  born  to  them 
and  that  he  may  be  distinguished  in  war  and  after  death  become  great 
among  ancestral  gods.     Should  the  prayers  offered  at  the  shrines  he 

"  This  picturesque  well  will  soon  become  an  object  of  the  past. 

''The  base  of  this  ruck  is  covered  with  symbols  of  the  a'sha  (vulva)  (see  pi.  xn  b)  anil  is  perforated 
with  small  excavations.  The  Zuhis  are  not  an  exception  among  aboriginal  peoples  in  respect  to 
phallic  worship. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.  LXXVIII 


LEARNING    TO    WEAVE    BELTS 


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TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.  LXXX 


DOG    DANCE 


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stevexson]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  295 

not  answered,  it  is  believed  that  the  heart  of  one  or  other  of  the 
couple  is  not  good.  There  is  also  another  shrine  most  sacred  to  the. 
Zunis  to  which  parents  desiring  sons  resort.  This  shrine  is  on  the 
summit  of  a  low  mound  in  a  narrow  valley  and  consists  of  a  stone  slab 
about  1  foot  square,  slightly  raised  from  the  ground  by  loose  stones. 
Three  stones,  two  round  and  one  several  Laches  long,  symbolizing  the. 
male  generative  organs,  are  placed  upon  the  slab,  the  long  one  point- 
ing to'the  east. 

Another  resort  for  women  in  this  condition  is  a  queer-looking 
inclosure  by  the  side  of  the  trail  leading  to  the  peach  orchards  of  To'wa 
yal'lanne.  It  is  formed  by  a  stone  wall  some  2i  feet  high  at  the  west 
end.  the.  space  within  being  2^  by  G  feet.  Two  of  the,  largest,  stones 
,of  the  wall  project  into  the  interior.  The  wall  slopes  unevenly  on 
each  side  and  is  only  a  foot  high  at  the  east  end.  When  a  daughter 
is  desired,  one  or  other  of  the  couple  or  both  visit  this  place  and  the 
woman,  passing  into  the  inclosure,  breaks  off  a  bit  from  each  of  the 
projecting  rocks.  These  bits  are  afterward  powdered  and  put  into 
water  and  drunk  by  the  woman.  It  is  believed  that  a  daughter  is  sure 
to  be  the  result  if  the  heart  is  good. 

A  pregnant  woman  suffering  from  a  cough  and  a  pain  in  the  right 
side  of  her  abdomen  was  relieved  by  the  writer  with  simple  remedies; 
but  the  celebrated  Nai'uchi,  surgeon  and  doctor,  had  to  be  sent  for,  as 
the  family  was  sure  the  sufferer  had  been  bewitched.  Nai'uchi  came 
and  appeared  to  draw  from  the  abdomen  two  objects  which  he 
claimed  were  the  mother  and  child  worms.  One  was  about  the 
length  of  the  second  finger  of  the  hand;  the  other  was  smaller.  Of 
course  this  showed  that  the  woman  had  been  bewitched  and  that  it 
was  well  that  he  was  sent  for  in  time,  as  these  worms  would  have 
eaten  the  child  and  caused  its  death.  It  was  afterward  reported  that 
when  the  woman  was  grinding  at  Nutria  some  weeks  previous,  a 
sister  of  a  witch,  who  ground  by  her  side,  touched  the  pregnant 
woman  on  the  side  of  the  abdomen,  and  it  was  then  that  the  worms 
were  "•cast"  in. 

A  pregnant  woman  while  at  her  farm  at  Ojo  Caliente  became 
alarmed  at  the  retarded  action  of  the  fetus,  and  she  and  her  husband 
returned  to  Zuni  to  consult  Nai'uchi.  On  learning  that  the  woman  had 
been  drinking  water  from  the  sacred  spring  of  the  Ko'loowisi  (Plumed 
serpent),  he  declared  that  she  was  not  carrying  a  child  but  a  serpent. 
The  following  day  the  husband  came  to  the  writer  in  great  distress  and 
begged  her  to  go  to  his  wife,  who  was  in  such  a  wretched  mental  state 
that  he  feared  she  would  die.  After  examining  the  abdomen  the  writer 
declared  that  Nai'uchi  was  mistaken:  but  his  words  had  sunk  into  the 
sufferers  mind,  and  hours  were  spent  with  the  distracted  woman  before 
she  was  convinced  that  her  doctor  was  in  error.  After  several  days  a 
slight  color  took  the  place  of  the  death-like  pallor  of  the  woman,  and  she 


296  THE    ZDNI    INDIANS  [eth.akn.23 

slowly  improved,  but  it  was  many  duvs  before  she  was  like  herself 
again.  In  less  than  six  weeks  from  that  time  a  health}'  boy  was  born. 
The  writer  named  the  child  at  the  request  of  the  mother,  but  the  nick- 
name of  Little  Ko'loowisi  will  cling  to  him  for  many  a  day.  The 
gratitude  of  the  husband  to  the  writer  for  saving,  as  he  thought,  the 
life  of  his  wife  and  child  was  very  marked  and  was  shown  in  every 
way  possible.  Each  week  the  best  products  of  his  fields  and  garden 
were  brought  to  her  from  his  farm,  15  miles  away. 

It  is  believed  that  if  the  Sa'ya'hlia  or  SaTimobiya  (certain  anthropic 
gods)  strike  a  pregnant  woman  with  their  yucca  switches  parturition 
will  immediately  result.  Therefore  all  women  in  this  condition  are 
careful  to  keep  out  of  the  reach  of  the  yucca  when  these  gods  appear 
in  the  village.  A  spiral  shell  is  worn  in  the  belt  of  the  woman  when  a 
boj*  is  desired,  and  another  variety  of  shell  when  a  girl  is  wished  for. 
After  childbirth  a  white  pebble  is  taken  into  the  mother's  mouth,  and  the 
teeth  are  pressed  against  it  in  order  that  the  child's  teeth  may  be  white 
and  strong.  It  has  been  reported  that  Zuni  women  during  childbirth 
are  segregated  in  houses  specially  set  apart  for  the  purpose.  Such  is 
not  the  fact.  Nai'uchi  would  not  visit  his  granddaughter  for  some  days 
after  her  confinement  because  of  wounds  he  had  received  from  arrows 
years  ago.  as  he  feared  that  the  wounds  would  frighten  the  infant, 
causing  it  to  cry  all  the  time  and  not  sleep.  It  is  declared  by  all  the 
Zuni  theurgists,  both  men  and  women,  that  ten  months  are  required 
for  the  gestation  of  a  male  child,  but  only  nine  for  a  female  child. 
Twins  are  not  common;  triplets  are  very  rare;  they  are  attributed  to 
embraces  in  immediate  succession. 

A  young  pregnant  woman,  becoming  alarmed,  called  in  the  theur- 
gist.  He  examined  the  abdomen,  and  declared  that  she  was  carrying- 
three  children  and  that  should  they  reach  full  development  she  would 
surely  die.  He  produced  premature  birth;  and  it  was  claimed  by  the 
doctor  that  the  first  two  born  breathed  a  few  times  and  that  the  third 
was  stillborn.  Abortion  is  rarely  practiced  on  married  women;  but 
it  is  not  uncommon  among  the  fallen  women,  who  are  always  pointed 
at  with  the  finger  of  scorn,  except  when  they  are  on  a  bed  of  illness; 
they  then  receive  the  same  consideration  as  others.  Their  infants  are 
not  discriminated  against  in  any  way. 

Women  complain  but  little  previous  to  parturition,  performing 
their  duties  as  usual  until  the  actual  presence  of  labor.  The  feet  and 
hands  are  frequently  swollen  to  a  painful  degree,  and  it  is  not  unusual 
to  find  the  face  affected  in  the  same  way.  This  swelling  does  not  often 
exist  except  during  the  ten  or  twelve  days  immediately  previous  to 
accouchement,  and  in  most  cases  observed  by  the  writer  the  swelling- 
disappeared  rapidly  after  confinement. 

Laceration    of    the   perineum    is   of    frequent  occurrence.     It  is  a 


STEVENSOS]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  297 

natural  result  of  the  method  of  childbirth  as  practiced  by  the  Zufiis. 
In  three  labor  cases  observed  by  the  writer  in  1896-97  laceration 
occurred.  At  such  time  high  fever  is  apt  to  be  present,  though  in 
one  of  the  cases  referred  to  the  pulse  never  rose  above  90.  Milk  leg 
is  very  rare,  but  abscess  in  the  breast  is  not  uncommon.  When  the 
doctresses  fail  to  bring  relief,  the  surgeon  is  called  in. 

The  only  case  of  operation  on  the  breast  observed  by  the  writer  was  performed  by 
Xai'uehi,  who  administered  a  native  narcotic  (Datura  stramonium)  before  using  the 
lancet.  After  making  the  incision  he  squeezed  out  the  pus,  and  then,  without 
having  previously  washed  his  hands,  inserted  his  index  finger  and  pulled  out  the 
remaining  pus.  A  powdered  medicine  was  sprinkled  sparingly  over  the  wound,  and 
a  soiled  cloth  was  afterward  bound  over  it.  The  patient  returned  to  consciousness  in 
much  the  same  manner  as  one  gradually  arousing  from  a  natural  sleep.  She  after- 
ward told  the  writer  that  she  knew  nothing  of  the  operation,  but  had  beautiful 
dreams.  The  powdered  medicine  was  applied  for  several  days,  and  in  a  week  the 
breast  was  entirely  healed. 

The  writer  has  never  discovered  among  any  Indian  tribe  a  case  of 
blindness  after  confinement,  nor  has  she  ever  known  a  woman  to  suffer 
from  convulsions  before  or  after  conrinement.  The  Zufii  women  some- 
times suffer  from  uterine  trouble  after  bearing  children,  though  such 
troubles  are  uncommon.  In  some  instances  observed  by  the  writer 
the  uterus  had  protruded.  In  such  cases  the  surgeon  is  called  in  to 
replace  it.  There  are  but  two  or  three  theurgists  who  undertake  such 
cases,  and  these  are  men.  Nai'uchi  is  the  principal  man  in  such 
troubles,  but  his  charges  are  so  high  that  some  of  the  poorer  women 
are  obliged  to  call  upon  less  distinguished  practitioners. 

Sore  nipples  are  unusual.  The  child  is  placed  to  the  breast  within 
ten  hours  after  birth,  every  effort  being  made  to  make  it  draw  the 
milk.  Constipation  is  carefully  guarded  against,  and  is  therefore 
uncommon.  A  hot  tea  made  of  toasted  juniper  twigs  and  berries 
steeped  in  boiling  water  is  constant^  drunk  from  the  beginning  of 
labor  for  the  purpose  of  relaxing  the  system,  and  afterward  to  induce 
copious  lochial  discharge.  Should  this  tea  be  drunk  in  earlier  stages 
of  pregnancy,  it  is  believed  that  the  child  would  be  very  dark.  The 
writer  has  never  known  a  case  where  catamenia  continued  longer  than 
four  days,  and  the  Zuni  doctors  and  women  declare  that  it  seldom 
continues  for  a  longer  period.  Though  hemorrhage  is  uncommon,  it 
sometimes  occurs,  and  for  this  trouble  a  tea  is  made  by  pouring  boiling 
water  over  the  fungus  commonly  known  as  corn  smut  (Ustilago  maidis), 
which  has  the  same  effect  as  ergot  of  the  pharmacopeia. 

The  childbirth  ceremonies  of  the  Sia  tribe,  described  in  the  Eleventh 
Annual  Keport  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  are  very  much  more  elab- 
orate than  those  of  the  Zufiis. 

A  typical  labor  case  observed  by  the  writer  occurred  at  midnight,  October  20, 1896. 
A  child  wife,  not  more  than  15  years  old,  gave  evidence  of  approaching  parturition. 
She  suffered  from  that  time  until  6  o'clock  in  the  following  evening,  when  she  was 


298  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [ETH.  ask.  23 

delivered.  Owing  to  the  absence  of  her  mother  in  Ojo  Caliente,  a  farming  district, 
the  girl  was  confined  in  her  mother-in-law's  house.  She  wore  only  the  camis,  which 
leaves  the  arms  exposed,  and  was  covered  with  a  heavy  blanket.  She  lay  most  of 
the  night  on  sheepskins  spread  on  the  floor  near  the  south  end  of  the  room,  pressing 
her  feet  during  the  pain  against  the  ledge  at  the  south  wall  of  the  room.  She 
changed  position  from  her  side  to  her  back  and  often  lay  face  downward.  The 
mother-in-law,  who  was  a  doctress,  had  no  professional  part  in  the  treatment  of 
her  daughter-in-law,  but  took  a  seat  on  the  floor  beside  the  girl,  offering  no 
assistance.  The  two  grandmothers  of  the  girl  were  present  and  were  much  con- 
cerned over  her  suffering.  The  father,  the  father-in-law,  and  a  paternal  uncle  were 
in  an  interior  room.  Their  faces  expressed  anxiety,  and  they  spoke  in  whispers. 
The  husband  of  the  girl,  not  expecting  the  birth  of  the  child  for  several  days,  was 
absent  at  his  farm  in  Ojo  Caliente.  The  pains  increased,  and  at  4  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  two  doctresses  having  been  summoned,  the  kneading  of  the  abdomen 
began.  Each  doctress  took  her  turn,  bestowing  much  strength  and  energy  on  the 
manipulation.  With  each  pain  the  girl  turned  on  her  right  side  and  caught  the 
belt  of  the  doctress  before  her,  while  the  second  doctress  pressed  hard  upon  the 
back,  the  girl  pressing  her  feet  against  the  ledge.  The  labor  being  prolonged,  a  doc- 
tress held  the  nostrils  of  the  patient  and  blew  into  her  mouth,  occasionally  releasing 
the  pressure  upon  her  nose  for  an  instant.  This  heroic  treatment  appears  cruel  in 
the  extreme,  but  it  is  supposed  to  force  the  child  into  the  world.  The  girl  wept 
continually.  The  sympathy  expressed  by  the  relatives  and  doctresses  was  enough  to 
unnerve  the  sufferer.  The  juniper  tea  was  frequently  drunk  and  the  girl  occasionally 
stood  over  the  urinal  during  the  day,  but  did  not  leave  her  bed  after  4  o'clock. 
Rupture  of  the  membranes  occurred  an  hour  and  a  half  before  the  birth  of  the  child. 
Half  an  hour  previous  to  delivery,  one  of  the  doctresses  made  an  examination  by 
inserting  her  hand.  Apparently  discouraged  and  alarmed,  she  notified  the  mother- 
in-law  of  her  intention  to  call  upon  the  officers  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  to  come 
and  sing  their  songs.  This  fraternity  has  four  songs  addressed  to  the  Beast  Gods  for 
hastening  delayed  delivery.  Should  the  child  be  born  after  the  first  song,  the  singing 
ceases,  and  so  on.  Should  the  child  not  be  born  soon  after  the  fourth  song,  the  heart 
of  the  patient  is  bad;  the  songs  are  not  repeated,  and  the  theurgists  leave  the  house. 
Accordingly,  the  mother-in-law  provided  the  doctress  with  a  quarter  of  mutton  and 
many  yards  of  cotton  and  calico  as  an  advance  payment  to  the  theurgists.  For  a  long 
time  the  doctress  was  unsuccessful  in  her  efforts  to  find  the  men,  hut  she  persisted  in 
her  search  and  finally  returned  with  them  just  as  the  girl  was  being  delivered  of  a  male 
child.  The  four  theurgists  departed  at  once  with  the  medicine  of  the  Beast  Gods  and 
their  rattles.  As  soon  as  the  child's  head  was  exposed,  the  girl  was  at  once  turned 
upon  her  back  and  most  vigorously  kneaded.  Her  drawn  knees  were  held  by  two 
women  and  a  doctress  took  her  seat  upon  the  ledge  between  the  girl's  knees  and, 
pressing  her  hands  to  the  sides  of  the  infant's  head,  assisted  the  birth  by  slightly  shak- 
ing the  child  as  she  pulled  it  to  her."  Another  doctress  severed  the  umbilical  cord 
with  a  steel  knife,  while  the  doctress  holding  the  child  pressed  the  cord  close  by 
the  umbilicus  until  a  cotton  cord  as  thick  as  a  lead  pencil  was  procured  and  wrapped 
an.und  it  several  times.  In  the  meantime  the  abdomen  of  the  young  mother  was 
manipulated  until  the  placenta  passed.  It  was  held  by  the  umbilical  cord  and  hastily 
taken  from  under  the  blanket  on  the  left  side,  dropped  into  a  bowl,  and  carried 
from  the  house  by  the  girl's  maternal  grandmother,  who  deposited  it  in  the  river 
with  a  prayer  that  the  young  mother  might  be  blessed  witli  many  children.  While 
this  was  happening  the  mother  bit  upon  a  white  pebble,  that  the  child's  teeth 
might  be  strong  and  white.     There  seemed  to  he  no  evidence  of  life  in  the  child  for 

"Though  it  is  the  aim  o£  each  doctress  present  at  childbirth  to  bring  the  child  into  the  world  in 
onlcT  that  if  it  lie  ii  tiny,  lie  will  enter  the  ki'wi'sine  of  her  husband,  there  is  no  evidence  of  unfair- 
ness toward  one  another. 


stkvknson]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  299 

an  hour  after  birth,  still  the  doctvesses  and  the  paternal  grandmother  of  the  girl 
never  ceased  their  efforts  to  produce  respiration  by  pressing  the  nostrils,  blowing 
into  the  mouth,  manipulating  the  chest,  and  moving  the  arms,  held  outward  and 
above  the  head.  Warm  clothes  were  kept  around  the  body  and  over  the  head. 
There  was  great  rejoicing  when  the  faintest  sign  of  life  was  discovered,  but  it  was 
fully  another  hour  before  respiration  was  such  as  to  give  real  hope  of  life  for  the 
child.  The  writer  was  surprised  at  the  success  of  these  patient  efforts,  as  the  case 
seemed  to  be  a  hopeless  one.  When  no  further  anxiety  was  felt  for  the  little  one. 
the  doctress  called  for  pifion  gum  which  had  been  boiled  and,  chewing  it  until  it 
was  white  and  pliable,  mixed  mutton  grease  with  it,  and  then  the  paternal  grand- 
mother of  the  girl  rubbed  it  on  the  stone  floor  until  she  produced  a  roll  one- 
half  inch  in  diameter  and  about  4  inches  long.  A  blanket  was  now  folded  over 
the  upturned  feet  and  the  extended  legs  of  the  doctress,  wdio  laid  the  child  upon 
the  blanket,  its  head  resting  against  her  feet.  Opening  the  wrappings  about  the 
child,  she  raised  the  umbilical  cord,  which  was  about  2J  inches  long  and  heavily 
wrapped  with  the  cotton  cord  previously  referred  to,  and  encircled  the  umbilicus 
with  the  roll  of  pifion  gum;  then  fluffing  some  carded  wool  and  making  an  open- 
ing in  the  center,  she  drew  the  wrapped  umbilical  cord  through,  patting  the  wool 
over  the  pifion  gum.  This  dressing,  which  was  very  clumsy,  protruded  more  than 
an  inch.  The  abdomen  was  covered  with  a  bit  of  soiled  cotton  cloth,  laid  on  warm, 
and  the  child's  head  was  kept  covered  with  a  warm  cloth.  The  paternal  grand- 
mother of  the  infant  now  dropped  water  upon  its  scrotum,  and  the  doctress  rubbed 
it  over  the  parts,  manipulating  the  penis  until  its  form  could  be  seen.  The  child's 
nose  was  frequently  pinched,  and  the  mouth  and  eyes  were  delicately  manipulated. 
The  latter  when  closed  resembled  the  eyes  of  a  frog,  the  lids  protruding  to  a  remark- 
aide  degree.  The  child's  arms  were  now  placed  by  its  side  and  it  was  wrapped  in  a 
piece  of  cotton  cloth  and  a  tiny  blanket,  and  these  were  held  in  place  by  strings 
of  yucca  over  the  shoulders,  breast,  and  lower  portion  of  the  legs.  The  child  was 
then  laid  upon  a  folded  blanket.  Meantime  the  young  mother  stood  unassisted 
over  the  urinal,  wrapped  her  belt  around  her  to  hold  in  place  a  heated  stone,  and 
took  her  seat  on  the  ledge.  Two  women  removed  the  sheepskin  on  which 
was  a  pool  of  the  lochial  discharge;  this  the  maternal  grandmother  covered  with 
sand,  and  the  sand  was  then  swept  into  a  cloth  and  carried  out.  The  girl  then  drank 
a  cup  of  commercial  tea  without  sugar,"  which  she  enjoyed.  After  the  young  mother 
had  taken  this  nourishment  the  father-in-law  and  mother-in-law  brought  a  quantity 
of  damp  sand  and  deposited  it  upon  the  floor.  One  of  the  doctresses  divided  the 
sand  into  two  portions,  placed  a  hot  stone  slab  under  one  portion  and  another  slab 
on  top  of  the  sand,  and  worked  the  sand  about  the  stones  until  it  was  thoroughly 
dry  and  heated,  when  she  removed  the  stones  and  placed  them  with  the  other  part 
of  the  sand,  which  was  heated  in  the  same  manner.  The  second  portion  of  sand  was 
made  into  a  circular  mound,  in  which  an  elliptic  depression  was  formed  and  made 
perfectly  smooth.  A  circular  depression  to  fit  the  child's  head  was  made  west  of  the 
ellipse,  and  a  ridge  of  sand  was  raised  between  the  two  depressions  to  support  the 
child's  neck.  Over  the  sand  a  heated  cloth  was  laid.  At  this  time  much  disap- 
pointment was  felt  that  neither  of  the  ears  of  corn  which  were  brought  by  the 
mother-in-law  was  a  ya'pota  (perfect  ear).  One  ear  had  three  plumules,  symboliz- 
ing fecundity;  the  other  was  a  single  ear.  The  latter  t>  was  held,  pointing  upward, 
back  of  the  child's  head  by  the  mother-in-law,  who  also  held  the  child.  A  basket 
of  prayer  meal  was  deposited  at  the  head  of  the  sand  bed  by  the  doctress  who 
received  the  child  into  the  world,  and  the  latter  offered  a  long  prayer  to  A'wona- 

a  There  is  great  prejudice  against  the  use  of  sugar  at  such  times.  The  Zuiii  doctors  forbid  the 
sweetening  of  tea  or  coffee. 

b  For  a  boy  the  single  ear  of  corn,  called  the  father,  is  used:  a  divided  one,  called  tiie  mother,  is 
placed  by  a  girl. 


300  THE    ZL'NI    INDIANS  [bth.akn.23 

wil'ona  tor  long  life  and  health  to  the  child."  After  the  prayer  the  doctress  raised 
the  cotton  cloth  and  sprinkled  a  line  of  meal  from  east  to  west  over  the  sand  bed, 
symbolic  of  the  straight  path  the  child  must  follow  in  order  to  receive  the  blessings 
of  A'wonawil'ona  and  the  Sun  Father.  The  cloth  was  then  returned  to  its  place,  the 
child  was  laid  upon  the  bed,  and  the  single  ear  of  corn  was  placed  at  its  left  side. 
The  maternal  grandmother  covered  the  child  with  a  small  blanket,  which  was  a 
gift  from  herself.  The  doctress  then  struck  the  sides  and  ends  in  turn  of  a  quaint 
little  stool  against  the  floor  at  the  head  of  the  bed,  and  placed  it  finally  on  its  side 
.it  the  head  of  the  bed,  with  the  seat  next  to  the  bed.  An  Apache  basket  tray  was 
inverted  over  the  child's  head,  one  side  resting  on  the  edge  of  the  stool,  the  other 
on  the  blanket  covering,  so  as  to  raise  from  the  face  a  cotton  cloth  which  was  thrown 
over  the  head.  A  small  blanket  was  placed  over  the  cotton  covering.  An  occasional 
faint  sound  was  to  be  heard  from  the  infant,  which  caused  genuine  delight  to  the 
family  and  friends.  The  mother-in-law  next  proceeded  to  prepare  the  mother's 
bed  with  the  second  portion  of  sand,  first  heating  the  sand  in  the  manner  described. 
The  ear  of  corn  having  three  plumules  was  placed  to  the  left  of  the  bed,  and  when 
the  young  mother  took  her  seat  upon  her  bed,  a  bowl  of  mutton  stew,  a  basket  of 
mush  boiled  in  corn  husks,  and  a  basket  tray  of  wafer  bread  were  deposited  on  the 
floor  beside  her.  A  number  joined  in  the  meal,  none  eating  with  more  relish  than 
the  young  mother,  who  sat  up  an  hour  and  a  half.  During  the  meal  the  paternal 
grandfather  of  the  infant  came  from  the  inner  room.  At  this  moment  the  child 
gave  its  first  vigorous  cry,  which  delighted  all  present,  especially  the  grandfather. 
One  hour  after  the  birth  of  the  child  the  mother's  pulse  was  80.  At  the  first  peep 
of  the  sun  on  the  morning  following  the  birth,  the  doctress  who  delivered  the 
young  mother,  having  been  supplied  with  a  vase  of  warm  water,  a  gourd,  and  a 
ket  of  ashes,  proceeded  to  bathe  the  infant.  Dipping  a  gourd  of  water,  she 
filled  her  mouth,  and  pouring  the  water  from  her  mouth  over  the  head  of  the 
child,  washed  its  face  and  head,  rubbing  quite  vigorously,  after  which  ashes  were 
rubbed  over  the  face,  a  quantity  adhering  to  the  skin. ''  The  infant's  paternal 
grandmother  now  folded  a  blanket  and  laid  it  over  the  extended  legs  of  the  doctress, 
who  placed  the  infant  upon  the  blanket,  its  head  against  her  upturned  feet.  The 
doctress  sprinkled  the  breast  of  the  infant  with  water,  using  her  right  hand,  with  a 
prayer  for  long  life  and  health  of  the  child;  and,  dipping  her  hand  into  the  vase  of 
water,  she  proceeded  to  bathe  the  child.  After  the  bath  the  child's  entire  body  was 
rubbed  over  with  ashes.  The  cloth  which  had  previously  wrapped  the  infant  was 
changed  for  another,  which,  however,  was  neither  new  nor  clean.  A  blanket  that 
had  been  previously  warmed  by  the  fire  was  afterward  placed  around  the  child. 
The  young  mother  observed  the  bathing  and  wrapping  of  her  infant  with  gnat 
interest.  The  infant  was  next  laid  upon  a  fresh  sand  bed  prepared  by  the  pater- 
nal grandmother,  and  the  young  mother  walked  to  her  bed  and  lay  down,  while 
a  doctress  bathed  the  lacerated  perineum  with  warm  root  tea  and  afterward  sprin- 
kled the  affected  parts  with  a  powder,  •'  after  which  she  manipulated  the  abdomen 
for  thirty  minutes.  The  young  mother  then  sat  upon  the  ledge  by  the  tire  while 
a  fresh  sand  lied  was  prepared  for  her.  After  a  time  the  child  was  placed  to  the 
breast,  but  it  failed  to  get  nourishment,  though  it  made  persistent  effort.  The 
hot   juniper  tea   was   drunk   constantly   after  the   confinement   for  the   purpose  of 

"The  Zulus  believe  that  the  span  of  life  is  marked  out  at  birth,  This  belief,  however,  does  not 
prevent  their  incessant  prayers  t"  A/wonawil'ona  (the  supreme  power;  see  p.  22)  for  health  ami  a 
life. 

''The  Zuiiis  declare  that  in  four  days  from  the  putting  on  of  the  ashes  exfoliation  occurs  and  a  new 
skin  appears.  Ashes  are  used  throughout  Hie  first  year  to  render  the  face  and  other  parts  of  the  body 
depilous.    With  rare  exceptions,  these  people  are  depilous,  except  on  the  scalp. 

»'In  aggravated  cases  <>f  laceration  certain  mule  theurgists  are  called  in.  In  the  case  here  men- 
tioned the  parts  appeared  to  be  entirely  healed  alter  the  eighth  day.  The  tea  ami  powder  were  used 
only  four  days.    The  powder  secured  by  the  writer  was  not  of  sufficient  quantity  to  admit  an  analysis. 


Stevenson]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  301 

hastening  the  close  of  the  lochia!  discharge,  which  ceased  after  the  fourth  day. 
On  the  second  day,  October  22,  t he  pulse  of  the  mother  was  78.  Though  several 
efforts  were  made  through  the  day  to  nourish  the  child  from  the  mother,  the  milk 
did  not  appear.  On  the  23d  the  pulse  was  79.  Mother  and  child  were  doing  well. 
The  lacerated  perineum  was  much  improved.  The  same  treatment  was  continued. 
Though  the  feet  and  ankles  were  excessively  swollen  for  days  before  parturition, 
they  rapidly  returned  to  their  normal  condition  after  the  birth  of  the  child.  On 
the  24th  the  pulse  was  79.  Though  the  milk  came,  it  appeared  like  pus,  and  the 
child  refused  it.  The  infant  was  so  weak  from  lack  of  nourishment  that  the  writer 
prepared  condensed  milk,  upon  which  it  was  fed  for  some  days,  and  its  improve- 
ment was  marked.  On  the  25th  the  pulse  was  90.  The  infant  was  placed  to  the 
breast  several  times,  but  refused  the  milk.  At  the  first  light  of  day  on  the  26th, 
a  line  of  meal,  symbolic  of  the  path  of  life,  was  sprinkled  from  the  house  to  the 
point  where  the  child  was  to  observe  for  the  first  time  the  Sun  Father.  The  doc- 
tress  who  had  received  the  child  when  it  came  into  the  world,  accompanied  by  the 
young  mother  and  the  paternal  grandmother,  carried  the  infant,  with  the  ear  of 
corn  which  had  been  by  its  side  since  its  birth  held  close  to  its  head.  The  doctress 
stooped  and  held  the  child  to  face  east  while  she  offered  a  prayer  for  the  health  and 
happiness,  goodness  of  heart,  and  long  life  of  the  child.  At  sunrise  the  doctress 
dipped  up  several  gourdfuls  of  water  in  which  juniper  had  been  steeped  and  emptied 
it  into  a  bowl  near  the  fireplace;  then  the  paternal  great-grandmother  of  the  child 
pounded  yucca  root  and  handed  it  to  the  doctress,  who  made  suds  of  it  by  beating 
it  in  the  juniper  water.  As  the  bowl  became  filled  with  snowy  froth,  she  took  off 
the  suds,  putting  them  into  a  second  bowl,  and  when  this  bowl  was  filled,  the  suds 
were  warmed  with  hot  juniper  water.  The  paternal  grandmother  held  the  child 
until  the  doctress  had  removed  her  moccasins  and  was  seated  on  a  blanket  spread 
on  the  floor.  The  physician  held  the  infant,  its  head  to  the  east,  supporting  it  with 
the  left  hand.  The  great-grandmother  and  the  paternal  grandmother  stood  one  on 
each  side  of  the  bowl.  The  doctress  first  dipped  a  handful  of  suds,  and  then  the 
others  took  suds  with  their  right  hands.  The  young  mother  sat  on  the  ledge  near 
by,  but  took  no  part.  The  suds  were  held  while  the  doctress  offered  a  long  prayer 
to  A'wonawil'ona,  the  Sun  Father,  and  the  Earth  Mother,  that  all  blessings  might 
come  to  the  child.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  prayer  the  doctress  placed  the  suds 
she  held  on  the  top  of  the  child's  head,  and  then  the  other  two  patted  the  suds 
on  the  head;  and  the  head  was  then  held  over  the  b  wl  and  thoroughly  washed  by 
the  doctress.  Great  care  was  observed  in  bathing  the  eyes;  they  were  smoothed  over 
and  over,  and  the  nose  was  pinched  many  times.  A  blanket  was  folded  and  spread 
over  the  extended  legs  <  f  the  doctress,  in  the  manner  heretofore  described,  a  wad 
being  placed  before  the  upturned  feet  where  the  child's  head  was  to  rest.  The 
dressing  was  removed  from  the  umbilicus,  which  was  found  entirely  healed.  The 
child  was  then  bathed  from  a  bowl  containing  only  warm  juniper  water.  The  pater- 
nal grandmother  was  careful  to  warm  the  cloths  in  which  the  child  was  to  be 
wrapped.  Xothing  was  used  to  dry  the  child  aside  from  the  ashes  which  were 
rubbed  over  its  entire  body.  The  infant,  still  refusing  its  mother's  milk,  was  fed 
with  condensed  milk  from  a  spoon.  It  smacked  its  lips  with  satisfaction,  much  to 
the  delight  of  the  paternal  grandfather  and  the  others  present.  The  child  was 
then  held  by  the  grandmother,  while  the  doctress  worked  up  anew  the  yucca  suds. 
The  young  mother's  hair  was  loosed,  and  she  bent  her  head  over  the  bowl  while  the 
doctress,  the  mother-in-law,  and  the  latter's  mother  and  young  niece  dipped  suds 
with  their  right  hands  and  held  them  while  the  doctress  prayed.  After  the  prayer 
the  doctress  applied  to  the  head  the  suds  she  held,  and  the  others  did  the  same, 
after  which  the  doctress  thoroughly  washed  the  head  and  long  hair.  The  young 
mother  then  took  her  seat  while  the  doctress  removed  the  remainder  of  her  sand 
bed,  which  was  carried  in  a  blanket  to  the  far  end  of  the  room  and  deposited  in  a 


302  THK    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.asn.23 

heap.  The  doctress  afterward  placed  by  the  sand  heap  the  bowl  of  juniper  water, 
in  which  the  yucca  suds  had  been  deposited  to  bathe  the  infant,  and  proceeded  to 
bathe  the  young  mother,  who  was  now  at  the  other  end  of  the  room.  The  girl 
kept  on  her  camis,  which  soon  became  thoroughly  wet.  The  doctress  poured  water 
over  her  by  the  gourdful.  The  girl  washed  her  own  legs,  standing  while  she  did  so. 
Twenty  minutes  were  consumed  in  this  bath,  though  the  large  room,  except  near 
the  tire,  was  very  cold.  No  cloth  was  used  to  dry  the  body.  A  soiled  camis  was 
slipped  on  her  as  she  dropped  the  other,  and,  wrapping  a  heavy  blanket  around 
lu-rself,  the  young  mother  walked  over  the  cold  stone  floor  in  her  bare  feet,  which 
were  still  swollen,  and  took  her  seat  by  the  tire.  Within  twenty  minutes  after  the 
bath  the  mother's  pulse  was  82.  She  seemed  perfectly  well  and  declared  that  she 
felt  so.  An  excellent  meal  was  served,  but  the  grandfather  was  too  absorbed  to  leave 
his  work  of  attaching  buckskin  thongs  and  loops  to  the  new  cradle,  which  was  a 
present  from  the  paternal  uncle  Mauretio.  On  the  cradle,  just  where  the  head  of 
the  infant  should  rest,  was  a  perfectly  round  turquoise  of  excellent  color.  Inlaid 
below  and  close  to  the  neck  rest  were  three  turquoises.  When  the  cradle  was  com- 
pleted, the  child  was  strapped  to  it.  In  folding  the  wraps  around  the  child  care  was 
observed  first  to  bring  around  the  piece  of  cotton  from  the  right  side  of  the  child  so 
as  to  prevent  the  arms  from  coming  in  contact  with  the  body,  the  cloth  passing 
under  each  arm.  The  other  side  of  the  cloth  was  then  brought  over  both  arms. 
The  blanket  was  folded  around  and  tied  in  two  places.  On  the  27th  the  mother's 
pulse  was  82.  She  was  sitting  up,  dressed,  and  apparently  perfectly  well.  The 
infant  took  the  mother's  milk  for  the  first  time.  The  pulse  was  the  same  on  the 
28th  and  29th.  The  mother  was  up  and  sewing  on  the  29th,  and  the  child  took 
much  notice  and  appeared  brighter  and  more  observing  than  any  civilized  child  of 
the  same  age  known  to  the  writer. 

Another  obstetrical  case  observed  was  that  of  an  unmarried  girl  of  16.  She  received 
the  same  attentions  as  if  the  child  had  been  born  in  wedlock,  and  the  writer  did  not 
detect  any  difference  in  the  ceremonies  because  of  illegitimate  birth.  The  parents 
of  this  girl  were  dead.  The  relatives  with  whom  she  lived  were  very  tender  with  her, 
though  they  expressed  deep  regret  at  her  misconduct.  Her  brother,  who  was  an 
associate  shi'wanni  (rain  priest),  acted  kindly  toward  her  and  was  as  pleased  with  the 
infant  as  if  it  were  his  own.  This  girl  was  in  labor  twenty-four  hours,  but  most  of 
the  pains  were  slight  and  she  had  a  comparatively  easy  delivery.  Her  pulse  imme- 
diately after  the  birth  was  96.  During  the  day  following  her  confinement  she  sat 
up  for  two  hours.  She  had  no  dropsical  symptoms.  On  the  second  and  third  days 
after  confinement  her  pulse  was  96;  after  that  it  was  normal. 

The  worst  of  a  number  of  cases  of  laceration  observed  was  that  of  a  girl  about 
18  years  of  age  who  lived  at  a  farming  district  15  miles  from  Zufii.  The  infant, 
her  first  child,  was  strangled  by  the  umbilical  cord  at  its  birth,  which  occurred  on 
<  >ctober  18,  1896,  and  on  the  22d  the  father  of  the  young  mother  was  notified  that 
she  could  not  live.  On  the  23d  he  and  his  father,  Nai'uchi,  went  at  once  for  the  girl 
and  brought  her  to  Zufii  through  one  of  the  severest  rain  storms  of  the  season.  They 
traveled  in  a  covered  wagon  without  springs,  the  young  mother  lying  on  blankets 
spread  in  the  bed  of  the  wagon.  They  arrived  late  at  night,  and  in  the  morning 
Nai'uchi  made  an  examination  in  the  presence  of  the  writer.  The  patient  was  very 
low,  the  pulse  being  125.  The  perineum  was  terribly  lacerated  and  the  labia  majora 
were  swollen  to  enormous  size,  the  flesh  being  almost  black.  As  the  labia  majora 
were  depilous  the  condition  was  the  more  readily  observed.  Xai'uchi  pulled  off  the 
sloughs,  some  2  inches  in  length  and  as  thick  as  the  finger.  The  invalid  showed 
no  signs  of  suffering  at  this  time,  except  to  frown  as  the  diseased  flesh  was  removed. 
Tin-  writer  had  the  parts  bathed  in  a  solution  of  carbolic  acid,  five  drops  in  a  cup  of 
boiled  water,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  she  induced  the  doctress 
to  use  fresh  aseptic  gauze  instead  of  a  filthy  cloth  for  the  bathing.     Nai'uchi  sat 


stevenson]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  303 

beside  the  patient  and  deposited  fetishes  and  medicine  bags  in  a  basket  tray; 
after  bis  prayers  over  the  fetishes  and  the  medicines  lie  took  a  pinch  of  a  powder, 
and.  as  he  prayed,  ran  bis  Angers  that  held  the  powder  down  the  inner  side  of  the 
arm.  seeming  to  understand  that  the  blond  and  lymph  circulation  is  more  abundant 
on  the  inner  side  of  the  arm  and  therefore  more  easily  affected,  lie  afterward  held 
a  pinch  of  the  powder  to  each  shoulder  and  to  the  top  of  the  bead,  and  then  sprinkled 
what  be  held  sparingly  upon  the  parts  affected.''  On  the  25th  the  pulse  was  98,  and 
the  parts  appeared  to  lie  slightly  improved.  Applications  of  the  carbolic  acid  were 
made  morning  and  night  and  the  powder  was  afterward  sprinkled  on.  Although 
the  patient  was  very  ill,  it  was  with  difficulty  that  she  was  induced  to  remain  in  bed. 
On  the  26th  the  pulse  of  the  patient  was  102.  The  affected  parts  were  slightly 
improved.  The  treatment  of  Nai'uchi  and  the  writer  was  continued.  The  patient 
was  anxious  to  get  up,  though  still  very  ill.  On  the  27th  the  pulse  was  98.  The 
parts  continued  to  improve,  though  the  right  side  was  still  considerably  swollen  and 
discolored.  The  improvement  of  the  patient  seemed  remarkable.  The  same  treat- 
ment was  continued.  On  the  28th  the  pulse  was  113,  but  nearly  all  the  swelling  of 
the  labia  majora  had  disappeared.  The  patient  sat  up  and  claimed  to  feel  quite 
well.  The  same  treatment  was  continued,  and  on  the  29th  the  pulse  was  98.  The 
parts  were  almost  normal  in  size,  and  there  was  no  appearance  of  sloughing.  The 
treatment  was  continued,  and  on  the  30th  the  pulse  was  90  and  the  parts  had  become 
normal  in  size.  On  the  31st  the  pulse  was  78,  and  the  parts  appeared  perfectly  healthy. 
The  patient  was  up  and  at  work,  sweeping  the  floor  with  a  native  broom  which  com- 
pelled her  to  bend  almost  double.  At  this  time  treatment  ceased,  and  a  few  days 
later  the  patient  was  going  about  everywhere.  She  went  with  bare  feet  and  legs, 
giving  no  thought  to  protecting  herself  from  the  rain  or  the  cold.  She  performed 
all  her  duties  and  declared  that  she  was  perfectly  well  and  strong.  The  only  evi- 
dence of  delicate  health  was  extreme  pallor  which  continued  until  the  writer  left 
Zuni  in  January. 

PUBERTY    CUSTOMS 

With  the  Zutiis  marriage  usually  occurs  at  very  tender  3'ears,  girls 
frequently  marrying  two  years  before  reaching  puberty.  Should  one 
not  be  married  at  the  time  she  arrives  at  womanhood,  her  mother  goes 
to  the  house  of  the  paternal  grandmother  or,  if  the  grandmother  is 
not  living,  the  paternal  aunt,  and  informs  her  of  the  event.  The 
grandmother  returns  with  the  mother,  and  the  girl  accompanies  her 
grandmother  to  her  dwelling,  where  she  labors  hard  all  day  grinding 
corn.  AVhen  the  girl  returns  to  her  home  in  the  evening,  she  carries 
a  bowl  of  meat  stew  prepared  and  presented  by  the  paternal  grand- 
mother, who  returns  with  her  to  her  house.  The  belief  is  that  if  a 
girl  works  hard  at  the  dawn  of  her  womanhood  she  will  not  suffer  pain 
at  this  period:  but  should  she  be  idle  on  the  first  day,  she  will  always 
-utter  from  dysmenorrhea.  This  is  the  only  occasion  when  a  woman 
makes  a  point  of  exerting  herself  during  menstruation.  As  a  rule, 
the  women  walk  but  little  at  this  time.  They  are  not  expected  to 
bring  water  from  the  well.  This,  however,  is  not  due  to  any  particu- 
lar weakness  at  this  period,  though  the  women  do  suffer  to  some 
extent.     They  employ  themselves  with  indoor  work,  usually  weaving 

a  Dr  Washington  Matthews  suggests  that  this  powder  is  probably  a  mixture  of  pifion  gum  and  red 
ivillow.    It  was  certainly  a  most  effective  antiseptic. 


304  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ask.  23 

or  grinding,  and  sit  or  kneel  overheated  sand  that  is  spread  thickly 

mi  the  floor.  Their  robes  are  caught  up  around  their  waists  and 
blankets  are  fastened  around  their  shoulders,  falling-  loosely  to  the 
floor,  covering  all  the  sand.  This  custom  has  been  largely  discon- 
tinued since  the  writer  secured  the  confidence  of  the  women.  Extreme 
delicacy  is  observed  by  the  women  at  this  period.  A  heated  stone  is 
worn  in  the  belt  and  a  hot  juniper  tea  is  frequently  drunk.  The  menses 
usually  continue  four  days, but  in  some  cases  tbey  cease  at  the  expira- 
tion of  the  second  or  third  day.  The  Zuni  women  are  not  segregated 
during  this  period.  It  is  claimed  that  a  certain  root  tea,  which  is 
drunk  hot.  will  permanently  suspend  the  menses  at  the  expiration  of 
four  months.  For  two  months  the  flow  is  said  to  be  copious  and  of  a 
very  dark  color;  in  the  third  month  the  color  is  normal,  and  in  the 
fourth  month  the  discharge  is  almost  colorless.  This  root  is  kept  by 
certain  old  medicine  men  and  women,  who  carefully  guard  the  secret. 
that  the  young  women  may  not  procure  the  medicine  and  thereby  ren- 
der themselves  incapable  of  becoming  mothers.  Specimens  of  the 
root  referred  to  were  collected  during  the  summer  of  1904  and  are  now 
with  the  remainder  of  the  plant  collection  in  the  National  Museum. 

MARRIAGE    CUSTOMS 

The  marriage  ceremony  of  the  Zunis  is  very  simple.  When  a  man 
is  pleased  with  a  girl,  he,  manages  to  meet  her  on  the  road  and  tell  her 
of  his  admiration,  asking  permission  to  go  to  her  house.  If  she  favors 
the  suitor,  she  replies:  "  Wait  until  I  speak  to  my  father  and  mother." 
Another  day  he  meets  the  girl  and  inquires  what  the  father  and  mother 
have  said,  and  if  the  parents  are  willing,  he  accompanies  the  girl  to 
her  home.  The  mother  asks  him  to  be  seated  and  directs  her  daughter 
to  bring  food  and  place  it  on  the  floor  before  the  guest.  Should  the 
girl  hesitate  either  from  lack  of  interest  in  the  man  or  from  love  of 
coquetry  (for  the  Zuni  maidens  are  all  coquettes),  she  is  admonished 
by  one  or  both  of  her  parents.  After  bringing  the  repast  the  girl 
takes  her  seat  facing  the  visitor.  While  he  eats,  the  parents  sit  on  one 
side  and  talk  to  the  man  about  the  duties  of  a  husband  to  a  wife. 
When  the  repast  is  finished,  the  father  calls  the  man  to  him,  the  wife 
sitting  by  the  husband's  side:  the  girl  remains  on  the  other  side  of  the 
room.  The  father  says:  "  You  are  about  to  marry  my  daughter.  You 
must  work  hard;  you  must  watch  the  sheep  and  help  to  cut  the  wood 
and  plant  grain  and  cut  it."  The  mother  tells  him  he  is  to  be  kind 
and  good  to  his  wife.  He  remains  at  the  house  five  nights,  sleeping- 
alone  outside  the  general  living  room,  working  for  the  family  during 
the  day.  The  sixth  morning  he  goes  to  his  parents'  house.  They 
inquire  where  he  has  been,  and  when  he  tells  them,  they  ask  if  the 
girl's  parents  are  willing.  If  they  themselves  are  pleased  with  the 
match,  they  say,  "  It  is  well."    When  the  groom  returns  from  his  visit  to 


stbvenson]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  305 

his  parents  on  the  sixth  morning,  he  carries  a  dress  as  a  present  from 
his  mother  to  her  intended  daughter-in-law.  The  hride  receives  the 
dress  and  then  grinds  a  lot  of  corn  into  flour,  and  the  following  day 
the  groom  returns  to  his  mother's  house  in  company  with  the  bride, 
who  carries  the  meal  in  a  basket  on  her  head.  She  presents  it  to 
her  mother-in-law,  saying:  "Mother,  this  is  for  you."  The  mother 
says:  "My  child,  thanks;  he  seated."  She  then  hands  bread  and 
meat,  if  she  has  it,  to  the  girl,  who  sits  alone  while  she  eats.  She 
takes  hut  a  tew  mouthfnls.  Before  she  leaves  the  house,  the  father- 
in-law  folds  a  deerskin  and,  laying  it  before  her,  says:  "This  is  for 
your  moccasins."  The  girl  then  rises  and  places  upon  her  head  the 
basket  in  which  she  Drought  the  Hour,  which  has  been  tilled  with  wheat 
by  the  mother-in-law,  and  upon  which  the  folded  deerskin  is  laid,  and 
with  the  groom  returns  to  her  mother's  house,  where  they  make  their 
permanent  home."  The  couple  do  not  sleep  inside  the  living  room 
for  a  year  or  until  the  birth  of  the  first  child. 

The  Zuiiis  are  monogamists,  polygamy  being  looked  upon  with 
ahborrence,  but  divorce  is  quite  common.  The}-  would  rather  sepa- 
rate than  live  together  inharmoniously. 

MORTUARY   CUSTOMS 

The  Zuiiis  claim  that  they  always  buried  their  dead.  They  insist 
that  should  they  incinerate  the  bodies,  there  would  be  no  rain,  for 
their  dead,  are  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers).  Incineration,  they 
believe,  would  annihilate  the  being.  Infants  that  are  buried  with 
their  ears  uupierced  are  not  supposed  to  help  water  the  earth,  but 
are  believed  to  carry  baskets  of  toads  and  tadpoles  on  their  heads 
and  to  drop  them  to  the  earth  while  the  rain-makers  are  at  work;  and 
it  is  believed  that  they  must  wear  toads  attached  to  their  ears  instead 
of  turquoise  earrings.  It  is  looked  upon  as  a  misfortune  that  this 
should  occur,  and  an  infant's  ears  not  previously  pierced  are  therefore 
pierced  after  death. 

Immediately  after  death  the  body  is  placed  with  its  head  to  the 
east,  bathed  in  yucca  suds,  and  rubbed  over  with  corn  meal.  It  is 
then  dressed  in  the  best  clothes  available,  a  gash  being  cut  in  each 
garment  that  its  spirit  may  escape  to  serve  the  spirit  of  the  dead. 
The  body  is  next  wrapped  in  one  or  more  blankets  and  is  usually 
buried  soon  after  death.  There  are  more  elaborate  preparations  for  a 
deceased  rain  priest  and  other  officials. 

A  death  is  usually  announced  as  soon  as  it  occurs  by  a  woman  of  the 
immediate  family  to  a  member  of  the  clan  of  the  deceased  and  to  one 
of  the  elan  of  the  spouse,  and  they  in  turn  spread  the  news  among 

a  The  same  customs  are  followed  when  the  match  is  made  by  the  parents,  the  man  being  invited  by 
them  to  come  to  the  house.  The  more  progressive  Indian  takes  great  pride  in  providing  a  house  of 
his  own  for  his  family,  and  it  is  only  a  matter  of  time  when  the  family  groups  will  become  separated. 

23  eth— 04 20 


306  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

tlic  clans  and  intimates  of  the  family.  Unless  the  death  is  sudden 
the  fraternity  father  (see  Esoteric  fraternities)  of  the  deceased  has 
been  present  and  he  notifies  the  fraternity,  especially  the  fraternity 
children  of  the  deceased.  On  such  occasions  the  writer  has  never 
observed  other  members  of  a  fraternity  present  than  the  fraternity 
father  or  mother,  except  when  the  deceased  is  a  prominent  member 
of  the  tribe.  The  mourners  begin  arriving-  before  the  body  is  fully  pic- 
pared  for  the  grave,  and  as  each  woman  enters  she  looks  at  the  corpse 
and  at  once  sets  up  a  hideous  howl,  taking  a  seat  on  the  ledge  which 
extends  around  the  room.  The  howl  is  continuous,  except  when  the 
women  stop  from  exhaustion,  until  some  time  after  the  remains  are 
buried.  Members  of  the  immediate  family  of  the  dead  and  others 
connected  by  strong  ties  of  friendship  remain  quiet  during  the  funeral 
rites,  exhibiting  the  keenest  grief.  Sometimes  the  devoted  relatives 
linger  over  the  remains,  loth  to  have  the  dear  one  carried  away.  The 
bodies  of  distinguished  persons  lie  in  state  for  a  time,  in  order  that  those 
privileged  may  view  the  remains,  but  they  are  always  buried  within  a 
couple  of  hours.  Prayers  are  always  offered  by  all  present,  and  meal 
is  sprinkled  over  the  body.  The  body  is  seldom  accompanied  to  the 
grave  by  mourners.  The  less  prominent  people  occasionally  follow 
as  far  as  the  burial  ground  and  then  return,  leaving-  the  bearers  of  the 
corpse  to  g-o  alone  to  the  grave.  Interment  is  a  disagreeable  dutj'  and 
is  concluded  as  soon  as  possible.  Having-  been  compelled  during  the 
Spanish  conquest  to  bury  their  dead  in  the  churchyard,  this  place 
became  sacred  to  the  Zunis,  and  they  have  continued  to  use  it  as  a 
burial  place  in  order  that  they  may  not  be  separated  from  their  own. 
They  adhere  also  to  the  old  custom  of  placing  the  men  on  the  south 
side  of  the  burial  grounds  and  the  women  on  the  north,  with  their 
heads  to -the  east.  The  churchyard  is  so  packed  with  bodies  that  when 
a  grave  is  dug  the  bones  thrown  out  seem  as  abundant  as  the  soil. 
The  immediate  male  members  of  the  family,  not  including  the  husband 
or  father,  dig  the  grave,  which  is  not  more  than  5  or  6  feet  deep, 
and  bury  the  dead.  The  numerous  objects  of  art  found  in  graves  on 
prehistoric  sites  show  that  in  the  past  it  was  customary  to  bury  valued 
possessions  with  the  dead,  but  this  is  not  done  at  present,  although 
occasionally  one  or  two  trifling-  articles  are  placed  in  the  grave. 

After  the  burial  of  a  husband  or  a  wife  the  body  of  the  surviving 
spouse  is  bathed  by  female  relatives.  There  must  be  but  little  fire 
in  the  fireplace  at  the  time,  however  cold  the  weather.  If  the  sur- 
vivor is  a  man,  he  is  nude,  except  a  cover  over  the  loins;  a  woman 
wears  her  camis.  The  head  is  washed  first.  Several  women  stand  about 
a  bowl  of  yucca  suds  and  each  one  dips  a  handful;  when  all  are  sup- 
plied, each  woman  places  the  suds  on  the  head,  then  one  of  them  thor- 
oughly washes  it.     Afterward  the  spouse  is  led  to  the  under  side  of  a 


STEVENSON]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  307 

ladder,  which  passes  through  the  hatchway  of  the  room,  and  his  entire 
body  is  bathed  in  cold  water. 

If  the  burial  occurs  sufficiently  early  for  the  Sun  Father  in  his 
journey  over  the  world  to  receive  the  prayers  wafted  from  the 
plumes,  the  immediate  members  of  the  family  go  a  short  distance 
west  of  the  village,  by  the  river  bank,  and  make  an  excavation,  in 
which  the  extra  clothing  and  other  belongings  of  the  deceased  are 
deposited.  Nearly  all  the  objects  belonging  to  the  dead  are  either 
destroyed  or  buried.  If  the  deceased  is  a  member  of  the  Ko'tikili 
(mvthologic)  fraternity,  the  mask  received  at  voluntary  initiation  into 
this  organization  is  heavily  sprinkled  with  meal  and  buried,  with 
prayers,  in  a  small  excavation  made  near  the  large  one.  A  third 
excavation,  about  13  inches  square  and  the  same  in  depth,  is  afterward 
made  near  the  river,  and  te'likinawe,  prepared  by  a  male  member  of 
the  family,  of  which  each  adult  has  four  and  the  children  one  or  two, 
are  planted  in  this  excavation,  the  hands  of  the  infants  being  guided  by 
their  mothers.  After  the  plumes  are  placed,  all  sprinkle  meal  upon 
them,  and  on  the  following  day  the  excavation  is  filled  with  earth. 
After  returning  to  the  house  all  except  the  infants  take  from  one  to 
three  large  gourdfuls  of  warm  water  as  an  emetic  for  their  physical 
purification. 

It  is  believed  that  the  ghost  hovers  about  the  village  four  nights 
after  death  and  starts  on  its  journey  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  (abiding  place 
of  the  Council  of  the  Gods)  on  the  fifth  morning.  During  the  spirit's 
stay  in  the  village  the  door  and  hatchwaj^  of  the  house  must  be  left 
ajar  that  it  may  pass  in  and  out  at  will;  should  the  door  be  closed,  the 
ghost  would  scratch  upon  it  and  not  be  satisfied  until  it  was  opened. 
These  shadow  beings  can  be  observed  by  seers  and  by  others  under 
certain  conditions. 

A  shi'wanni  (rain  priest)  related  the  following: 

Once  when  the  'Hle'wekwe  (sword  swallowers)  held  their  ceremonies  at  my  house 
(the  ceremonial  chamber  of  this  fraternity  happens  to  be  in  the  dwelling  of  this  rain 
priest  |.  the  sword  swallowed  by  one  of  the  women  must  have  touched  her  heart,  as 
the  blood  came  so  fast.  We  laid  her  on  the  roof  of  the  house  and  endeavored  to 
stop  the  flow,  but  we  could  not,  and  in  a  little  while  she  died.  Her  spirit  troubled 
us  so  much  with  rapping  that  we  placed  live  coals  in  the  center  of  the  room  and 
added  piiion  gum;  the  room  was  soon  filled  with  smoke,  which  effectually  rid  us  of 
the  spirit." 

Parents  or  sisters  of  a  deceased  person  sleep  at  the  side  of  the 
surviving  spouse  during  the  four  nights  that  the  spirit  is  supposed  to 
remain  in  Zuni.  A  grain  of  black  corn  and  a  bit  of  charcoal  are  put 
under  the  head  of  the  mourner  to  insure  against  dreaming  of  the  lost 
one,  whose  ghost  would  appear  should  the  sleeper  awake. 

'When  a  husband  or  wife  belonging  to  the  Ant  fraternity  dies  the 

a  The  Chinese  go  through  their  houses  after  sunset  with  firebrands  to  drive  out  evil  spirits. 


308  THK    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ask.  23 

survivor,  accompanied  by  the  father  or  brother,  goes  the  morning 
following  the  death  over  the  southern  road  to  an  ant-hill,  and  stand- 
ing before  it  facing  west,  sprinkles  prayer  meal.  The  mourner  then 
steps  over  the  ant-hill,  putting  the  left  foot  first,  and  starts  for  his 
home,  and  a  relative  obliterates  the  ant-hill  with  his  feet.  The  spirit 
is  fed  each  day  with  food  thrown  into  the  tire,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  fifth  day.  when  the  spirit  starts  on  its  journey  to  Ko'thluwala'wa, 
a  large  howl  of  different  kinds  of  food  is  cast  into  the  fire  for  its  use 
during  the  journey  of  two  days  and  nights.  Upon  reaching  the  lake, 
in  the  depths  of  which  is  Ko'thluwala'wa.  the  spirit  descends  the  mystic 
ladder  to  meet  the  Council  of  the  Gods,  and  thence  passes  on  to  the 
undermost  world,  the  place  of  Zufii  nativity.  There  are  mediums 
who  have  seen  the  deceased  Zufii  dancing  in  Ko'thluwala'wa.  The 
exhibition  of  grief  of  a  parent  over  a  child  or  of  a  husband  or  wife 
over  the  deceased  partner  is  touching  in  the  extreme.  One  scene 
observed  by  the  writer  was  particularly  affecting.  A  girl  wife  had 
just  died.  The  body  lay  wrapped  in  a  blanket  on  the  floor,  the  head 
to  the  east,  a  piece  of  white  cotton  cloth  spread  over  the  face.  The 
young  husband  sat  by  the  head,  on  the  right  side  of  the  corpse;  the 
mother  sat  on  the  opposite  side,  and  the  father  by  the  side  of  his  wife. 
The  nearer  friends  were  silently  weeping,  while  others  crowded  the 
room  keeping  up  a  continuous  howl.  The  young  husband  raised  the 
covering  from  the  head,  placed  his  cheek  against  that  of  his  dead  wife, 
and  throwing  his  arms  over  the  body  murmured  lamentations.  Every 
little  while  the  sobbing  mother  caressed  the  cheek  of  her  dead  child. 
and  the  father's  bent  form  completed  the  picture  of  abject  despair. 

The  body  of  a  woman  of  one  of  the  poorer  families  was  brought 
from  Nutria,  a  farming  district  25  miles  distant,  wrapped  in  a  blanket 
secured  here  and  there  with  yucca  strings.  In  less  than  an  hour  after 
the  body  reached  the  house,  the  son  and  grandson  of  the  deceased  pro- 
ceeded with  hoe  and  spade  to  dig  the  grave.  Previously,  however, 
tin'  daughter-in-law  of  the  deceased  had  made  a  tire  of  chips  in  the  tire- 
place  of  the  room  in  which  the  remains  lay  and  had  brought  from  an 
inner  room  a  basket  containing  four  large  cakes  of  bread,  a  large  fold 
of  wafer  bread,  four  ears  of  corn,  a  quantity  of  dried  peaches,  and 
some  unground  wheat.  The  cakes  were  first  laid  on  the  pyre,  and  the 
wafer  bread  added,  then  the  ears  of  corn  were  stuck  about,  and  the 
peaches  and  wheat  were  thrown  over  all.  The  daughter-in-law  then 
made  yucca  suds  in  a  large  bowl  near  the  head  of  the  corpse,  and  the 
husband  of  the  deceased  untied  the  yucca  knots  in  the  blanket.  When 
the  blanket  was  opened  a  fresh  outburst  of  grief  was  heard.  Such 
relatives  and  friends  as  were  present  remained  while  the  body  was 
being  prepared  for  burial.  The  daughter-in-law  covered  the  head 
and   face  with  yucca  suds."     Then   the  hair  was  loosed  and   washed 

"The  root  of  yucca  glauca  is  employed  to  make  the  suds. 


stevensos]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  309 

thoroughly;  the  eyes  wore  closed,  but  the  mouth  was  left  open.  The 
face  was  much  swollen  and  nearly  black,  though  death  had  occurred 
but  six  hours  before,  and  the  day  was  cool  for  Jul  v."  There  was  a 
clot  of  blood  about  an  inch  in  diameter  upon  the  forehead,  caused, 
they  said,  by  a  lancet  wound.  The  mouth  was  also  covered  with 
blood.  After  the  face  and  head  had  been  washed  they  were  covered 
with  meal  by  the  daughter-in-law,  who  tore  off  the  calico  garment, 
leaving  the  camis.  She  then  passed  her  hand  under  the  caniis  and 
rubbed  meal  over  the  loins,  and  proceeded  to  wash  the  entire  body, 
going  down  from  the  neck.  No  cloth  was  used  for  drying  the  body, 
and  the  loins  were  bathed  by  rubbing  with  the  dampened  camis. 
The  body,  which  was  not  swollen,  was  then  covered  with  meal,  not 
sprinkled,  but  rubbed  on.  At  one  time  the  husband  requested  that 
the  camis  be  brought  up  a  little  so  as  not  to  expose  so  much  of  the 
body;  extreme  modesty  was  observed  throughout.  The  soles  of  the 
feet,  which  were  very  dirty,  were  cleansed  with  a  corncob  in  addition 
to  the  suds.  When  there  was  the  slightest  indication  of  discharge  at 
the  mouth,  corn  meal  was  laid  heavily  on  the  face.  One  of  the  women 
scattered  a  quantity  of  dry  sand  b}r  the  side  of  the  corpse  to  catch  the 
water  with  which  it  was  bathed.  Two  small  locks  of  hair  were  cut 
from  the  head  of  the  corpse  and  laid  separately  in  a  niche  in  the  wall. 
A  superstition  exists  that  if  a  person  takes  a  bit  of  hair  of  a  deceased 
friend,  burns  it,  and  inhales  the  smoke  he  will  have  good  health 
and  not  die.  but  go  to  sleep  and  thus  pass  on  to  Ko'thluwala'wa. 
After  the  bod}'  was  bathed  the  daughter-in-law  and  her  assistant 
proceeded  to  dress  the  corpse  amidst  the  greatest  weeping  and  wailing. 
Holding  the  head  and  feet,  they  moved  the  bodjT  to  one  side,  out 
of  the  water,  after  which  they  put  on  a  calico  shirt,  a  cotton  under 
garment,  a  woolen  dress,  and  a  belt;  then  the  rest  of  the  basket  of 
meal  was  scattered  over  the  face.  The  knit  blue  leggings  were  put  on 
last,  and  the"  body  was  again  moved.  A  blanket  was  spread  diagonally 
on  the  floor;  several  yards  of  red  calico  and  white  cotton  were  placed 
upon  this,  and  over  these  a  white  cotton  camis  was  laid;  the  body 
was  then  lifted  and  laid  on  the  camis  and  covered  by  folding  the 
fabrics  over  it.  The  daughter-in-law,  who  apparently  first  thought  of 
placing  a  pair  of  knit  shoes  on  the  feet,  laid  them  beside  the  corpse. 
As  soon  as  this  was  done,  the  blanket  being  left  slightly  open  at  the 
head,  all  hands  dipped  meal  from  a  small  bowl  and  sprinkled  it 
through  the  opening  upon  the  face,  the  youngest  child  being  led  by 
the  grandfather  to  perform  this  rite. 

As  soon  as  the  son  and  the  grandson  returned  from  preparing  the 
grave,  they  also  sprinkled  meal  through  the  opening  in  the  blanket. 
The  son  then  proceeded  to  close  the  opening  with  two  yucca  strings, 

a  All  that  could  be  learned  about  the  cause  of  death  was  that  the  woman  died  from  vomiting. 


310  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  an.n.23 

and  the  two  young  men  carried  the  bod}-  to  the  grave.  The  burden 
was  so  heavy  that  I  be  bearers  were  compelled  to  stop  and  let  it  rest  on 
the  ground  for  a  few  moments.  The  head  was  laid  to  the  east  in  the 
grave;  then  the  blanket  was  opened  and  earth  was  thrown  in.  No  one 
accompanied  the  bearers  to  the  grave,  and  only  a  few  outside  of  the 
immediate  family  visited  the  house  before  the  body  was  removed. 
The  eldest  grandchild,  a  girl  of  12  years,  had  to  be  sent  for.  She 
seemed  much  afraid  at  first,  but  her  grief  appeared  to  allay  her  fears, 
and  the  picture  of  the  grandfather  bowed  with  grief  with  the  two 
little  girls  and  a  boy,  the  latter  being  about  five  years  of  age,  clasped 
in  his  arms  was  one  not  soon  to  be  forgotten.  The  only  men  present 
at  an}'  time  were  the  husband,  the  son,  and  the  grandson.  After  the 
body  was  buried  the  husband,  quite  prostrated  from  grief,  was  com- 
pelled to  lie  down.  The  other  members  of  the  family  had  their  fore- 
locks and  hands  bathed  in  yucca  suds,  and  when  the  husband  recovered 
.sufficiently  he  was  also  bathed.  His  elder  female  relatives  were  most 
sympathetic  and  devoted  to  him,  one  woman  holding  his  head  in  her 
arms.  The  daughter-in-law  proceeded  with  hoe  and  native  broom  to 
remove  the  earth  which  had  been  placed  on  the  floor  to  catch  the 
water  used  in  bathing  the  corpse.  She  first  threw  more  earth  upon 
that  which  was  wet  and  then  scraped  all  together,  putting  it  into  a 
cast-off'  blanket.  She  was  careful  to  scrape  every  particle  of  earth 
from  the  stone  floor,  taking  great  pains  to  get  it  from  the  crevices; 
not  an  atom  was  allowed  to  remain. 

A  death  which  caused  universal  regret  and  distress  in  Zuiii  was  that 
of  We'wha,  undoubtedly  the  most  remarkable  member  of  the  tribe. 
This  person  was  a  man  wearing  woman's  dress,  and  so  carefully  was 
his  sex  concealed  that  for  years  the  writer  believed  him  to  be  a  woman. 
Some  declared  him  to  be  an  hermaphrodite,  but  the  writer  gave  no 
credence  to  the  story,  and  continued  to  regard  We'wha  as  a  woman: 
and  as  he  was  always  referred  to  by  the  tribe  as  "she" — it  being  their 
custom  to  speak  of  men  who  don  woman's  dress  as  if  they  were 
women — and  as  the  writer  could  never  think  of  her  faithful  and 
devoted  friend  in  any  other  light,  she  will  continue  to  use  the  femi- 
nine gender  when  referring  to  We'wha.  She  was  perhaps  the  tallest 
person  in  Zufii;  certainly  the  strongest,  both  mentally  and  physically. 
Her  skin  was  much  like  that  of  the  Chinese  in  color,  many  of  the 
Zufiis  having  this  complexion.  During  six  months'  stay  in  Washing- 
ton she  became  several  shades  lighter.  She  bad  a  good  memory,  not 
only  for  the  lore  of  her  people,  but  for  all  that  she  heard  of  the  outside 
world.  She  spoke  only  a  few  words  of  English  before  coming  to 
Washington,  but  acquired  the  language  with  remarkable  rapidity,  and 
was  soon  able  to  join  in  conversation.  She  possessed  an  indomitable 
will  and  an  insatiable  thirst  for  knowledge.  Her  likes  and  dislikes 
were  intense.     She  would  risk  anything  to  serve  those  she  loved,  but 


stevensonJ      '  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  311 

toward  those  who  crossed  her  path  she  was  vindictive.  Though  severe 
she  was  considered  just.  At  an  early  age  she  lost  her  parents  and  was 
adopted  by  a  sister  of  her  father.  She  belonged  to  the  Radge r  clan. 
her  foster  mother  belonging  to  the  Dogwood  clan.  Owing  to  her 
bright  mind  and  excellent  memory,  she  was  called  upon  by  her  own 
clan  and  also  by  the  clans  of  her  foster  mother  and  father  when  a  long 
prayer  had  to  be  repeated  Or  a  grace  was  to  be  ottered  over  a  feast. 
In  fact  she  was  the  chief  personage  on  many  occasions.  On  account 
of  her  physical  strength  all  the  household  work  requiring  great  exer- 
tion was  left  for  her,  and  while  she  most  willingly  took  the  harder 
work  from  others  of  the  family,  she  would  not  permit  idleness;  all 
had  to  labor  or  receive  an  upbraiding  from  We'wha,  and  nothing  was 
more  dreaded  than  a  scolding  from  her. 

In  the  fall  of  1896  a  Sha'lako  god  was  entertained  at  her  home. 
Although  at  this  time  We'wha  was  suffering  from  valvular  heart 
disease,  she  did  most  of  the  work,  including  the  laying  of  a  stone  floor 
in  the  large  room  where  the  ceremonial  was  to  occur.  She  labored 
early  and  late  so  hard  that  when  the  time  came  for  holding  the  ceremony 
she  was  unable  to  be  present.  From  this  time  she  was  listless  and 
remained  alone  as  much  as  possible,  though  she  made  no  complaint  of 
illness.  When  a  week  or  more  had  passed  after  the  close  of  the  great 
autumn  ceremonial  of  the  Sha'lako,  and  the  many  guests  had  departed, 
the  writer  dropped  in  at  sunset  to  the  spacious  room  in  the  house  of 
We'wha's  foster  father,  the  late  Jose  Palle.  We'wha  was  found 
crouching  on  the  ledge  by  the  fireplace.  That  a  great  change  had 
come  over  her  was  at  once  apparent.  Death  evidently  was  rapidly 
approaching.  She  had  done  her  last  work.  Only  a  few  days  before 
this  strong-minded,  generous-hearted  creature  had  labored  to  make 
ready  for  the  reception  of  her  gods;  now  she  was  preparing  to  go  to 
her  beloved  Ko'thluwala'wa.  When  the  writer  asked,  "Why  do  you 
not  lie  down?"  We'wha  replied:  "I  can  not  breathe  if  I  lie  down;  I 
think  my  heart  break."  The  writer  at  once  sent  to  her  camp  for 
a  comfortable  chair,  and  fixed  it  at  a  suitable  angle  for  the  invalid, 
who  was  most  grateful  for  the  attention.  There  was  little  to  be  done 
for  the  sufferer.  She  knew  that  she  was  soon  to  die  and  begged  the 
writer  not  to  leave  her. 

From  the  moment  her  family  realized  that  We'wha  was  in  a  serious 
condition  they  remained  with  her,  ever  ready  to  be  of  assistance.  The 
family  consisted  of  the  aged  foster  mother,  a  foster  brother,  two 
foster  sisters  with  their  husbands  and  children,  and  an  own  brother 
with  his  wife  and  children.  The  writer  never  before  observed  such 
attention  as  every  member  of  the  family  showed  her.  The  little 
children  ceased  their  play  and  stood  in  silence  close  to  their  mothers, 
occasionally  toddling  across  the  floor  to  beg  We'wha  to  speak.     She 


312  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ann.23 

smiled  upon  them  and  whispered,  "  I  can  not  talk."  The  foster  brother 
was  as  devoted  as  the  one  related  by  blood. 

During  two  days  the  family  hoped  against  hope.  Nai'uchi,  the 
great  theurgist.  eame  three  times  and  pretended  to  draw  from  the 
region  of  the  heart  bits  of  mutton,  declared  to  have  been  ''shot" 
there  by  a  witch  who  was  angry  with  We'wha  for  not  giving  her  a 
quarter  of  mutton  when  she  asked  for  it.  We'wha  appeared  relieved 
when  the  theurgist  left.  She  knew  that  she  was  dying  and  appeared 
to  desire  quiet.  After  Xai'uchi's  last  visit,  the  foster  brother,  with 
streaming  eyes,  prepared  te'likinavve  (praj'er  plumes)  for  the  dying, 
the  theurgist  having  said  that  her  moments  on  earth  were  few. 
We'wha  asked  the  writer  to  come  close  and  in  a  feeble  voice  she  said, 
in  English:  ''Mother,  I  am  going  to  the  other  world.  I  will  tell  the 
gods  of  you  and  Captain  Stevenson.  1  will  tell  them  of  Captain 
Carlisle,  the  great  seed  priest,"  and  his  wife,  whom  1  love.  They  are 
my  friends.  Tell  them  good-lyy.  Tell  all  my  friends  in  Washington 
good-by.  Tell  President  Cleveland,  my  friend,  good-by.  Mother, 
love  all  my  people;  protect  them;  they  are  your  children;  you  are 
their  mother."  These  sentences  were  spoken  with  many  breaks.  The 
family  seemed  somewhat  grieved  that  We'wha's  last  words  should  be 
given  to  the  writer,  but  she  understood  that  the  thoughts  of  the  dying- 
were  with  and  for  her  own  people.  A  good-by  was  said  to  the  others, 
and  she  asked  for  more  light. 

It  is  the  custom  for  a  member  of  the  family  to  hold  the  prayer 
plumes  near  the  mouth  of  the  dying  and  repeat  the  prayer,  but  this 
practice  was  not  observed  in  We'wha's  case.  She  requested  the  writer 
to  raise  the  back  of  the  chair,  and  when  this  was  done  she  asked  if  her 
prayer  plumes  had  been  made.  Her  foster  brother  answered  "Yes," 
whereupon  she  requested  him  to  bring  them.  The  family  suppressed 
their  sobs  that  the  dying  might  not  be  made  sad.  The  brother  offered 
to  hold  the  plumes  and  say  the  prayers,  but  We'wha  feebly  extended 
her  hand  for  them,  and  clasping  the  prayer  plumes  between  her  hands 
made  a  great  effort  to  speak.  She  said  but  a  few  words  and  then  sank 
hack  in  her  chair.  Again  the  brother  offered  to  hold  the  plumes  and 
pray,  but  once  more  she  refused.  Her  face  was  radiant  in  the  belief 
that  she  was  going  to  her  gods.  She  leaned  forwai-d  with  the  plumes 
tightly  clasped,  and  as  the  setting  sun  lighted  up  the  western  win- 
dows, darkness  and  desolation  entered  the  hearts  of  the  mourners,  for 
We'wha  was  dead. 

Blankets  were  spread  upon  the  floor  and  the  brothers  gently  laid  the 
lifeless  form  upon  them.  After  the  body  was  bathed  and  rubbed  with 
meal,  a  pair  of  white  cotton  trousers  were  drawn  over  the  legs,  the 

"Ai  the  time  of  We'wha's  visit  to  Washington  Hon.  John  G.  Carlisle  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  The  Speaker  and  Mrs  Carlisle  were  very  kind  to  We'wha.  and  upon  her  return  to 
Zuiii  she  found  a  e;reat  sack  of  seed  which  had  hccn  sent  hy  the  Speaker. 


Stevenson]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  313 

first  male  attire  she  had  worn  since  she  had  adopted  woman's  dress 
years  ago.  The  rest  of  her  dress  was  female.  The  body  was  dressed 
in  the  finest  clothing;  six  shawls  of  foreign  manufacture,  gifts  from 
Washington  friends,  besides  her  native  blanket  wraps,  and  a  white 
Hopi  blanket  bordered  in  red  and  blue,  were  wrapped  around  her. 
The  hair  was  done  up  with  the  greatest  care.  Three  silver  necklaces, 
with  turquoise  earrings  attached  and  numerous  bangles,  constituted 
the  jewels. 

We'wha's  death  was  regarded  as  a  calamity,  and  the  remains  lay  in 
state  for  an  hour  or  more,  during  which  time  not  only  members  of  the 
clans  to  which  she  was  allied,  but  the  rain  priests  and  theurgists  and 
many  others,  including  children,  viewed  them.  When  the  blanket 
was  finally  closed,  a  fresh  outburst  of  grief  was  heard,  and  then  all 
endeavored  to  suppress  their  sobs,  for  the  aged  foster  mother  had 
fallen  unconscious  to  the  floor.  The  two  brothers  carried  the  remains 
unattended  to  the  grave.  The  sisters  made  food  oft'ei'ings  to  the  fire. 
The  foster  brother  on  his  return  prepared  prayer  plumes  for  each 
member  of  the  immediate  family,  and  also  the  writer.  The  little  pro- 
cession, including  the  foster  mother,  who  had  recovered  sufficiently 
to  accompany  the  others,  then  made  its  wa}r  to  the  west  of  the  vil- 
lage and  on  the  river  bank  deposited  the  clothing,  mask,  and  prayer 
plumes  in  the  manner  heretofore  described.  Upon  the  return  to  the 
house  the  foster  mother  had  the  rest  of  We'wha's  possessions  brought 
together  that  they  might  be  destroyed.  All  her  cherished  gifts  from 
Washington  friends,  including  many  photographs,  were  brought  out; 
all  most  be  destroyed.  This  work  was  performed  by  the  mother,  who 
wept  continually.  All  was  sacrificed  but  pictures  of  Mr  and  Mrs 
Carlisle.  Mr  Stevenson,  and  the  writer.  These  were  left  in  their 
frames  on  the  wall.  AVith  another  outburst  of  grief  the  old  woman 
declared  the}'  must  remain,  saying:  "  We'wha  will  have  so  much  with 
her.  I  can  not  part  with  these.  I  must  keep  the  faces  of  those  who 
loved  We'wha  and  whom  she  loved  best.  I  must  keep  them  to  look 
upon." 

The  death  of  Nai'uchi,  rain  priest  of  the  Nadir,  and  for  many  years 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  occurred  during  the  writer's  visit  to  Zuni  in 
1904.  She  saw  Nai'uchi  but  once  after  her  arrival,  still  in  possession 
of  the  bright  mind  that  would  have  marked  him  as  a  superior  man  in 
any  community.  When  the  writer  called  upon  Nai'uchi  at  his  request 
two  days  previous  to  his  death,  which  occurred  June  26, 1904,  the  old 
man  held  her  hand  while  he  begged  her  to  remain  with  him:  "  I  have 
waited  and  waited  for  you:  you  will  not  leave  me;  you  will  remain  by 
me."  These  were  the  last  sentences  uttered  by  Nai'uchi.  Two  theur- 
gists of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  one  a  woman,  sat  by  the  pallet 
watching  the  patient with  the  keenest  anxiety.  Children,  grandchildren, 
and  others  dear  to  Nai'uchi  were  near  him.     The  writer  had  not  been 


Ml  4  THE    /INI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

long  present  when  she  observed  that  the  patient  appeared  to  be  suffer- 
ing in  one  or  both  of  his  extremities,  and  insisted  upon  exposing  the 
feet.  The  doctress  protested  against  uncovering  the  right  foot,  but 
\va>  quite  willing  for  the  left  foot  to  be  seen,  which  was  found  to 
be  much  swollen.  The  right  foot  was  bandaged.  It  was  learned  that 
it  had  been  lanced  by  the  doctress  some  days  before  to  relieve  the 
swelling  and  that  she  had  also  cut  the  scalp  and  "extracted  two  small 
green  peaches  which  had  been  shot  in  by  a  witch,"  and  had  applied 
the  powdered  wood  of  a  tree  that  had  been  struck  with  lightning  to 
relieve  Nai'uchi  from  an  attack  of  vertigo.  This  doctress  is  a  member 
of  the  Lightning  fraternity,  which  possesses  the  specific  for  relieving 
those  who  become  unconscious  and  fall.  The  writer  sent  at  once  for  the 
Government  physician,  and  when  he  arrived  not  only  the  theurgists, 
but  the  family  declared  that  it  was  the  left  foot,  not  the  right,  which 
troubled  the  patient,  but  the  doctor  insisted  upon  examining  the  right 
foot,  which  he  found  on  removing  the  bandage  to  be  ulcerated  to  the 
bone.  There  was  a  great  cry  when  he  consigned  the  filthy  wrappings 
to  the  (lames:  "They  should  be  kept  as  long  as  Nai'uchi  lived."  His 
death  on  the  same  evening  was  attributed  to  the  American  doctor's 
treatment  of  the  foot.  The  doctor,  wdio  diagnosed  Nai'uchi's  trouble 
as  Blight's  disease,  had  been  treating  him  for  weeks,  not  dreaming 
that  the  patient  was  never  permitted  to  take  a  drop  of  his  medicine, 
which  was  always  left,  with  instructions  for  administering  it,  in  the 
care  of  Nina,  the  granddaughter,  who  had  spent  years  at  the  Govern- 
ment school  atZuni,  and  who  has  a  remarkable  command  of  the  English 
language.  Nina,  who  has  all  the  cunning  of  the  Indian,  combined  with 
a  great  deal  absorbed  from  the  whites,  practiced  every  deception  upon 
the  doctor,  who  found  the  bottles  untouched  after  Nai'uchi's  death. 
Nina's  excuse  for  not  giving  the  medicine  was:  "  I  am  young  and  I 
could  not  do  that  to  which  my  elders  objected." 

When  only  the  two  theurgists  and  the  family  were  present,  the 
writer  managed  to  have  her  own  way  with  the  patient;  but  as  approach- 
ing death  became  more  evident,  several  other  doctresses  appeared  and 
took  seats  by  the  pallet  with  the  determination  that  their  ancient 
customs  should  not  be  interfered  with.  When  Nai'uchi  exhibited 
the  restlessness  which  comes  with  approaching  death,  a  doctress  crossed 
his  hands  under  the  blankets  and  held  them  firmly,  and  the  expression 
of  the  old  man's  face  told  plainly  the  suffering  he  endured,  which  was 
only  the  beginning  of  his  torture.  Ha'lian,  the  son,  prepared  a  mush 
of  white  corn  meal,  and  a  doctress  fed  it  to  the  dying  man  by  the 
spoonful.  With  each  dose  she  said:  "  Father,  take  this;  it  will  feed 
you  on  the  road."  lie  was  continually  stuffed  with  the  mush,  which 
he  swallowed  with  great  difficulty  until  too  far  gone  to  make  the  effort. 
The  doctress  then  held  the  nostrils  and  blew  into  the  mouth  until  it 
was  concluded  that  life  could  no  longer  be  prolonged:  then  another 


stevenson]  SOCIAL    CUSTOMS  315 

doctress  began  a  violent  kneading  of  the  stomach  to  assist  the  spirit 
to  free  itself  from  the  body,  and  still  another  doctress  and  Nina  began 
pressing  the  lips  and  eyelids.  It  was  horrible  to  observe  the  tortures 
inflicted  upon  the  dying  man.  who  struggled  for  breath.  The  writer 
was  powerless  to  contend  with  such  numbers  as  were  present.  •  Finally. 
seeing  an  Indian  who  was  visiting  the  pueblo  pass  the  house,  she 
hurried  him  for  the  physician,  who  came  in  time  to  aid  her  to  force  the 
torturers  away  by  his  stern  demeanor  and  physical  force,  and  the  last 
sparks  of  life  were  permitted  to  pass  quietly  away.  The  special  crock- 
ery used  by  Nai'uchi  was  broken  and  deposited  upon  the  coals  which 
were  afterwards  gathered  into  a  bowl  by  In'nocita,  a  stepdaughter  of 
Nai'uchi.  and  carried  out  and  set  close  beside  the  house,  and  upon 
returning  In'nocita  made  a  fresh  tire  and  threw  Nai'uchi's  war 
club  into  the  flames.  Then  Nina  brought  to  the  fireplace  a  vessel 
containing  pifion  gum  which  had  been  boiled;  taking  a  quantity  with 
a  spoon,  she  deposited  it  on  a  bit  of  wood  in  the  fireplace.  Ha'lian, 
Nai'uchi's  son,  lighted  the  gum  and  held  his  hands  over  the  smoke, 
and  then  rubbed  them  over  his  face  and  his  breast  that  he  might  not  be 
touched  by  the  spirit.  Others  were  meantime  preparing  the  remains 
for  burial.  The  body  was  stripped  of  its  clothes,  bathed,  and  rubbed 
with  meal.  A  pair  of  new  white  cotton  trousers  and  a  red  calico  shirt 
were  put  on  it.  It  is  usual  for  burial  clothes  to  be  new,  and  the  red 
calico  for  the  present  occasion  was  selected  because  of  Nai'uchi's  fond- 
ness for  that  color.  A  lock  of  hair  was  cut  from  the  head  and  laid 
away.  Four  blankets,  two  black  and  two  red,  gifts  of  the  son,  the 
son-in-law,  and  the  writer,  were  placed  one  upon  the  other,  first  a 
black  one,  then  the  red  ones,  and  again  a  black  one,  the  gift  of  the 
writer,  which  was  placed  next  to  the  remains  as  an  expression  of 
Nai'uchi's  close  ties  with  her.  A  corner  of  the  blanket,  which  was 
placed  within  2  feet  of  the  north  ledge  of  the  room,  pointed  to  the 
east.  The  body  was  lifted  and  gentl}T  laid  upon  the  blankets,  the  head 
sufficiently  far  from  the  corner  to  admit  of  the  blanket  being  turned 
over  the  face.  Ha'lian  and  Nai'uchi's  nephew  measured  the  corpse 
for  the  grave  by  extending  a  rope  by  the  side  of  it.  They  then  went 
in  company  with  another  man  to  dig  the  grave,  which  required  but  a 
short  time. 

Me'she.  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  came  in  after  Nai'uchi  was 
prepared  for  the  grave  and  tied  his  warrior's  wristlet  on  his  right 
wrist  and  arranged  his  beads  around  his  neck.  It  was  most  affecting 
to  see  Me'she  kneeling  beside  the  remains  of  the  man  with  whom  he 
had  been  intimately  associated  for  years.  The  associate  rain  priests 
of  the  Nadir  gathered  around  the  head  of  their  beloved  late  superior, 
sitting  perfectly  still  while  men,  women,  and  children  sprinkled  meal 
on  the  remains  and  prayed.  It  was  necessary  for  the  daughter  to  be 
supported  while  she  stood  by  the  remains.  The  blind  grandson,  too, 
was  led  to  the  body  of  the  grandfather,  who  had  ever  been  devoted  to 


316  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [BTH.  ANN.  23 

hi  in.  and  ir  was  distressing  to  observe  this  poor  afflicted  man  sitting  apart 
from  tin'  others,  overwhelmed  in  his  silent  grief.  The  stepdaughter 
was  almost  beside  herself  with  grief,  while  Ha'lian  struggled  to  keep 
hack  the  tears  which  he  deemed  Unmanly.  Nina  was  the  only  member 
of  the  family  who  showed  little  feeling;  she  busied  herself  ironing  the 
clothing  of  strange  Americans  until  the  last  moments  of  Nai'uchi's 
life,  when  all  the  rest  were  grief-stricken,  and  yet  the  love  of  the  old 
man  for  his  favorite  grandchild  was  supreme.  The  warrior  who  had 
been  so  powerful  in  his  tribe  was  a  gentle  subject  for  her  to  manage. 
Nina  fully  appreciated  her  power  over  the  old  man  and  never  failed  to 
make  use  of  it.  In  justice  to  her,  it  must  be  said  that  she  was  often 
seen  to  caress  her  grandfather  during  his  life. 

There  was  a  fresh  outburst  of  grief  when  Me'she  began  to  cover  the 
remains  with  the  blanket;  at  the  same  moment  a  member  of  the  family 
placed  two  pail's  of  soiled  cotton  trousers  and  two  shirts  beside  the 
corpse.  The  lower  coiners  of  the  blankets  were  first  drawn  over  the 
feet,  then  the  corners  each  side  were  wrapped  tightly  around  the  body 
and  secured  by  passing  a  cord  through  the  blanket  at  intervals  of 
about  a  foot  and  knotting  it.  "When  the  body  was  covered  up  to  the 
neck,  Me'she  returned  to  his  seat  on  the  ledge,  and  the  associate  rain 
priest,  who  sat  north  of  the  remains,  proceeded  to  decorate  the  face 
and  head.  He  first  dipped  a  wad  of  raw  cotton  in  a  bowl  of  water, 
and  delicately  washed  the  face,  then  drew  a  line  of  black  over  the 
face,  passing  across  the  upper  lip,  and  then  painted  the  chin  black 
down  to  the  throat.  Corn  pollen  was  stippled  on  with  a  mop  of  raw 
cotton  over  the  upper  portion  of  the  face,  great  care  being  observed 
to  place  it  evenly.  The  priest  then  removed  raw  cotton  from  a  basket, 
soon  formed  it  into  a  sheet,  and  with  dextrous  manipulation  made  a  roll 
on  one  side,  and  then  placed  the  cotton  over  the  head,  with  the  roll  next 
to  the  face.  This  cotton  hood  is  the  same  in  form  as  that  worn  by  the 
Sha'lako  bearers  (see  plate  lx).  Then  the  immediate  family  prayed 
over  the  remains  and  sprinkled  meal  upon  the  blanket  over  the 
breast.  The  writer  was  requested  to  be  very  careful  not  to  drop  a 
particle  of  meal  upon  the  face.  This  would  have  been  a  terrible 
calamity.  Many  last  farewells  were  taken  before  the  family  was  will- 
ing to  part  from  their  beloved.  Me'she  covered  the  face  by  folding 
over  the  blanket  and  fastening  it  as  described.  The  remains  were 
carried  to  the  grave  and  buried  by  the  son  and  nephew,  one  holding 
the  head,  the  other  the  feet.  After  they  reached  the  grave  the  knots 
in  the  blanket  were  cut  so  that  the  spirit  might  pass  out.  Soon  after 
the  remains  were  carried  out,  each  member  of  the  family  had  his  front 
hair  and  hands  washed  by  each  female,  clan  relative  present. 

The  lateness  of  the  hour  prevented  the  burial  of  Nai'uchi's  belong- 
ings and  the  prayer  plumes  the  day  of  the  death,  as  the  Sun  Father 
would  have  passed  over  the  road  of  day  and  could   not  receive  the 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  317 

prayers.  In'nocita,  the  stepdaughter,  gathered  together  the.  belongings 
of  the  old  pi'iest  into  two  bundles,  which  were  deposited  on  the  roof 
for  the  night;  on  the  following  morning  Nina  tarried  one  and  In'nocita 
the  other,  both  having  their  prayer  plumes,  to  the  burial  place.  The 
associate  rain  priests,  including  Ha'lian,  and  the  writer  carried  their 
plumes.  Ha'lian  dug  an  excavation  sufficiently  large  to  bury  the  arti- 
cles. A  smaller  excavation  was  made  for  the  prayer  plumes  and  the 
war  pouch.  All  prayed  and  sprinkled  meal  over  the  plumes,  and  the 
party  returned  to  the  village. 

No  mask  was  buried,  as  Nai'uchi  had  never  worn  his  mask  or  danced 
with  the  personators  of  anthropic  gods  since  his  hair  had  been  cut  while 
a  prisoner  in  a  Territorial  jail  for  having  hanged  a  supposed  witch. 
His  mask  will  go  to  a  male  member  of  his  family  and  he  will  not  dance 
in  Ko'thluwala'wa.  In'nocita  begged  the  writer  to  remain  with  her 
during  the  night,  as  she  was  sure  the  witch  who  destroyed  Nai'uehi's 
life  would  be  about  the  house.  While  it  was  still  light  enough  to 
see,  In'nocita  made  a  careful  survey  of  the  exterior  of  the  premises, 
and  finding  several  stones  by  the  outer  door,  which  she  believed  to 
have  been  placed  there  by  the  witch,  threw  them  off  with  an  expres- 
sion of  satisfaction  that  she  had  discovered  the  diabolical  attempt  to 
harm  the  household.  When  the  writer  insisted  that  all  should  retire, 
In'nocita  wanted  the  door  and  windows  securely  fastened.  She  pre- 
ferred to  hear  the  scratches  of  the  spirit  to  running  the  risk  of 
witches  entering  the  house.  The  only  way  in  which  the  writer  secured 
fresh  air  was  by  declaring  she  would  not  remain  unless  a  window 
could  be  open,  and  finally  the  household,  consisting  of  In'nocita, 
Nina,  her  husband,  the  blind  bo}r,  and  the  man  wearing  female  apparel, 
retired  to  the  pallets  in  the  far  end  of  the  room,  while  the  writer  kept 
watch  by  the  open  window. 

Games 

Among  enlightened  peoples  games  are  usually  associated  with  sport 
and  recreation.  With  some  primitive  peoples  games  are  played 
primarily  for  divination,  but  the  ceremonial  games  of  the  Zunis  are 
for  the  bringing  of  rain,  and  they  constitute  an  important  element  in 
their  religious  and  social  life.  Each  game  has  its  regulations  and  limi- 
tations, and  there  is  deep  meaning  underlying  such  of  the  games  as 
are  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  gods. 

The  games  (i'koshnawe)  here  recorded  embrace  all  that  are  of 
importance  to  the  grown  people.  Although  the  children  have  a 
variety  of  sports  exclusively  their  own,  they  may  be  found  on  any 
pleasant  day  enjoying  some  of  the  games  of  their  elders,  and  like  their 
elders  they  indulge  in  betting,  for  this  habit  is  developed  in  the  North 
American  Indian  while  he  is  still  in  his  infancy.  The  j'ouuger  Zuiii 
children  play  the  ceremonial  games,  however,  with  little  or  no  under- 
standing- of  the  occultism  associated  with  them. 


:518  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

Aside  from  personal  observations  of  the  games,  the  writer's  investi- 
gations have  been  made  through  the  rain  priests,  elder  and  younger 
brother  Bow  priests,  personators  of  the  Ko'yemshi  (see  page  33)  and 
the  theurgists.  As  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  are  the 
earthly  representatives  of  the  Grods  of  War,  they  are  supposed  to  have 
intimate  acquaintance  with  all  things  connected  with  these  deities. 

.Many  of  the  sages  of  Zuni,  including  Nai'uchi,  assert  that  the  first 
eight  of  the  seventeen  games  mentioned  in  the  following  list  belong  to 
the  Gods  of  War.  One,  they  say.  was  originated  by  the  Zunis,  four 
are  the  games  of  the  Ko'yemshi  gods,  one  was  adopted  from  the 
Xavahos.  and  three  came  from  Mexico.  Others  say  that  five  games 
belong  to  the  Gods  of  War,  three  originated  with  the  Zunis.  five  are 
the  games  of  the  Ko'yemshi.  two  came  from  the  Xavahos.  and  two 
came  from  Mexico.  Where  there  is  any  question  as  to  the  origin  of 
these  games,  both  sources  will  be  given.  The  origin  claimed  by 
Nai'uchi  and  other  sages  is  mentioned  first  in  cases  where  other  deriva- 
tions are  given.     The  games  are  as  follows: 

Ti'kwane.  plural  ti'kwawe  (racing  stick);  sho'liwe  (arrow  reeds); 
i'yankolo'we  (hidden  ball);  ho'klamonne  (yucca  ball);  la'pochiwe 
(crossed  feathers);  ha'poanne  pihl'kwanawe  (bundle  of  reeds),  Gods  of 
War,  Zuni;  sa'yat'laknawe  (horns  kill),  Gods  of  War,  Zuni;  sho'wi- 
yaltowe  (arrow  reeds  one  on  the  other),  Gods  of  War,  Navaho; 
po'kii  annawe  (jack-rabbits  hit),  Zuni;  'si'kon-ya'mune  ti'kwane  the 
rain-makers'  game,  Ko'yemshi;  po'pone  (wool  bag)  Ko'yemshi,  Mex- 
ican; po'pone  kiap'nane  (ball  whipping),  Ko'yemshi;  ya'chuni  sa'wanni, 
Ko'yemshi;  'klash'tuwiwi,  Ko'yemshi;  ta'-sholiwe  (wood  arrow-reeds). 
Navaho:  tan'kalawe,  Mexican;  a'wet'laknawe  (stones  kill)  checkers. 
Mexican. 

Ti'kwane.  Thereare  but  two  exclusively  religious  games  of  ti'kwawe 
played  annually.  In  one  members  of  the  ki'wi'siwe"  play;  in  the 
other  the  clans  take  part.  Both  of  these  games  are  for  rain  to  water 
the  earth  that  the  crops  may  grow.  They  take  place  some  days  pre- 
vious to  corn  planting,  which  usually  occurs  from  May  10  to  May  15. 
These  religious  games  must  precede  the  betting  games  of  ti'kwawe, 
which  may  occur  at  any  time  afterward  when  not  prohibited  by  the 
retreat  of  the  rain  priests  for  rain.* 

Ti'kwane  race  of  th  M'wi'svwe.  The  A'pi"lashiwanni  (Bow  priest- 
hood) convene  six  days  previous  to  the  race  and  remain  in  session 
throughout  the  night.  On  the  following  morning  they  prepare  prayer 
plumes  to  the  Gods  of  War,  the  Sal'imobiya,  warrior  gods  and  seed- 
gatherers  of  the  six  regions,  and  to  the  deceased  members  of  the  Bow 
priesthood.     A  portion  of  these  offerings  are  deposited  at  noon   the 

a  See  p.  62. 

'•Ti'kwane  tin-;  been  .l.-.-nl i.'.l  1  iy  .Mr  F.  W.  Hodge  in  the  American  Anthropologist  (July,  1890) 
and  a^o  by  the  late  Mr  John  G.  Owens,  in  connection  with  other  games,  in  the  Popular  Science 
Monthly  (May,  lsi'.tl ).  Both  of  these  gentlemen  have  visited  Znfii.  but  they  fail  to  give  a  systematic 
i int  of  the  L'auio  as  it  is  played  under  the  varying  conditions. 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  31  9 

same  day  at  Shop'thlua  yftl'lftkwi,  a  shrine  north  of  the  village  and  on 
the  ground  supposed  to  have  been  occupied  as  the  home  of  the  Gods 
of  War  during  their  stay  at  I'tiwanna  (the  site  of  the  present  Zufii). 
The  remainder  of  the  prayer  plumes  are  made  into  five  kia'etehiwe 
(groups  of  prayer  plumes  bound  together  at  the  base).  The  sticks  of 
four  groups  are  colored  black  and  are  offerings  to  the  deceased  mem- 
bers of  the  Bow  priesthood.  The  fifth  group  consists  of  six  prayer 
plumes,  one  for  each  of  the  six  Sal'imobiya. 

The  kia'etehiwe  to  the  deceased  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood  are 
deposited  at  midnight  on  the  four  sides  of  the  village,  by  such  mem- 
bers of  the  organization  as  maj  be  designated  by  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest,  in  excavations  carefully  concealed  by  stone  ledges,  which 
extend  along  the  exterior  of  houses,  furnishing  seats  for  those  who 
like  to  sit  out  in  the  balmy  afternoon  of  a  New  Mexican  winter,  or  to 
enjoy  the  cool  breezes  after  sunset  in  summer.  The  depositors  of  the 
plumes  know  just  which  slab  to  remove  in  order  to  have  access  to  the 
depository.  The  fifth  kia'etchine  is  planted  in  an  excavation,  also  con- 
cealed by  a  slab  seat,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Si'aa'  te'wita  (sacred  dance 
plaza).  After  the  placing  of  the  plumes  the  Bow  priests  continue 
their  songs  and  ceremonies  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  until  sunrise, 
and  soon  afterward  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  announces  from  a 
housetop  that  the  people  of  the  ki'wi'siwe  will  run  in  four  days. 

The  director  of  each  ki'wi'sine  gives  formal  notice  to  his  people,  and 
the  young  men  who  wish  to  take  part  in  the  race  appear  at  the 
appointed  time.  Those  from  the  He'iwa  (North),  He'kiapawa  (Nadir), 
and  Chu'pawa  (South)  ki'wi'siwe  represent  the  side  of  the  elder  God 
of  War,  while  those  from  the  Mu'he'wa  (West),  O'he'wa  (East),  and 
Tp'sannawa  (Zenith)  ki'wi'siwe  represent  the  side  of  the  younger  God 
of  War.  After  an  early  breakfast,  the  runners  having  exercised 
before  the  meal,  nothing  more  is  eaten  during  the  day  but  crushed 
wafer  bread  in  water. 

In  the  afternoon  the  first  bod}-  of  rain  priests/'  except  the  woman, 
proceed  about  a  mile  south  of  the  village  over  the  road  leading  to  the 
present  home  of  the  Gods  of  War,  and  here  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  lavs  upon  the  ground  a  la'showanne  (one  or  more  feathers 
attached  to  a  cotton  cord),  composed  of  two  upper  wing  feathers  of  a 
bird  called  sho'kiapiso,*  and  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  places  a 
similar  la'showanne  on  the  ground  west  of  the  other,  the  distance 
between  the  two  la'showawe  being  as  long  as  from  finger  tip  to  finger 
tip  of  the  extended  arms.  The  rain  priests  stand  west  and  the  Bow 
priests  east  of  the  plumes,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  standing  with 
his  fellows  of  the  Bow  priesthood,  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest 

"The  writer  designates  the  rain  priests  of  the  six  regions,  the  elder  and  younger1  brother  Bow 
priests,  and  the  Priestess  of  fecundity  as  the  lirst  body  of  rain  priests.  There  are  a  number  of  other 
rain  priesthood  groups  in  Zufii. 

6  A  bird,  the  Zuiii  say.  which  flies,  but  never  tires. 


320 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ass.  23 


with  the  rain  priests.     A  line  is  made  south  of  the  plumes  by  draw- 
ing, or  rather  pushing",  the  foot  over  the  earth  from  west  to  east. 

Six  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood  selected  by  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  have  each  a  gaming  stick  made  by  himself.  Three  of  the 
sticks  are  colored  black  at  each  end  and  midway,  as  were  those  of  the 
elder  God  of  War,  and  three  arc  painted  black  midway  only,  as  were 


Fig.  11— Ti'kwawe  of  the  Bow  priests. 

those  of  the  younger  God  of  War  (figure  11).  The  plumes  are  attached 
only  when  the  sticks  are  made  as  offerings  to  the  Gods  of  War." 
The  six  warriors,  clad  only  in  breechcloths,  stand  by  the  line,  the  one 
at  the  east  end  having  a  stick  of  the  elder  God  of  War,  the  man  at 
the  right  having  one  of  the  younger  God  of  War.  and  so  they  alter- 


aBoth  Mr  Hodge  and  MrOwens  say  that  these  sticks  are  placed  on  the  trail  three  or  four  days 
previous  t"  the  race.  It  would  be  very  difficult  to  find  tins,,  hits  of  wood  after  four  days  on  a  trail 
frequented  not  only  by  men.  bul  I •>  burros  and  other  beasts. 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  321 

nate  down  the  lino.  Each  warrior  places  his  right  foot  on  the  line  and 
lavs  the  stick  across  the  foot  near  the  toes;  he  then  sprinkles  meal 
upon  the  stick  and  prays  for  rain  and  for  success  in  the  race.  The 
vain  priests  also  sprinkle  meal  and  pray  for  rain.  Meantime  the  run- 
ner-- gather  at  the  base,  which  is  south  of  the  pueblo,  just  across  the 
river  which  flows  by  the  village, 

The  racers,  the  number  of  whom  is  not  limited,  wear  only  kilts,  and 
the  long  hair  is  drawn  back  and  tucked  into  the  banda  or  head-kerchief 
at  the  back,  the  hair  being  brought  over  the  band  and  tucked  in  from 
the  top.  A  member  of  the  Bow  priesthood  marks  off  in  the  way 
described  the  line  on  the  earth  upon  which  the  runners  take  position, 
facing  south.  The  warrior  who  stands  some  feet  beyond  the  line 
carries  a  bow  and  arrows  in  his  left  hand  and  an  arrow  in  his  right. 
He  directs  the  runners  the  course  they  are  to  take,  and,  facing  east, 
prays  and  sprinkles  meal  eastward.  The  meal  is  thrown  four  times, 
the  fourth  being  the  signal  for  the  start.  No  word  is  spoken.  The 
course  is  south  to  the  group  of  rain  priests  and  Bow  priests,  a  course 
that  must  never  be  deviated  from  in  these  races,  as  this  is  the  road  of 
the  Gods  of  War.  On  reaching  the  body  of  priests  awaiting  them, 
each  runner  passes  between  the  two  la'showawe  previously  described. 
Bending  and  extending  his  hands  toward  the  plumes,  he  brings  his 
hands  to  his  mouth  and  draws  in  a  breath  from  the  plumes  that  he 
may  run  like  the  sho'kiapiso,  which  flies  but  never  tires.  The  runners 
do  not  halt,  but  pass  right  on.  Each  Bow  priest  in  the  line  calls  out  the 
name  of  the  ki'wi'sine  he  represents  as  he  kicks  the  stick  into  the  air. 
The  runners  of  each  ki'wi'sine  at  once  look  to  their  appropriate  sticks. 
They  are  followed  by  the  first  body  of  rain  priests  and  Bow  priests, 
except  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests.  The  rain  priests 
and  Bow  priests,  however,  do  not  attempt  to  keep  pace  with  the 
runners,  who  move  in  a  circuit,  and  return  to  the  la'showawe,  which 
are  guarded  by  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests,  and  pass 
between  the  latter  and  on  to  the  village.  On  their  return  the  runners 
kick  the  sticks  into  the  river  so  that  they  may  go  to  Ko'thluwala'wa 
(abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods),  and  hasten  to  their  homes. 
The  ceremony  of  washing  the  hair  of  the  runners  occurs  before  the 
race  and  also  on  the  morning  after  the  race.  The  younger  brother 
Bow  priest  makes  an  excavation  the  depth  of  his  arm  and  the  two 
la'showawe  are  deposited  therein,  with  prayers  by  the  elder  and  younger 
brother  Bow  priests  to  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  for  rains.  These 
two  now  proceed  to  the  base,  where  the  large  crowd  gathered  to  greet 
thi>  returning  runners  still  remains.  At  this  point,  before  leaving, 
the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  cries  out  that  the  a'notiwe  (clans)  will 
run  in  four  days. 

The  race  of  the  clans  may  occur  simultaneously  at  Zuiiii  and  one  or 
more  of  the  farming  districts,  where  most  of  the  Zunis  at  this  season 
23  eth— 04 21 


322  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

are  gathered,  provided  a  Bow  priest  is  present  to  start  the  racers,  but 
it  is  usual  for  the  men  to  gather  at  Zuni  for  the  race.  The  obsen  ances 
previous  to  the  race  of  the  clans  are  much  the  same  as  those  for  the 
ran-  nf  the  ki'wi'siwe.  A  member  of  each  clan  makes  the  stick  to  he 
used  by  the  racers  of  his  clan  and  he  is  free  to  select  that  of  either 
one  of  the  (rods  of  War.  The  runners  dress  as  on  the  previous  occa- 
sion, and  their  hair  is  done  up  in  the  same  manner.  The  clan  symbol 
is  painted  on  the  breast  of  each  runner,  and  that  of  the  paternal  clan 
is  painted  on  the  back.  Those,  of  the  Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood)  clan  have 
a  conventional  design  of  dogwood,  including-  the  roots,  on  the  breast, 
and  below  a  macaw  or  a  raven  with  the  head  pointing  to  the  left, 
according  to  the  division  of  the  clan  to  which  the  man  belongs."  The 
gaining  stick  is  also  decorated  with  the  totem. 

The  Bow  priest  makes  a  line  south  of  the  village  by  drawing  or 
pushing  his  foot  over  the  earth,  as  has  been  described,  and  the  runners 
stand  on  the  line,  facing  the  south,  members  of  each  clan  being  together 
and  the  runner  at  the  west  end  of  each  clan  group  placing  the  stick 
across  his  foot,  as  before  noted.  The  Bow  priest  stands  in  advance 
of  the  runners,  and  facing  east,  prays  and  throws  the  meal  four  times 
eastward,  the  fourth  throw,  as  before,  being  the  signal  for  starting. 
The  same  course  is  followed  as  that  pursued  by  the  people  of  the 
ki'wi'siwe.     Each  of  these  races  covers  about  4  miles. 

No  thought  of  betting  is  in  the  Zuni  mind  when  these  races  for  rain 
occur,  yet  deep  interest  is  exhibited  by  the  women  as  well  as  by  the 
men  in  the  purely  religious  races,  but  the  real  enthusiasm  occurs  at 
the  time  of  the  betting  races,  when  about  25  miles  are  covered. 

When  a  man  wishes  to  become  fleet  of  foot  for  the  race  or  to  be 
sure  of  the  winning  side  of  a  race,  he  calls  upon  the  rain  priest  of  the 
west  or  south  (he  may  not  consult  any  of  the  others)  and  requests  to 
be  instructed  what  to  do  to  insure  success  in  the  races.  The  rain 
priest  tells  him  to  meet  him  the  following  night  at  the  house  where 
his  et'tone*  is  kept.  When  the  man  arrives  at  the  place  of  meeting. 
the  rain  priest  with  his  associate  priests  and  their  families  are  gath- 
ered, the  priests  sittingabout  a  cloud  symbol  embellished  with  I'd  ishes, 
(he  most  sacred  of  which  is  the  et'tone,  and  offerings  from  the  women 
who  are  present  (see  plate  xxxiv).  The  rain  priest  rises  to  meet  the 
man,  who  hands  him  four  ears  of  corn  tied  together.  The  whole  night 
is  spent  in  ottering  song  prayers  to  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers),  anil  at 
sunrise  the  rain  priest  gives  the  man  a  te'likinane  (prayer  plume)  half 
I  lir  length  of  the  middle  finger  measured  on  the  underside.      The  stick 

"Tin.-  writ  i-r  adopted  Cushing's  translation  of  Pi'chikwe,  "macaw,"  until  a  more  familiar  acquaint 
ince  rith  the  Zuni  tongue  led  her  to  discover  that  the  word  e<>mes  from  i>iVhiko,  dogwood;  kwe, 
plural  ending  denoting  a  people  or  body  of  people.    Thiselau  has  two  subdivisions,  the  macaw  and 

the  raven  (sir  p.   In  . 
l>See  A'shiwanni  (Kuin  priestli li. 


STEVENSON] 


GAMES  323 


is  black  with  soft  feathers  from  the  leg  of  the  turkey  and  birds  of  the 
six  regions;  a  la'showannS  of  a  soft  turkey-leg  feather  is  attached  to 
the  prayer  plume,  and  an  old  ko'hakwa  bead  is  strung  on  the  cord  of  l  he 
la'showanne.  After  the  presentation  of  the  prayer  plume,  a  bowl  of 
yucca  suds  is  prepared  by  the  wife  of  the  rain  priest,  and  each  person 
present  takes  a  handful  of  the  suds  ami  when  all  are,  supplied  the 
rain  priest,  his  associates,  and  the  others  present  place  the  suds  upon 
the  man's  head,  with  prayers;  then  the  wife  of  the  rain  priest  washes 
his  hair.  The  man  is  instructed  by  the  rain  priest  as  to  the  cpurse  he 
i^  to  follow  to  insure  success  either  as  a  runner  or  at  the  stakes. 
One  of  two  mesas  must  he  ascended  at  this  time;  there  are  rock 
markings  on  each.  The  man  never  begins  to  run  until  he  is  a  half 
mile  or  more  from  the  village  and  on  his  return  always  stops  run- 
ning about  the  same  distance  from  the  town  so  that  the  people  may 
not  suspect  him  of  starting  or  returning  from  a  run.  The  mesa  north 
of  the  village  to  which  the  runner  resorts  was  the  one  visited  by  the 
writer.  A  rocky,  picturesque  trail  leads  to  the  mesa  top.  A  few  feet 
below  the  summit  there  is  a  stone  heap  6  to  7  feet  high  and  fully  15 
feet  at  the  base,  and  just  before  reaching  this  spot  the  runner  takes 
a  small  stone  in  each  hand;  he  expectorates  on  the  one  in  the  left  hand 
and  carries  it  two,  three,  or  four  times  around  his  head  from  left  to 
right  or  the  reverse  and  throws  it  upon  the  stone  heap  that  he  may  be 
rid  of  his  tired  breath  so  that  he  can  start  the  run  with  new  breath 
and  not  lose  it.  There  is  an  exposure  of  rock  surface  125  by  60  feet 
about  half  a  mile  north  of  the  stone  heap  on  the  summit  of  the  mesa. 
A  running  course  is  cut  or  worn  upon  the  surface  of  the  rock.  The 
course  has  six  loops,  symbolizing  cumulus  clouds  of  the  six  regions. 
All  but  one  of  these  loops  are  to  the  east;  the  first  one  winds  to  the 
west.  The  distance  between  the  first  two  loops  is  21  feet;  between 
each  succeeding  two  12  feet.  The  line  extends  6  feet  beyond  the  last 
loop,  making  a  total  distance  measured  in  a  straight  line  of  78  feet. 
A  second  stone  heap  stands  a  short  distance  beyond  the  line.  The 
-tone  carried  in  the  right  hand  is  deposited  on  the  near  end  of  the  line 
and  is  pushed  over  the  course  beneath  the  right  foot.  As  the  man 
must  move  rapidly  and  the  stone  can  not  be  restarted  when  once  it  gets 
from  under  his  control,  not  infrequently  the  stone  is  left  behind,  in  which 
case  it  is  moved  with  the  foot  a  short  distance  off  the  line  to  make  room 
for  other  stones  and  runners,  where  it  must  remain  until  the  runner 
makes  another  attempt  jit  passing  over  his  ■'luck  line,"  as  this  marking 
is  called,  for  one  is  never  sure  of  success  until  one  has  carried  one's 
stone  to  the  end  of  the  line  with  one's  foot  and  cast  it  upon  the  second 
stone  heap.  When  this  has  been  accomplished  a  man  may  be  sure  of 
winning  the  race  or  may  risk  high  wagers  on  the  races,  as  he  has  gone 
over  his  luck  line  to  the  end:  but  when  he  has  passed  with  his  stone 


324  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ank.23 

only  partly  oyer  the  line,  he  is  very  cautious  in  betting."  The  run 
continues  across  the  mesa  to  a  shrine  where  prayers  are  offered  and 
meal  mixed  with  crushed  turquoise,  ko'hakwa,  and  abalone  shell  is 
sprinkled  to  the  Gods  of  Warfor  good  luck  in  the  race.  Then  on  he 
runs,  down  the  mesa  over  a  regular  course  directed  by  the  rain  priest 
over  the  Ojo  Caliente  road  and  around  to  the  south  and  back  to  Zuni. 
the  distance  coyered  being  about  25  miles. 

The  betting  race  is  not  confined  to  the  ki'wi'siwe  or  to  any  section 
of  the  village,  although  statements  to  the  contrary  have  been  made. 
A  man  approaches  another  with  his  plan  for  a  race,  and  if  it  be 
acceptable  to  the  other,  a  race  is  arranged.  It  is  heralded  from  the 
house  top  by  a  civil  officer  of  the  village,  who  shouts:  "To-morrow 
there  will  be  a  race!"  Those  wishing  to  take  part  in  the  race  gather 
at  the  houses  of  the  two  managers.  The  swiftest  runners  are  sure  to 
be  present.  After  some  discussion  the  originator  of  the  race  visits  the 
house  of  the  other  manager  and  learns  from  him  how  many  runners 
he  will  have  in  the  contest.  He  then  returns  to  his  house  and  selects 
the  same  number  for  his  side.  The  number  varies  from  three  to  six 
on  a  side,  one  side  representing  the  elder,  the  other  the  younger,  God 
of  War.  Each  manager  calls  at  the  house  of  one  of  the  first  body  of 
rain  priests,  those  of  the  North  and  Zenith  excepted,  and  announces: 
"My  boys  will  run  to-morrow.  You  will  come  to  my  house  to-night." 
The  friends  of  each  party  gather  at  the  two  houses,  the  runners  being 
on  one  side  of  the  room  and  the  friends  on  the  opposite  side.  When 
the  rain  priest  arrives,  bearing  a  basket  tra}T  of  broken  wafer  bread, 
he  takes  his  seat  on  his  wadded  blanket,  the  manager  sitting  opposite 
him.  The  rain  priest  places  the  basket  upon  the  floor  and  asks  for 
corn  husks.  Preparing  as  many  husks  as  thei'e  are  runners  for  the 
side,  he  sprinkles  prayer  meal  into  each  husk  and  after  adding  bits 
of  white  shell  and  turquoise  beads,  folds  it  and  lays  it  on  the  bread  in 
the  tray.  Raising  the  tray  with  both  hands  to  his  face,  he  prays  for 
success,  and  drawing  four  breaths  from  the  contents  of  the  tray,  says: 
"Si!"  (Ready!).  The  runners  approach;  the  rain  priest  deposits  a 
handful  of  broken  bread  from  the  tray. in  the  blanket,  supported  by 
the  left  arm  of  each  runner,  and  hands  a  corn-husk  package  to  each. 
The  body  of  runners  who  represent  the  elder  God  of  War  go  to  a 
point  north  of  the  yillage;  the  others  go  .south.  An  excavation  to  the 
depth  of  a  man's  arm  haying  been  made  by  an  ancient  bean  planter  at 
each  point,  each  runner  opens  his  husk  package,  deposits  the  contents  in 
the  excavation,  and  drops  in  the  bread  as  offerings  to  the  Gods  of  War 
and  ancestral  gods.  The  one  who  prepares  the  earth  to  receive  the 
offerings  covers  the  opening,  lea-ring  no  trace  of  the  excavation.  All 
now  >it  perfectly  still  and  listen  for  sounds  from  the  departed.  When 
they  hear  any  noise  which  they  suppose  comes  from  the  dead,  they  are 

«  Photographs  were  secured  of  these  very  interesting  rouk  markings. 


stevenswj]  GAMES  325 

gratified  and  say :  "El'lakwa,  na'nakwe"  (Thanks,  grandfathers).  After 
walking  a  short  distance  they  halt  and  wait  again  for  some  manifesta- 
tion. Should  they  hear  a  few  notes  from  the  mockingbird,  they  know 
the  race  will  be  in  favor  first  of  one  side  and  then  of  the  other,  uncer- 
tain until  the  end.  If  the  bird  sings  much,  they  will  meet  with  failure. 
If  they  hear  an  owl  hoot, the  race  will  be  theirs.  The  runners  return 
to  the  houses  which  they  left  and  retire  for  the  remainder  of  the  night  in 
the  large  room,  the  family  having  withdrawn  to  another  apartment. 
Sometimes  a  runner  goes  to  an  arroyo  and  deposits  offerings  of  precious 
heads  to  the  Gods  of  War;  or  he  goes  to  a  locality  where  some  re- 
nowned runner  of  the  past  was  killed  by  an  enemy  and  there,  after  otter- 
ing food  to  the  Gods  of  War  with  a  prayer  for  success  in  the  race,  he 
sits  and  eagerly  listens  for  some  sound  from  the  deceased.  After  a 
time  he  moves  a  short  distance  and  listens  again.  He  then  moves  a 
third  time  and  listens,  and  if  he  hears  anything  from  the  dead  he  is 
almost  sure  of  success.  If  he  hears  the  whistling  of  the  wind,  he  is 
also  likely  to  meet  with  success;  if  he  hears  an  owl  hoot,  his  success 
is  assured.  .In  this  event  he  imitates  the  owl  during  the  race,  which 
annoys  the  opposite  side,  for  thej7  know  the  reason  for  the  owl-like 
cries. 

At  sunrise  each  runner  carries  a  corn  husk  containing  bits  of  precious 
beads  and  meal  a  distance  from  the  village  and  sprinkles  the  offering 
to  the  u'wannami  pi'^lashiwanni,  the  lightning  makers  of  the  six 
regions  for  success. 

It  is  the  custom  of  the  runners  to  exercise  for  the  race  in  the  early 
morning,  returning  to  the  houses  of  the  managers,  where  they  eat  a 
hearty  breakfast;  but  they  must  not  drink  coffee,  as  this  distends  the 
stomach.  After  this  early  ineal  nothing  is  taken  except  a  small  quan- 
tity of  wafer  bread  and  water.  They  remain  at  the  managers'  houses 
until  the  hour  for  the  race. 

By  afternoon  the  betting  and  excitement  have  increased  until  every 
available  possession  of  the  bettors  is  placed  in  the  large  plaza.  Crowds 
gather  around  the  managers,  who  are  busy  looking  after  the  stakes. 
Everything  is  wagered,  from  a  silver  button  to  a  fine  blanket.  Yards 
of  calico  are  brought  out,  silver  belts,  and  precious  beads;  in  fact,  all 
the  effects  of  many  are  staked,  especially  those  of  the  old  gamblers, 
who  have  lost  heavily  perhaps  in  the  gambling  den  and  hope  to  regain 
their  fortunes.  The  objects  are  stacked  in  two  heaps,  the  two  man- 
agers having  charge  of  arranging  the  articles.  A  blanket  from  one 
heap  finds  its  counterpart  in  the  other,  and  both  are  placed  together, 
forming  the  base  of  a  third  pile.  Drawing  in  this  way  from  the  two 
piles  is  continued  until  tbej''  are  consolidated  into  one  great  heap. 
Much  of  the  forepart  of  the  afternoon  is  consumed  in  this  work. 
When  the  managers  return  to  their  houses  and  announce  to  the  run- 
ners that  the  task  of  arranging  the  stakes  is  completed,  the  latter 


326  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ann.23 

remove  their  clothing"  and  after  donning  a  kilt  of  white  cotton  or 
some  other  light  material  take  medicine  of  the  Shii'maakwe  fraternity 
in  their  mouths,  eject  it  into  their  hands,  and  rub  their  entire  bodies, 
that  they  may  not  be  made  tired  by  running-.  A  piece  of  humming- 
bird medicine,  a  root  (species  undetermined),  is  passed  around;  each 
runner  takes  a  bite,  and  after  chewing  it  ejects  it  into  his  hands  and 
rubs  his  body  that  he  may  be  swift  like  the  humming  bird.  The 
hair  is  brought  forward,  and  a  bow  priest  forms  a  long  knob  by  fold- 
ing the  hair  over  and  over  and  wrapping  it  with  yarn;  he  then  places 
an  arrow  point  in  the  knot  to  insure  fleetness;  lifting  ashes  with 
two  eagle-wing  plumes,  he  passes  them  down  the  sides  of  each  racer 
and  sprinkles  ashes  to  the  six  regions  for  physical  purification. 

Medicine  is  sometimes  put  into  the  paint  used  on  the  stick,  which 
for  the  betting  races  is  painted  red  instead  of  black,  and  a  bit  of  this 
paint  is  slipped  under  the  nail  of  the  index  finger  of  the  right  hand. 
If  a  runner  is  seen  to  keep  his  thumb  pressed  to  his  finger,  it  is 
known  that  he  has  medicine  under  the  nail,  and  those  making  the  dis- 
covery are  apt  to  bet  high  on  that  side,  for  they  believe  the  medicine 
will  bring  success.  Failure  in  such  cases  is  attributed  to  the  bad 
heart  of  the  runner. 

The  wives  of  the  two  rain  priests  who  were  present  on  the  previous 
night  each  go  to  the  house  visited  by  the  husband,  where  they  remain 
during  the  absence  of  the  runners.  Several  parcels,  including  two 
blankets,  are  removed  from  the  heap  in  the  plaza  and  carried  to  each 
house  and  deposited  beside  the  woman  for  good  luck  to  the  runners. 
The  runners  are  accompanied  to  the  base  by  their  managers  and  the 
bow  priests.  Crowds  gather;  every  man  who  can  obtain  a  horse  is 
mounted.  All  is  excitement,  the  women's  enthusiasm  being  almost 
equal  to  that  of  the  men,  for  each  wife  is  interested  in  the  side  her 
husband  has  chosen,  and  every  maiden  is  eager  for  the  success  of  her 
favorite  admirer.  While  the  men  gather  about  the  runners  prepar- 
ing for  the  race,  and  follow  them,  the  women  must  content  themselves 
in  the  village. 

The  two  sticks  designating  the  sides  of  the  elder  and  the  3Tounger 
God  of  War  are  made  by  the  bow  priests  of  the  side  of  the  second 
manager  and  are  carried  by  a  runner  of  this  party  to  the  base, -where 
he  holds  the  sticks  out  to  the  opposite  side,  one  of  the  party  taking 
the  stick  of  his  choice.  The  racers  do  uot  form  in  regular  line.  Each 
leader  places  the  stick  across  his  foot  near  the  toes  and  sprinkles  it 
with  meal;  they  then  cry  out  "Si!"  (Readjr!)  The  stick  must  not  be 
touched  with  the  hand  after  it  is  placed  on  the  foot.  It  is  often  thrown 
a  long  distance,  and  no  matter  where  it  may  rest  it  must  be  managed 
with  the  foot. 

There  is  nothing  more  exciting  to  the  Zufiis,  except  the  scalp  dance, 
than  this  game  of  ti'kwane.     Those  on  horseback  urge  their  ponies  on- 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  327 

ward  to  keep  pace  with  the  racers,  who  run  southward  over  the  road 
of  the  Gods  of  War  for  a  distance,  then  around  to  the  east,  crossing 
the  river.  On  they  go  toward  the  north,  keeping  to  the  foothills." 
Recrossing  the  river  several  miles  west  of  Zuiii,  they  continue  south- 
ward then  veer  round  to  the  east  and  return  by  the  southern  road  to 
the  base,  when  the  members  of  the  successful  part}'  vie  with  one 
another  in  reaching  the  great  plaza,  for  he  who  is  first  to  pass  around 
the  heap  of  wagered  articles  is  the  hero  of  the  hour.  As  they  run 
around  this  heap,  they  extend  their  hands  toward  it  and  bringing 
them  to  the  mouth  draw  in  a  breath  and  pass  on  to  the  house  of 
the  manager  whence  they  started,  where  the  victor  deposits  the  stick 
of  his  side  in  a  basket  of  prayer  meal,  while  all  present  place  offer- 
ing of  bits  of  precious  beads  in  the  basket.  The  wife  of  the  rain 
priest  takes  the  hands  of  the  victor  and  standing  brings  her  clasped 
hands  four  times  before  his  mouth.  Each  time  he  draws  a  breath. 
The  waving  of  the  hands  four  times  is  repeated  before  each  runner,  who 
draws  as  many  breaths.  After  the  prayers  the  victor  empties  the  con- 
tents of  the  basket,  which  includes  the  meal  and  bead  offerings  and  the 
stick,  into  a  corn  husk  and  carries  it  to  his  home.  After  each  runner 
returns  to  his  home  he  drinks  a  quantity  of  warm  water  as  an  emetic,  and 
when  relieved  he  retires  for  the  night.  It  is  not  uncommon  for  a  runner 
to  be  so  affected  by  the  race  that  the  manipulations  of  a  masseuse  (the 
Zufiis  being  expert  in  massage)  are  necessary  to  restore  him.  The 
following  morning-  the  head  of  each  runner  is  washed  in  yucca  suds, 
and  he  bathes.  After  the  morning  meal  the  stick  of  the  elder  God  of 
War  and  the  contents  of  a  corn  husk  carried  by  the  runner  from  his 
managers  house  are  deposited  at  a  shrine  on  U'hana  yal'lanne  (Wool 
mountain),  while  the  stick  of  the  younger  God  of  War  and  offerings 
are  deposited  on  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain). 

The  most  prominent  religious  positions  do  not  debar  men  from  tak- 
ing part  in  these  betting  races.  One  of  the  fleetest  as  well  as  most 
enthusiastic  runners  of  the  present  time  is  the  Ko'mosona  (Director- 
general)  of  the  ki'wi'siwe. 

There  are  many  informal  games  of  ti'kwane  in  which  young  men 
hurriedly  gather  for  sport,  and  sometimes  a  considerable  stake  is 
raised.  One  of  these  races  observed  by  the  writer,  in  which  great 
enthusiasm  was  exhibited,  began  at  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  par- 
tie-  returning  after  7.  There  were  three  runners  on  a  side,  of  whom  the 
Ko'mosona  was  one.  Though  considerable  interest  is  manifested  in 
the  informal  races,  there  is  little  or  no  ceremony  associated  with  them, 
and  the  excitement  is  as  nothing  compared  with  the  more  formal 
affairs.     Each  runner  bets  on  his  side.     Outside  parties  bet  with  one 

"There  are  six  stone  heaps  which  direct  the  runners  in  their  course.  These  monuments,  which 
are  about  4  feet  high,  are  supposed  to  have  been  made  by  direction  of  the  Gods  of  War.  Vases 
containing  medicine  of  these  gods  are  believed  to  be  buried  beneath  the  mounds,  though  these 
objects  are  too  sacred  to  be  commonly  referred  to. 


328  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [Era.ANK.23 

another,  one  holding  the  stakes,  or,  more  frequently,  a  third  party 
has  charge  of  the  stakes,  which  are  heaped  in  the  large  plaza.  Some- 
times the  articles  are  afterward  carried  to  the  ki'wi"sine  to  which  the 
successful  party  belongs,  while  again  they  may  pass  to  the  winner  in 
the  plaza,  who  in  turn  divides  the  profits  among  the  runners  of  his  side. 

It  is  interesting  to  see  the  very  young  boys  engaged  in  their  foot- 
races (plate  i.xxxm)  and  to  observe  how  closely  they  follow  their 
elders  in  the  rules  governing  the  stakes.  Wagers  are  always  made, 
as  the  races  would  be  of  little  interest  even  to  the  younger  boys  with- 
out the  element  of  chance  associated  with  them.  Beginning  at  so 
early  an  age,  these  people  develop  naturally  enough  into  swift  run- 
ners. The  writer  has  never  known  the  Zuiiis  to  loose  a  footrace  with 
other  Indians  or  with  the  champion  runners  of  the  troops  at  Fort 
WIngate,  who  sometimes  enter  into  races  with  them.  It  is  rather 
common  for  the  Zufiis  and  Navahos  to  race.  Though  these  races  are 
always  informal,  the  stakes  are  often  large,  and  the  Navahos  fre- 
quently depart  from  the  pueblo,  leaving  their  precious  beads,  silver 
belts,  bridles,  and  valuable  blankets  in  the  hands  of  the  Zuiiis. 

Sko'liwe  [arrow  reeds).  The  lot  game  of  sho'liwe  is  second  on  the 
list  of  the  games  of  the  Gods  of  War  and  is  the  great  indoor  gambling 
game  of  the  Zuiiis.  The  implements  are  four  split  reeds,  a  bowl-shaped 
basket,  a  buckskin,  a  blanket,  bits  of  pith  or  the  central  core  of  a 
corncob,  straws  for  counters,  and  chips  which  are  usually  silver  but- 
tons. Legend  says  that  this  game  was  played  for  rain  by  the  Gods  of 
War  and  the  rain  priesthood  while  the  A'shiwi  (Zufiis)  were  at  Han'- 
'lipinkia  (see  page  34).  The  rain  priests  thought  the  reeds  used  for 
the  game  were  too  long,  so  their  length  was  measured  from  the  tip  of 
the  thumb  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger,  both  extended. 

The  rain  priests  considered  this  game  so  efficacious  in  bringing  rain 
that  they  organized  a  fraternity,  which  they  called  Sho'wekwe  (Arrow- 
reed  people),  for  the  express  purpose  of  playing  the  game  for  rain. 
Ten  men  were  designated  by  the  rain  priests  as  the  original  members 
of  the  Sho'wekwe.  The  prayers  of  this  fraternity  were  sure  to  bring 
rain. 

When  the  gods  visited  I'tiwanna  (Middle  place,  the  site  of  the 
present  Zuni),  eight  days  after  the  first  appearance  of  Iviaklo  (see  page 
65)  in  I'tiwanna,  certain  ancestral  gods  gathered  in  the  ceremonial 
chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  where  the  first  body  of  rain  priests,  the 
Galaxy  fraternity,  and  the  ten  members  of  the  Sho'wekwe  were  assem- 
bled. The  Ko'yemshi  at  this  time  gave  their  songs  and  prayers  to  the 
fraternities  present,  after  which  the  Ne'wekwe  and  Sho'wekwe  alter- 
nated annually  in  personating  the  Ko'yemshi  (see  page  33). 

The.  Great  Fire  and  the  Cactus  fraternities  are  more  recent  acces- 
sions to  the  personators  of   the  Ko'yemshi.     The  four  fraternities 


CO 

a: 

UJ 

Z 

z 

DC 

_l 

r> 

Li. 
I 
(- 

o 

> 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  329 

now  personate  these  gods  in  turn  (sec  page  235);  at  least  such  was  the 
ease  until  the  Sho'wekwe  became  so  degenerated  that  the  director  of 
the  fraternity  preferred  to  choose  the  personators  of  the.  Ko'yenishi 
from  the  fraternities  at  large  rather  than  to  call  on  the  men  id'  his 
own.  The  fraternity  no  longer  exists  in  its  original  purity,  having 
degenerated  into  a  body  of  professional  gamblers  which  hears  no  rela- 
tion whatever  to  the  one  organized  by  the  rain  priests;  but  the  game 
is  still  played  by  the  priests  and  others  in  all  sacredness  for  rain. 

The  reeds  used  for  ceremonial  occasions  are  rarely  brought  out  at 
other  times.  Such  reeds  are  old  and  are  preserved  with  care,  and  it  is 
considered  a  great  privilege  when  one  having  lost  heavily  at  the  game 
may  secure,  as  indicated  in  the  succeeding  paragraph,  a  ceremonial  set 
of  reeds  through  which  to  recover  his  possessions. 

The  following  was  related  by  a  celebrated  player  of  sho'liwe. 

The  only  rain  priests  who  have  the  game  of  sho'liwe  are  those  of  the  south,  west, 
and  the  one  who  goes  last  into  retreat  for  rains."  Long  ago  the  rain  priest  of  the 
west  ami  the  one  last  mentioned  possessed  the  game,  but  the  rain  priest  of  the  south 
having  great  desire  for  the  game  presented  a  fine  buckskin  and  many  turquoise  to 
the  priest  of  the  west,  requesting  the  game  in  return.  The  request  was  complied 
with,  and  the  priest  of  the  south  became  the  iiappy  possessor  of  the  game.  This 
occurred  long  before  the  birth  of  my  uncle,  the  rain  priest  of  the  west,  who  is  now 
an  aged  man.  The  medicine  given  the  priest  of  the  south  with  the  game  is  all  gone, 
tint  he  pretends  that  he  still  has  some,  but  we  know  that  he  has  not,  as  he  always 
loses  the  game. 

I  gambled  with  new  reeds  and  lost  beads,  blankets,  ami  other  things,  and  in  my 
distress  I  went  to  the  house  of  my  uncle,  rain  priest  of  the  west,  where  an  original 
set  of  reeds  belonging  to  the  younger  God  of  War  is  kept.  I  told  him  of  my  trouble 
and  begged  him  to  let  me  have  the  precious  reeds  to  play  with  in  order  to  win  back 
my  valuables.  I  visited  my  uncle's  house  the  night  of  the  day  I  lost  my  things.  It 
was  in  the  month  of  May.  He  said:  "Come  to  me  at  the  winter  solstice."  I  did  as 
he  bade  me,  going  to  him  at  night.  He  gave  me  the  reeds,  a  klcm'tutu'nimi'  (  rhom- 
bus l,  and  two  prayer  plumes  which  he  had  prepared  for  me,  the  sticks  being  of  the 
length  of  the  middle  finger  measured  on  the  underside.  A  la'showanne,  composed 
of  a  turkey-leg  feather,  a  duck  plume,  and  a  wing  feather  from  each  bird  of  the  six 
regions,  was  tied  pendent  to  each  stick,  with  several  precious  beads  strung  on  the 
cord,  the  length  of  the  cord  from  the  stick  to  the  plumes  being  measured  by  the  four 
fingers  crosswise.  My  uncle  also  gave  me  medicine,  which  was  ai.ittle  black  and  a 
little  white,  to  rub  on  my  hands  when  I  should  be  ready  to  play.  It  appeared  like 
grease,  but  I  do  not  know  what  it  was.  I  spent  the  night  with  my  uncle  while  he 
taught  me  four  old  songs.  He  said,  after  I  had  learned  the  songs  by  heart:  "Before 
you  play  the  game  shut  your  mouth  and  sing  the  songs  with  your  heart.  After  sing- 
in  Lr  tin-  songs  once  you  may  speak  with  the  man  with  whom  yon  are  to  play,  but  you 
must  again  shut  your  mouth  and  sing  the  songs  with  your  heart,  and  then  you  may 
play."  At  sunrise  the  wife  and  the  daughter  of  my  uncle  came  into  the  room  where 
my  uncle  and  I  had  spent  the  night.  The  girl  prepared  a  bowl  of  yucca  suds  and 
placed  it  immediately  before  me.  I  sat  facing  east  and  the  wife  stood  behind  me, 
placing  a  hand  on  each  shoulder.  The  girl  stood  south  of  the  bowl  and  faced  it.  My 
uncle  was  the  first  to  dip  two  eagle- wing  plumes  four  times  into  the  suds,  each  time 

a  See  A'shiwanni  (Rain  priesthood). 


380 


Till:    /.I'M     INDIANS 


! 


drawing  them  ovei  thi   topol  m    head      Thl    wag  repeated  by  all  present 

■    ccpt  tin  girl,  who  prepared  tl I        Lftei  the  othei    had  rubbed    ud    over  my 

head  with  the  pi id,  she  wa  hedmyhair  thoroughly  from  the  bowl,  standing  before 

me,  and  my  uncle's  wife  al  i  bed  my  hair  while  I  was  still  in  my  seat.  My  uncle 
mi-  four  ears  of  corn,  yellow,  blue,  red  and  white,  ti'-'l  together,  and  enough 
calico  foi  .<  hirt.  In  giving  me  the  corn  and  calico  he  said:  "  I  give  the  e  to  you 
thai  you  may  receive  such  ilnni^  from  the  man  with  whom  yon  play.  Carry  the 
plumi  reference  being  to  the  four  prayer  plumes  given  the  previous  night)  a 
dl  tano  i"  an  arroyo  where  you  find  dcoris  has  collected  from  running  water  and 
plant  them  lo  the  Gods  of  War.'/  When  I  was  within  a  few  feet  of  the  place  I 
had  •  lected  for  depositing  my  plumes  I  whirled  my  rhombus  until  I  reached  the  spot 
[  afterward  returned  the  rhombus  to  my  uncle,  but  kept  the  sho'liwe"  until  the 
annivei  ti  of  thi  lo  of  my  possessions.''  I  won  back  my  lost  articles,  after  which 
i  i ned  the  sho'iiwe  t"  my  uncle. 


Mr.         U  .      pUl      I 


Each  player  takes  the  side  of  one  of  the  Gods  <»r  War.    There  are 
Eour  pieces  of  split  reeds,  two  representing  the  Bide  of  the  elder  and 

I  wo  i  he  side  of  l  he  younger  <  i<<i  I  of  War.  The  reeds  shown  in  figure 
12  may  be  described  as  follows:  a  and  c  belong  to  the  elder  and  />  and 

I I  to  the  younger  God  of  War;  ",  kwln'na  (black),  I  m  s  the  concave  side 
of  the  reed  colored  black,  indicating  the  whole  day,  and  three  sets  of 
markings  on  the  convex  side  denoting  the  three  periods  of  the  day, 
morning,  noon,  and  sunset;  5,  a'thluwa  (center),  has  a  daub  of  black  in 

"ii  •■  ■   the  prltor'i  I  fortune  to  liovo  two  sol   of  ceremonial  recda  presented  to  hor  by  the  eldei 

mil  [lie    our  [i  r  brothi  I  Bow  prlo  I      1  hej  ore  now  In  the  National  Museum, 

I'OnoniusI  begin  topluj  hi    i la;  ol  thi   month  that  the  loss  occurred.    Playing  maj  be 

i  until  1 1"    um i  tlcc,  bill  no  [ami    musl  be  played  while  the  rain  prlenl    an  In  retreat 

tor  rain      i ic    doci t  come  to  tin   playoi   nth  the  ceremonial  reeds,  he  may  ask  for  them 

ind  l]     i"    lui  i  anothi  i   }'ci ho  meantime  purifying  his  heart,  tor  If  the  hearl  I    food, 

thi   i  reed    in  believed  to  bring    ucei 


STEVENSON  1 


GAMES 


33 1 


the  middle  of  the  iced  dm  (he  concave  side,  denoting  midday,  the  mark- 
ings on  the  convex  side  also  denoting  noon;  c, ko'hakwa"  (while  medi- 
cine), has  a  daub  of  black  paint  at  each  end  of  the  concave  side,  indicating 
morning  and  evening  or  sunrise  and  sunset,  markings  on  the  convex 
side  denoting  the  same;  d,  pahl'to  (mark  on  the  end),  has  a  daub  of 
black  paint  on  the  concave  side  id'  (he  joint  end  denoting  sunrise,  which 

to    ill''    Zufiis  is   the  tiisl    [ighl  of   ila\  .  or    the  while   lighl   which  comes 

first,  and  markings  on  the  convex  side  indicate  the  same,  while  three 
dots  sometimes  found  on  the  joint  of  the  reed,  not  shown  here,  indicate 
eyes  and  mouth  of  the"f  ace;  other  reeds  have  only  two  dots,  which  stand 
fo !•  I  lie  eyes.     The  player  representing  the  elder  God  of  War  holds  c  in 

the  righi  hand  with  I  hei'ou 
\  e\  side  e\  pOSed,  I  he  joi  ill 
end  point  inn'  toward  him, 

andslides  the  septum  end  of 
A  into  the  groove  e,  leaving 

the  sepi urn  of   h  an  inch 

within  I  he  end  of  c;  il  is 
(hen  run  into  1)  in  (he  man- 
ner described,  I  he  sepi  urn 

ol\/l>eiu<janinch  within  I  he 
end  of  A.     Tin'  three  reeds 

are  then  i ransferred  to  the 

left  hand  and  re\  ersed.  and 

.<  is  placed  at  righl  angles, 

I  he  com  a\  c    side    exposed, 

the  septum  end  pointing  to 

the  left,  as  shown  in  figure 

I :;.     The  game  is  passed  in 

llii-    position     hack    to    the 

righl  hand  and  re^ts  upon 
the  tirsi  t luce  fingers  with 

the  t  hunili  on  I  he  tup. 

When  t  he  represental  ive  of  t  he  younger  <  rod  of  War  plays  he  runs  <■ 
into  the  groove  of  h  and  a  into  c  and  crosses  them  withe?.  The  reed  which 
crosses  the  others  is  designated  as  the  thrower,  but  the  same  reed,  as 
stated,  is  not  used  by  both  players.  In  this  position  the  reeds  are 
thrown  upward  against  an  inverted  basket,  l<>  or  12  inches  in  diame- 
ter, covered  with  a  piece  of  blanket  or  cloth  and  suspended  from  the 
ceiling.  The  reed-  strike  the  cloth  over  the  basket  and  fall  to  a 
blanket  spread  on  the  Hour  to  receive  them.  If  played  oul  of  doors, 
which  i- not  usual  at  the  pre  ent  period,  the  basket  is  suspended  above 
the  blanket  from  the  apex  of  three  poles,  arranged  tripod  fashion, 
with  sufficient  space  beneath  for  the  blanket  and  players. 

bell  beads  which  an  used  not  only  n   orn I   and  us  money,  but  alsi [lei 

•  nt'-  to  the  gods,  have  the  si •  name. 


Pio.  18— Method  ol  placing  reeds  in  playing  sho'llwo. 


332  THE    ZTJNI    INDIANS  [htii.ann.J3 

When  the  representative  of  the  elder  God  of  War  throws,  and  the 
concave  side  of  a  and  the  convex  sides  of  the  others  arc  up,  the  trick  is 
won:  or  if  <i  is  convex  side  up  with  the  others  concave  up,  the  trick  is 
won.  If  <i  crosses  <■  or  vice  versa  convex  sides  up,  the  trick  is  won, 
even  should  one  cross  the  other  by  hut  a  hair's  breadth.  If  h  and  d 
should  be  crossed  as  described,  the  trick  goes  to  the  opponent.  If  all 
convex  sides  are  up  or  vice  versa,  the  trick  is  lost.  If  the  convex  side 
of  h  is  up  and  the  others  have  the  concave  sides  up,  the  trick  belongs 
to  the  opponent.  Silver  buttons  are  the  favorite  chips  for  the 
game. 

Though  sho'liwe  is  a  favorite  of  the  lot  games,  it  being  the  game  of 
the  professional  gamblers"  of  the  pueblo,  there  is  no  thought  of  per- 
sonal gain  when  it  is  played  by  the  rain  priests  for  rain/'  At  such 
times  great  ceremony  is  observed  and  buckskins  are  used  in  place  of 
the  cloth  covering  over  the  basket  and  of  the  blanket  on  the  floor.  The 
skin  on  the  floor  has  the  head  to  the  east.  A  portion  of  a  circle,  a 
quadrant,  or  octant,  is  drawn  on  the  skin. 

The  gambling  den  of  Zuiii  was  as  notorious  and  was  regarded  with 
the  same  aversion  as  a  place  of  similar  character  is  in  civilization.  The 
more  profligate  characters,  who  depend  upon  gaming  for  their  liveli- 
hood, spent  much  of  their  time  in  this  den,  which  was  one  of  the  old 
interior  rooms  of  the  pueblo.  The  room  was  reached  by  a  ladder 
through  a  hatchway ,  and,  if  the  memory  of  the  writer  is  correct,  the 
room  was  dimly  lighted  with  a  small  window  of  selenite  near  the  ceil- 
ing. The  hatchway  was  covered  with  a  straw  mat,  upon  which  an  eye 
was  kept  that  there  might  be  no  intruders.  The  writer  first  visited 
this  den  in  1896.  Her  unannounced  arrival  was  a  surprise  to  the  eight 
or  ten  men  present,  who  appeared  to  be  much  annoyed;  but  when 
the}-  wei'e  informed  that  she  had  come  to  observe  the  game  and  not  to 
denounce  them  for  their  profligacy  a  sigh  of  relief  escaped  them. 

There  is  but  little  ceremony  associated  with  the  game  when  played 
by  the  professional  or  other  gamblers.  The  most  abandoned,  how- 
ever, would  not  dare  to  play  without  first  offering  prayers  to  the 
Gods  of  War,  invoking  their  blessing,  and  breathing  on  their  reeds. 
The  professional  gamblers  show  in  their  faces  deep  lines  and  other 
indications  of  dissipation,  although  they  lose  no  more  rest  than  the 
rain  priests  and  the  theurgists.  The  inveterate  gamblers,  like  other 
people  not  altogether  lost  to  a  sense  of  right,  must  have  the  conscious- 

o  After  an  absence  of  six  years  the  writer  found  on  her  return  in  1902  that  the  Zuiii  gambling  house 
was  a  thing  of  the  past  and  that  the  game  of  sho'liwe  was  not  so  frequently  played  as  formerly,  either 
ceremonially  or  for  pleasure. 

'■  The  reader  who  has  perused  "  I  'boss  and  Playing-cards,"  by  Mr  Stewart  Culin  ( Report  of  the  United 
States  National  Museum,  1896) ,  will  note  the  difference  between  the  explanation  of  sho'liwe  found  in 
Hint  publication  and  that  given  here.  For  example,  Mr  Culin  says:  "Formerly  sho'liwe  was  exclu- 
sively a  game  of  war  divination  and  was  played  only  by  the  priests  of  the  Bow  and  members  of  the 
esoteric  society  of  the  war  shamans."  According  to  Zuni  belief  sho'liwe  was  played  by  the  Hi  vine 
I  in.  -  i  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi)  and  the  rain  priests  for  rain  soon  after  they  reached  this  world, 
long  before  the  creation  of  the  Bow  priesthood. 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  333 

ness  of  doing  wrong,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  rain  priests  and 
fcheuvgists  have  the  satisfaction  of  realizing  that  they  are  propitiating 
their  gods,  not  only  for  their  own  good  but  for  the  good  of  all;  not 
only  for  their  own  people  hut  for  all  the  world. 

I'yankolo^we — Implements  of  the  game.  Four  cups  of  quaking  aspen 
wood,  li'.v  inches  high,  2|  inches  across  at  the  opening,  and  slightly 
less  than  -1\  inches  at  the  bottom,  are  hollowed  to  the  depth  of  2£  inches 
to  accommodate  a  stone  ball.  There  is  a  .stone  disk  painted  white  on 
one  side  and  black  on  the  other,  and  106  straws.  The  cups  are  painted 
white  with  kaolin.  The  bottom  of  each  cup  is  covered  with  black  paint, 
which  extends  up  the  side  \\  inches.  This  paint,  which  is  said  to 
have  come  from  the  undermost  world,  is  first  mixed  with  water  and 
then  a  medicine  is  added.  Powdered  'suhapa  (micaceous  hematite)  is 
also  added.  The  hematite  bears  the  same  name  as  the  fixed  stars  and 
is  referred  to  as  the  star  medicine.  The  finger  is  dipped  into  the  white 
paint  and  touched  to  the  gaming  ball,  which  is  afterward  wrapped  in 
cotton  cord,  or  the  entire  ball  is  painted  white.  The  Zunis  say  that 
the  game  originally  had  instead  of  the  cups  four  deer  carved  of  wood, 
with  an  opening  in  the  side  of  each  large  enough  to  contain  the  ball. 

I'yankolo'we  is  played  only  in  January,  February,  and  March,  but 
mostly  in  February,  and  when  once  begun  must  be  continued  without 
intermission  to  the  close.  In  February,  1904,  a  game  was  begun  the 
evening  of  the  10th  and  continued  through  the  12th.  When  a  man 
wishes  to  play  a  game  of  i'yankolo'we  he  calls  upon  a  rain  priest  of 
either  the  West,  East,  Zenith,  or  Nadir  (the  other  rain  priests  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  this  game),  at  sunset  and  makes  known  his  wish.  The 
rain  priest  asks  him  where  his  he' we  (wafer  bread)  is,  his  precious  beads, 
his  prayer  meal,  and  tells  him  to  return  at  night  with  these  things. 
The  rain  priest  then  goes  to  a  storage  room  and  brings  out  an  ancient 
u'linne  (gaming  ball).  After  his  wife  or  some  female  member  of  the 
family  has  swept  the  floor  of  the  inner  room,  the  rain  priest  makes, 
with  prayer  meal,  four  parallel  lines  running  north  and  south  by  the 
north  wall  of  the  room,  the  length  of  these  lines  measuring  from  the 
tip  of  the  middle  finger  to  the  tip  of  the  thumb,  with  fingers  extended. 
He  then  places  the  ball  midway  on  the  most  western  line  and  says 
to  it:  •"  You  will  remain  here  through  the  night.'1  Then  he  gives  to 
the  man  some  wafer  bread  in  a  piece  of  cloth,  a  corn- husk  cigarette 
of  native  tobacco  (Nicotiana  attenuata),  a  sack  containing  powdered 
te'na'sali  (mythical  medicine  plant),  and  a  piece  of  banded  gypsum,  2£ 
or  3  inches  in  length,  slender,  round,  and  tapering.  When  the  time 
for  the  game  has  been  decided  upon  by  the  rain  priest  and  plajrer,  a 
member  of  the  governor's  staff  calls  from  the  house  top  that  the  game 
of  i'yankolo'we  w7ill  be  played  the  following  night,  giving  the  name  of 
the  leader,  and  another  group  is  then  formed  to  play.  The  players  are 
not  confined  to  particular  clans,  ki'wi'siwe,"  or  sections  of  the  village. 

"See  Krvt'i'snve  and  their  functions. 


334  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ank.23 

After  carrying  the  articles  to  his  home  the  leader  of  the  game  selects 
his  three  associate  players  and  four  watchers  (the  seers  who  choose 
the  hidden  cups)  unci  returns  with  them  to  his  house,  where  a  number 
of  friends  interested  in  the  game  have  gathered.  The  leader  is  always 
careful  to  choose  players  whom  he  may  trust  and  who  will  not  indi- 
cate to  the.  watchers  of  the  opposite  side  where  the  cup  with  the  ball 
is  placed.  The  players  and  watchers  sit  upon  the  floor  midway  of 
the  room,  the  head  player  having  Try  his  side  a  basket  tray  containing 
the  wafer  bread,  cigarette,  and  sack  of  fce'nas'sali  given  him  by  the  rain 
priest  whom  he  consulted.  The  leader  and  the  head  watcher  each 
deposit  four  corn  husks  upon  the  floor  and  all  present,  beginning  with 
the  leader,  deposit  turquoise,  ko'hakwa  (white  shell  beads),  micaceous 
hematite,  red  hematite,  and  corn  pollen  in  each  corn  husk.  Each 
places  a  reed  cigarette  in  one  of  his  packages  and  they  fold  each  husk, 
with  the  offerings,  into  a  rectangular  package. 

The  leader's  prayer  is  addressed  to  the  Gods  of  War,  rain-makers, 
the  sun,  moon,  stars,  and  A'wonawil'ona™  that  he  may  be  successful 
in  the  game  and  have  long  life,  that  the  other  side  may  have  bad 
luck,  and  that  his  playing  may  bring  much  rain,  many  crops,  and  all 
things  to  eat,  and  horses  and  sheep.  The  buckskin  sack  of  te'na'sali 
is  then  opened  and  a  corn  husk  is  placed  beside  it.  A  gourd  of  water 
is  now  handed  the  leader.  He  dips  a  little  water  with  his  first  three 
fingers  and  drops  it  into  the  corn  husk;  then  dipping  a  bit  of  the 
te'nas'sali  with  the  tip  of  the  banded  gypsum,  he  mixes  the  powdered 
plant  with  the  water  in  the  husk.  If  a  rain  priest  chances  to  be  pres- 
ent, he  dips  the  stone  into  the  mixture  and  places  it  in  the  left  ear,  then 
runs  it  across  the  face  under  the  ey^es,  and  puts  it  in  the  right  ear  of 
the  leader  of  the  players,  who  repeats  the  same  with  the  rain  priest 
and  then  with  the  others  of  the  group.  The  placing  of  the  te'nas'sali 
in  the  ear  and  under  the  eyes  is  to  insure  seeing  and  hearing  unusual 
or  nrysterious  things  and  sounds.  All  now  sit  perfectly  still  for  a 
few  minutes  and  then  the  leader  hands  his  corn-husk  package  con- 
taining the  cigarette  to  the  first  watcher,  who  is  instructed  to  visit 
the  most  eastern  shrine  of  the  elder  God  of  War  and  ask  him  to 
conic  with  him.  On  reaching  the  shrine  the  man  opens  the  husk 
given  him  by  the  head  player  and  depositing  the  offerings  prays: 
■■  1  pray  yon.  A'hayuta,  come  with  me  at  once  to  te'wita  'hlann'a  kwi 
(large  plaza  place),  for  we  begin  our  game  to-morrow  and  we  wish 
you  to  remain  with  us  until  the  game  closes."  A  line  of  meal  is  then 
sprinkled,  suggestive  of  the  road  over  which  the' god  is  to  pass 
from  the  shrine  to  the  point  in  the  plaza  where  the  game  is  to  lie 
played,  and  then  the  man  says,  addressing  A'hayuta:  "Sit  here  until 
to-morrow,  when  we  will  come  and  be  with  you.      Wait  for  us."     The 

aSee  Classification  of  the  higher  powers. 


STEVENSON]  GAMKS  335 

man  then  returns  to  the  house  of  the  leader  of  the  players.  The 
other  three  watchers  may  visit  whatever  cardinal  point  they  wish,  but 
they  must  keep  together.  Each  one  carries  a  corn-husk  package 
prepared  by  the  head  watcher,  the  leader  of  the  party  having  the  one 
containing  the  cigarette.  They  usually  go  about  2  miles  from  the 
village,  where  one  of  the  party  makes  an  excavation  the  depth  of  the 
arm  in  which  to  deposit  offerings.  They  then  pray  to  the  deceased 
i'y&nkolo'we  players.  The  offerings  are  made  that  success  will 
follow  them  in  the  game  and  that  the  game  may  bring  rains  and  all 
things  good.  The  excavation  is  covered  and  the  three  go  a  short 
distance  and  sit  down  and  listen  attentively.  Then  the}'  move  on  a 
little  farther  and  sit  and  listen  again.  This  is  repeated  four  times, 
each  time  a  little  farther  off  from  the  excavation.  One  must  never 
turn  around  nor  look  back  if  he  hears  anj^  steps  and  knows  that  there  is 
something  unusual.  If  he  sees  a  star  move,  or  sees  the  lightning,  a 
mysterious  tire,  or  bright  light  on  the  earth,  he  knows  his  side  will  win 
the  game.  If  he  hears  an  owl  or  coyote,  he  knows  the  other  side  will 
win.  If  he  hears  a  summer  bird,  the  success  will  come  to  his  side.  If 
he  hears  a  mocking  bird  or  snow  bird,  he  knows  there  will  be  trouble, 
perhaps  the  two  sides  will  have  a  tight  and  one  will  be  hit  with  the 
ball  of  the  game.  The  watchers  now  return  to  the  house  of  the 
leader. 

After  the  head  watcher  departs  for  the  shrine,  the  leader  of  the 
players  hands  three  of  his  corn-husk  packages  to  each  of  the  other 
three  players.  Then  taking  wafer  bread  with  both  hands  from  the 
basket  tray,  he  places  it  in  the  blanket  over  the  left  arm  of  each  man, 
putting  the  remainder  of  the  bread  in  his  own  blanket  over  the  arm. 
lie  carries  the  sack  of  te'na'sali  and  the  cigarette.  The  fourth  corn- 
husk  package  of  the  leader  of  the  watchers  is  given  one  of  the  men 
present  by  the  leader  of  the  players  with  the  following  instructions: 
"You  will  go  to-morrow  to  the  house  of  the  rat  man.  Give  these 
offerings  to  him  and  ask  him  to  help  you  to  collect  the  straws 
that  are  to  aid  us  to  win  the  counters  in  the  game."  The  leader 
of  the  players  with  his  three  associates  then  visits  the  house  of 
the  rain  priest,  removing  their  moccasins  and  head-kerchiefs  on  enter- 
ing. They  deposit  the  wafer  bread,  which  they  carry  in  their  blankets, 
and  the  husk  packages  in  a  basket  tray,  which  the  rain  priest 
extends  to  them  without  rising  from  his  seat  on  the  floor  in  the  middle 
of  the  room.  The  leader  of  the  players  returns  the  sack  of  te'nas'sali 
to  the  rain  priest,  who  lays  it  in  the  basket.  The  rain  priest  sings 
four  songs  to  certain  rain  priests  of  the  four  regions,  calling  each  by 
name:  "Here  i>  your  Ko'hakwa.  'Suhapa.  [etc.],  take  these  and  give  me 
much  rain,  many  seeds,  all  things  good,  give  me  long  life  that  I  may  not 
die,  but  sleep  to  awake  in  Ko'thluw*ala'wa."     The  rain  priest  makes  no 


336  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [tfra.  ann.  !B 

mention  of  the  game.  These  songs  belong  especially  to  the  rain  priests, 
all  of  whom  have  the  same  .songs,  which  are  purely  for  rain  and  fructi- 
fication of  the  earth.  The  rain  priest  prays  again  over  the  basket 
tray,  raising  it  to  his  face,  and  repeats  the  ceremony  of  placing  the 
te.'nas'sali,  mixed  with  water,  in  the  ears  and  across  the  faces  of  the  four 
players,  who  stoop  before  him;  they  then  receive  the  wafer  bread,  husk 
packages,  and  cigarette  from  the  rain  priest  in  their  blankets  over 
the  left  arm.  The  gaming  ball,  which  remains  in  place  in  the  inner 
room,  is  not  seen  at  this  time  by  any  of  the  players.  The  players 
leave  the  house  of  the  rain  priest  at  midnight  without  speaking  a  word 
and  go  to  the  old  church,  built  by  the  Spaniards  and  how  a  ruin,  where 
the  leader  makes  an  excavation  the  depth  of  the  lower  arm  and  deposits 
the  offerings  to  the  deceased  players  of  i'yankolo'we.  After  deposit- 
ing the  offerings  with  prayers  within  the  walls  of  the  church,  they  pass 
to  the  south  of  the  cross  in  the  center  of  the  graveyard.  The  leader  of 
the  players  removes  several  handfuls  of  earth  and  places  it  in  a  cloth. 
He  carries  it  to  the  rain  priest's  house  and  deposits  the  earth  outside  the 
door,  when  they  return  to  the  leader's  house,  where  a  rain  priest  (not 
the  one,  however,  whom  the  leader  has  visited)  says  to  the  leader:  "  Your 
great  '  Moon  Mother '  and  stars  who  are  out  saw  you  come  from  the 
dead.  What  have  you  to  say  ?  What  do  you  know  about  your  Moon 
Mother  or  the  stars  or  A'wonawil'ona?  What  have  they  told  you? 
If  you  know  nothing  it  makes  no  difference."  The  leader  tells  the 
rain  priest  what  he  heard  while  visiting  the  dead  in  the  graveyard 
and  the  rain  priest  replies,  "That  is  well.  I  hope  you  will  have  a 
good  time  and  win,  that  we  shall  have  much  rain  and  man}-  crops." 
If  one  is  touched  by  the  dead  he  is  sure  to  win  the  game. 

All  sit  down,  and  with  a  slender  rod  of  cottonwood  root  that  has  been 
lighted  in  the  fire  the  shi'wanni  lights  a  corn-husk  cigarette  of  native 
tobacco.  A  match  must  not  be  used  to  light  this  cigarette.  Puffing 
it.  he  blows  the  smoke  and  motions  the  cigarette  to  the  six  regions, 
forming  a  circle  symbolic  of  the  whole  world.  He  then  hands  the  ciga- 
rette to  the  leader,  who  repeats  the  form  and  hands  it  to  the  next  man, 
who  does  the  same.  The  cigarette  is  then  passed  to  some  of  the  friends 
present  who  are  going  to  bet  on  the  game.  When  only  a  bit  of  the 
cigarette  remains,  it  is  placed  in  a  basket  tray  for  the  night  (the  play- 
ers and  watchers  sleep  in  the  house  of  the  head  player)  and  in  the 
morning  it  is  cast  into  the  river,  to  go  the  abiding  place  of  the  Council 
of  the  <  rods. 

After  the  cigarette  is  laid  in  the  basket  tray,  the  leader  of  players 
and  his  associates  put  on  their  moccasins,  and  the  rain  priest,  still  sit- 
ting, lifts  the  basket  tray  and  prays  again  for  rain,  food,  etc.  After 
this  prayer  the  lour  men  go  to  the  summit  of  Corn  mountain.  When 
they  all  return  they  crush  ko'hakwa.  turquoise,  a'hoko  (a  red  stone  said 


STEVENSON] 


(JAMES  837 


to  come  from  the  far  south),  and  black  turquoise  (.so  named  because 
this  black  stone  is  found  in  the  locality  of  the  turquoise),  which  they 
mix  with  corn  meal  and  corn  pollen.  This  mixture  is  placed  in  a  corn 
husk  with  small  feathers  from  a  bird  secured  from  the  neighborhood 
of  Santa  Anna.  This  package  is  afterward  carried  to  the  large  plaza 
where  the  game  is  played. 

Later  in  the  morning  the  ko'ehi  (rat)  man  returns  to  the  house  of  the 
head  player  for  the  corn-husk  package  given  him  the  previous  evening 
and  carries  it  to  the  house  of  the  wood  rat  (Neotoma).  After  deposit- 
ing his  offerings,  with  prayers  to  the  rat  to  aid  his  side  in  winning 
the  straw  counters  by  collecting  many  twigs  and  stems,  he  proceeds 
to  the  shrine  of  the  younger  God  of  War  on  the  summit  of  Corn 
mountain,  where  he  makes  offerings  and  prays  for  success  in  the  game. 
Descending  the  mountain,  he  goes  to  the  cactus  bed  belonging  to  the 
Cactus  fraternity  and  secures  a  piece  of  cactus  (Opuntia  arborescens) 
about  12  inches  in  length  and  prays:  "When  I  place  3rou  in  the  plaza 
do  not  let  anyone  touch  you.  Give  us  good  luck  in  the  game;  give  us 
much  lain  and  all  things."  Then  he  deposits  bits  of  precious  beads 
and  prayer  meal  at  the  base  of  the  plant  which  is  known  as  the  father 
of  the  cactus  bed.  He  afterward  visits  a  bed  of  flat-leaf  cactus  (Opun- 
tia filipendula)  and  collects  several  pieces,  saying:  "When  I  place  you 
in  the  plaza  do  not  let  anyone  touch  you.  Give  us  much  rain,  all 
things  to  eat.  all  things  to  wear."  He  then  goes  to  a  yucca  glauca 
plant  and  pulling  a  central  stalk  says:  "Give  me  good  luck  in  the  game; 
give  me  ihux-h  rain,  all  things  to  eat,  etc."  A  plant  of  kiapuli  (not 
classified)  is  then  visited,  and  he  repeats  the  prayers  and  breaks  off  a 
small  twig  with  several  branches.  All  the  plants  are  wrapped  together 
in  a  cloth  and  carried  to  the  house  of  the  leader,  where  he  joins  the 
watchers  and  players.  On  entering  the  house  the  rat  man  says:  "May 
the  day  go  well  with  you."  The  others  reply:  "All  good  come  to  37ou." 
The  leader  advances  to  meet  him  and  receives  the  bundle  of  plants, 
depositing  it  on  a  ledge  in  a  corner  of  the  room  where  it  will  be  secure 
from  view.  He  then  calls  the  three  players  and  requests  them  to  help  him 
arrange  the  plants,  which  are  grouped  together.  Turquoise,  ko'hakwa, 
abalone.  meal  and  corn  pollen,  and  a  quail  feather,  to  which  is  attached 
a  cotton  string  with  one  black  archaic  bead  strung  on  it,  are  bound  to  the 
base  of  the  bouquet  with  buckskin,-  which  is  carefully  tied  over  the  end 
and  wrapped  with  a  buckskin  thong.  While  the  plants  are  being  pre- 
pared the  four  watchers  each  bind  an  arrow  to  the  center  of  the  sole 
of  his  foot  with  a  cotton  cloth  (either  foot  may  be  used),  the  arrow 
pointing  toward  the  toes,  and  the  moccasin  is  drawn  on.  No  secrecy 
is  observed  in  binding  on  the  arrow.  A  tine  meal  is  then  served  by 
the  leader's  wife  and  family,  who  are  assisted  b}r  female  members  of 
23  eth— 04 22 


338 


THK    Z1TXI     INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


her  clan:  they  all  eat  heartily.  Coffee  and  water  are  freely  indulged 
in.  The  leader  addressing  his  players,  watchers,  and  the  rat  man. 
says:  "You  must  eat  much  now,  for  you  must  neither  eat  nor  diink 
while  the  game  is  being  played."  Should  the  leader  of  the  game 
on  the  opposite  side  come  to  him  and  ask  if  he  did  not  wish  to  eat 
or  drink  with  him,  he  replies.  •■Yes.  we  will  eat  with  you,"'  if  he 
thinks  it  is  best,  hut  usually  the  invitation  is  refused.  After  the 
repast  the  four  players  and  four  watchers  gather  near  the  fireplace 
and  apply  hear  or  cougar  grease  under  and  above  each  eye  and  then 
place  red  hematite  over  the  grease.  The  leader  theii  asks.  "Are  you 
ready?"  and  they  reply  "Yes."  and  the  players  and  watchers  go  to 
the  plaza.  The  leader  takes  his  place  on  the  west  side  of  the  plaza 
with  his  party:  the  players  of  the  other  side  sit  on  the  east  side  of  the 
plaza  by  the  old  Spanish  church.     The  game,  which  is  carried  by  the 


Fig.  14— Implements  used  in  i'yankolo'we. 

leader,  is  deposited  on  the  west  side  of  the  plaza,  the  open  ends  of 
the  cups  to  the  east.  The  stone  disk,  ball,  and  straw  counters  are 
laid  upon  the  cups  (see  figure  li).  A  party  from  each  side  is  dis- 
patched for  sand,  and  the  first  leader  visits  the  house  of  the  rain 
priest  to  secure  the  gaming  ball  which  was  left  on  the  west  line  of 
meal.  If  it  has  moved  to  the  most  eastern  line,  the  leader  knows  that 
his  side  will  win.  hut  if  it  has  moved  only  to  the  second  or  third 
line,  he  can  not  tell  anything  about  it.  He  lifts  the  stone  while  he 
stands  by  the  side  of  the  rain  priest,  and.  drawing  a  breath  from  it. 
places  it  inside  his  shirt,  and  saying  to  the  rain  priest  "So'amii"' 
(Good-by),  returns  to  the  plaza.  He  requests  one  of  the  watchers  to 
remove  the  disk  from  the  cups  and  carry  it  to  the  head  player  of 
the  opposite  side  and  ask  which  side  of  the  stone  disk  he  will 
choose — black    or   white.       When    the    side   is   chosen,    the    watcher 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  339 

stands  with  the  stone  beside  the  stakes  which  are  piled  in  the  plaza 
and  throws  it  up,  and  if  the  side  exposed  is  that  chosen  by  the  opposite 
party,  the  watcher  carries  the  game  over  to  that  side;  otherwise  the 
game  is  carried  to  the  first  leader,  who  hands  a  cup  to  each  of  the  three 
players  and  keeps  one  himself,  each  player  facing  a  cardinal  point. 
The  cup  may  be  held  in  either  hand.  In  addition  to  the  cup,  the  leader 
holds  the  disk,  the  ball,  and  straws.  While  the  four  pla}Ters  sit  by  the 
sand  pile,  which  is  <i  or  7  inches  high,  they  are  covered  with  a  large 
blanket  held  by  a  man.  The  sand  is  brushed  to  one  side  and  the 
leader  orders  one  of  his  men  to  dig  a  hole  about  1£  feet  in  depth  in  the 
center  of  the  place  where  the  sand  was  placed.  Any  implement  ma,y  be 
used  for  this  purpose.  The  bunch  of  plants  is  deposited  in  the  exca- 
vation, the  tops  being  just  even  with  the  earth,  so  that  when  the  hand 
is  rubbed  over  the  earth  the  cactus  and  other  things  are  detected. 
Each  of  the  four  players  then  makes  a  small  excavation  immediately 
before  him  and  about  1A-  feet  from  the  plants  and  deposits  a  small 
corn-husk  package  of  precious  offerings,  including  a  la'showanne. 
The  openings  are  then  covered  with  earth,  and  the  sand  is  brought 
back  to  its  original  place.  Then  the  leader  who  sits  on  the  east  side 
digs  a  hole  1£  inches  in  depth  to  the  right  of  him  and  deposits  one 
ancient  ko'hakwa  bead.  He  then  digs  a  similar  hole  an  inch  or  so 
east  of  the  other  and  deposits  a  bit  of  fine  turquoise;  then  the  exca- 
vation is  covered.  The  turquoise  must  be  of  the  best  quality  obtain- 
able and  of  sufficient  size  to  be  of  real  value.  The  ko'hakwa  and 
the  turquoise  must  be  upright,  not  laid  flat  in  the  excavation.  Again 
another  hole  is  drilled  with  a  stick  or  iron  rod  to  about  the  depth 
of  the  hand  an  inch  or  so  east  of  where  the  turquoise  is  placed. 
The  leader  runs  the  point,  of  a  slender  pencil-shaped  stick  through, 
the  black  stone  bead  and  then  puts  the  point  of  the  stick  to  the 
hole  which  has  been  drilled  and  works  the  stick  until  it  goes  as  far 
as  the  depth  of  the  hole,  when  he  withdraws  it,  leaving  the  black  bead 
in  place,  and  covers  the  hole  with  earth.  Then  each  player  holding 
his  cup  to  his  mouth  offers  a  silent  prayer.  The  lips  do  not  move. 
The  explanation  is  "We  sing  with  our  hearts,  not  with  our  lips." 
The  song  is  to  the  crow  and  owl.  The  former  can  hide  corn  in 
the  mountains  and  find  it  long  months  after,  and  the  owl  could 
carry  the  ball  in  his  claw  and  jump  about  and  no  one  know  that  he 
had  it."  Songs  are  also  addressed  to  the  Gods  of  War.  After  the 
songs  the  leader  takes  fi'om  his  shirt  the  ball  which  the  rain  priest 
gave  him.  rubs  it  in  his  hands  with  the  ball  of  the  game,  draws 
a  breath  from  the  two  balls,  returns  the  one  given  b}r  the  rain 
priest    to   his   breast,  and  places  the   other    immediately   over   the 

« It  is  claimed  that  there  are  balls  in  Zuiii  marked  with  the  owl's  foot,  the  owl  having  stolen  a 
ball  and  hidden  it  in  his  claws  when  the  Zuiiis  were  at  Han'lliplnkla.    (See  p.  &4. ) 


340  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  a.nn.  23 

buried  plants;.  He  then  stands  one  of  the  cups  over  the  ball,  and  the 
other  cups  are  placed  where  he  chooses.  He  brings  the  sand  up  well 
around  them,  and  lighting  a  husk  cigarette  puffs  the  smoke  over  the 
cups,  waving  the  cigarette  to  the  North,  West,  South,  East,  Zenith,  and 
Nadir,  that  the  rain-makers  of  the  six  regions  and  all  the  world  will 
send  rain  upon  Zuni.  All  this  is  done  under  cover  of  the  blanket. 
The  blanket  is  now  withdrawn,  and  the  head  watcher  of  the  opposite 
side  goes  over  to  choose  the  cups.  The  cups  are  touched  with  the 
hand.  If  the  second  cup  touched  contains  the  ball,  six  straws  are  lost, 
and  the  players  are  again  covered  with  the  blanket.  The  cups  are 
taken  from  their  place,  the  small  package  of  corn-husk  offerings  is 
moved  a  little  nearer  to  the  center,  the  cups  and  ball  are  again  placed, 
and  the  blanket  is  removed.  Then  one  of  the  watchers  from  the 
opposite  side  comes  over  and  asks  for  the  bunch  of  straws  (there  must 
always  be  106  straws)  and  carries  it  to  his  side  and  hands  it  to  the 
rat  man.  Then  the  head  watcher  returns  and  pays  six  straws  for 
his  first  guess,  which  was  not  successful,  and  again  he  touches  the 
cups,  if  he  touches  the  one  with  the  ball  at  the  first  guess,  he  has  to  pay 
ten  straws,  and  accordingly  returns  to  the  rat  man  and  gets  the  straws. 
The  tour  players  are  covered  again  to  change  the  cup  and  ball,  and  the 
corn-husk  offerings  are  again  moved  a  little  closer  to  the  plant  bunch, 
which  is  always  in  the  center,  and  the  ball  is  always  immediately  over 
this  spot,  but  the  three  cups  are  so  moved  and  the  sand  so  changed 
that  it  is  impossible  for  one  to  know  the  center.  The  head  watcher 
from  the  opposite  side  then  brings  his  ten  straws  and  again  chooses. 
If  the  fourth  cup  he  touches  contains  the  ball,  he  must  pay  four 
straws.  Again  the  blanket  covers  the  players,  the  cups  and  corn-husk 
package  are  changed,  the  man  returns  with  the  four  straws  which 
he  received  from  the  rat  man,  and  once  more  he  chooses  the  cups.  If 
the  third  cup  he  touches  contains  the  ball,  he  carries  the  game  over  to 
his  side,  and  the  playing  is  reversed.  The  game  is  not  won  until 
one  side  or  the  other  is  in  possession  of  all  the  straws.  When  the 
game  goes  back  to  the  first  party,  and  the  leader  places  the  ball,  he 
says  to  it:  "If  you  wish  to  move  about,  go  outside  to  your  mother, 
Ko'hakwa  [referring  to  the  bead  planted  near  by],  but  do  not  go  to 
your  father,  'Hli'akwa  [Turquoise];  go  to  your  mother  and  soon 
return."  The  game  sometimes  continues  four  days  and  nights.  It  has 
been  known  to  last  five  days.  One  must  never  sleep,  eat,  or  drink 
during  the  game,  which  goes  on  no  matter  how  cold  the  weather  or  how 
heavy  the  storm.  The  first  leader  of  the  game,  whether  he  is  success- 
ful or  otherwise,  removes  all  the  deposits  but  the  black  archaic  bead, 
which  remains  permanently  in  the  ground,  and  carries  them  with  the 
game  to  his  home.  He  still  has  the  ball  given  him  by  the  rain  priest 
in  his  shirt.  The  wagers  are  also  carried  to  his  house,  placed  on  the 
floor,  and  afterward  given  to  the  winners.     He  places  the  game  and 


STEVENSON] 


GAMES 


341 


offerings  in  a  basket  tray  with  the  money  and  silver  articles  offered  at 
the  stakes.  Prayer  meal  is  sprinkled  over  the  basket  and  also  over 
the  other  wagers  with  prayers  to  the  Gods  of  War,  rain-makers, 
A/wonawil'ona,  and  the  deceased  gamesters. 

The  game  (which  is  not  always  the  property  of  the  one  who  plays) 
is  returned  to  the  owner,  if  borrowed,  and  the  leader  carries  all  the 
offerings  made  by  his  side,  except  the  la'showanne,  to  Corn  mountain 
in  a  small  corn-husk  package,  and  deposits  them  at  the  shrine  of  the 
younger  trod  of  War.  He  places  the  la'showanne  in  his  medicine 
box,  and  on  his  return  from  Corn  mountain  carries  the  gaming  ball 
of  the  rain  priest  to  him  and  at  the  same  time  presents  a  string  of 
precious  beads  large  enough  to  encircle  the  left  thumb,  considered  the 


Fig.  15 — Implements  used  in  ho'klamonntf. 

lucky  one  in  this  game.     The  rain  priest  adds  these  beads  to  those 
which  wrap  his  et'tone  (see  Rain  priesthood). 

Ho'Mamanne.  The  implements  of  this  game  are  a  ball  of  j'ucca 
ribbons  and  two  slender  sticks,  each  sharpened  at  one  end  and  passed 
through  a  piece  of  corncob  having  two  hawk  plumes  inserted  in  the 
other  end  (see  figure  15).  The  yucca  ball  is  placed  on  the  ground  and 
the  sticks  are  thi-own  at  it  from  a  short  distance.  The  object  is  to  pen- 
etrate the  ball.  If  the  first  pla\'er  strikes  the  ball,  the  stick  is  allowed 
to  remain  in  place  until  the  other  party  plaj's.  If  both  sticks  strike  the 
ball,  it  is  a  draw.  If  the  second  stick  fails  to  strike,  it  remains  where 
it  falls,  and  the  first  player  removes  his  stick  from  the  ball  and  throws 
again.     The  one  who  strikes  the  ball  the  greater  number  of  times  wins 


342 


THE    ZCNI    INDIANS 


[eth.  an'n.  23 


the  game.  Ho'kiamonne  is  a  precious  game  of  the  Zuiiis,  being  one 
of  those  offered  to  the  Gods  of  War  at  the  winter  solstice.  The  game 
is  frequently  played  for  rain,  and  when  played  in  this  connection 
sacred  meal  is  sprinkled  on  the  ground  before  the  ball  is  placed;  the 
one  who  first  penetrates  the  ball  lifts  it  by  the  stick  and,  drawing  a 
breath  from  it.  offers  thanks  to  the  g-ods  that  the  rains  are  soon  to 


come. 


La'pochiwe.     The  implements  used  for  this  game  are  three  pencil- 
like sticks;  three  reeds  of  the  length  of  the  sticks,  one  of  them  with 


Fig.  16 — Plumed  sticks  and  reeds  used  in  playing  la'pochiwe. 

a  sharpened  stick  projecting  from  one  end,  and  one  longer  reed,  desig- 
nated the  "  chief,"  also  having  a  pointed  stick  attached  to  the  end.  Two 
fluffy  feathers  are  attached  to  each  reed  and  stick  (see  figure  16).° 
Three  sometimes  play  with  the  number  of  reeds  and  sticks  mentioned, 
but  when  more  than  two  play,  it  is  usual  to  increase  the  number  of 
sticks,  although  in  the  genuine  game  of  the  Gods  of  War  the  number 
does  not  exceed  seven. 

The  one  proposing  the  game  divides  the  six  smaller  reeds  and  sticks 
between  his  opponent  and  himself,  and  throws  the  "chief."     The  game 

a  The  string  tied  to  the  second  stick  from  the  right  in  the  figure  hits  no  significance. 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  343 

is  played  like  sho'wivaltowe,  described  further  on,  except  that  the 
players  are  seated  and  throw  a  comparatively  short  distance.  La'po- 
ehiwe  is  one  of  the  favorite  indoor  games. 

'     Ha'jooann&  pihl'hwana/we.     The  implements  of  this  game  are  a  bow 
and  arrows-and  an  oval  wad  of  green  corn  husks.     Any  number  of 


Fig.  17 — Implements  used  in  ha'poiinne'  pihl'kwanawe. 


players  may  take  part.  A  ha'ponne  (roll  of  husks)  is  placed  upon  the 
ground  and  arrows  are  shot  at  it  from  a  distance  of  40  or  50  feet  (see 
figure  IT).  "While  the  others  turn  their  backs,  the  first  player  to  strike 
the  wad  covers  it  with  a  mound  of  earth  very  much  larger  than  the  wad 


Implements  used  in  sa'yat'laknawe. 


itself.  The  one  who  places  the  roll  of  husks  is  almost  sure  to  remem- 
ber the  exact  location  of  it;  accordingly  he  resorts  to  various  devices 
to  mislead  the  players.  A  favorite  mode  of  deception  is  to  leave 
the  mound  low  where  the  roll  is  actually  buried,  but  more  elevated 
at  some  other  point.     The  players  aim  to  shoot  their  arrows  into  the 


344 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[F.TH.  ANN.  23 


roll  of  husks,  and  the  one  who  strikes  it  wins  the  game.  The  winner 
draws  the  husk  from  beneath  the  earth  with  the  arrow.  When  the 
arrow  strikes  the  mound,  but  does  not  touch  the  roll  of  husks,  it  is 
removed  by  the  one  who  .secretes  the  object,  and  a  second  player  shoots 
his  arrow.  Each  player  takes  his  turn  until  the  wad  is-  struck.  The 
one  who  had  the  arrangement  of  it  is  the  last  to  shoot,  and  naturally 
the  most  frequent  winner.  The  game  affords  great  amusement  to  the 
younger  men. 

Sa'yatilaknawe  (horns  Mil,  or  hilling  the  rabbit).  Six  goat  horns 
are  placed  in  line  on  the  ground  at  equal  distances  apart  (in  figure  IS 
only  four  appear),  and  the  players  stand  some  rods  away.     The  game 


Fig.  19— Method  of  holding  arrows  in  playing  sho'wiyaltowe. 

begins  by  a  player  starting  to  run  and  at  the  same  time  throwing  a 
rabbit  stick  toward  the  horns.  He  is  entitled  to  as  many  horns  as  he 
strikes  and  may  continue  to  throw  the  stick  as  long  as  he  is  successful 
in  striking  a  horn.  The  one  who  strikes  the  largest  number  of  horns 
wins  the  game." 

Sho'wiyaltowe.  Sho'wiyaltowe  may  be  played  by  any  number  of 
persons,  each  one  being  provided  with  several  arrows.  Holding  an 
arrow  between  his  index  and  middle  fingers  and  thumb,  the  first  player 
throws  it  a  distance  of  10  or  12  feet  (see  figure  19).  Then  a  second 
player  throws,  aiming  to  have  the  feathers  on  his  arrow  shaft  touch 

'i  Dr  Walter  Hough,  of  the  United  States  National  Museum,  observed  the  Indians  in  Mexico  playing 
this  game. 


STEVENSON] 


GAMES 


345 


those  of  the  one  already  on  the  ground.  If  lie  is  successful,  he  takes 
both  arrows  and  proceeds  to  make  another  throw,  after  which  the  next 
player  throws  at  the  arrow  on  the  ground;  if  he  fails,  the  arrow  remains 
in  place,  and  another  player  throws,  and  so  on,  each  man  taking  the 
arrows  which  are  touched  by  his  own.  Sometimes  disputes  arise  as  to 
whether  the  feathers  are  really  in  contact,  and  the  men  stoop  and 
examine  the  arrows  with  the  closest  scrutiny.  The  taker  of  all  the 
arrows  wins  the  game.  If  all  the  arrows  fall  apart,  each  player  takes 
his  own  from  the  ground  and  a  new  game  is  begun. 

Po'Mi  annawe  (jack-rdbhits  hit).  The  implement  of  this  game  is  a 
neatly  interlaced  pad  of  corn  husks  with  two  delicate  feathers  project- 
ing from  the  center  (see  figure  20).  This  game  is  so  named  because 
the  sound  produced  by  one  of  these  shuttlecocks  coming  in  contact 


Fig.  20— Implements  used  in  po'Miannawc 

with  the  palm  of  the  hand  is  similar  to  the  noise  of  the  tread  of  the 
jack-rabbit  upon  -frozen  snow.  It  is  plaj^ed  as  frequently  by  the 
younger  boys  as  b}T  their  elders,  and  always  for  stakes.  One  bets 
that  he  can  toss  the  shuttlecock  a  given  number  of  times.  While  ten 
is  the  number  specially  associated  with  the  game,  the  wagers  are  often 
made  for  twenty,  fifty,  and  sometimes  one  hundred  throws.  In  case 
of  failure,  the  other  player  tries  his  skill,  each  party  alternating  in 
the  game  until  one  or  the  other  tosses  the  shuttlecock  the  given  num- 
ber of  times,  only  one  hand  being  used,  thus  winning  the  game. 

1  Si  hm-i/d' inline  tihuoa/rie.  The  implements  of  this  game  are  a  slen- 
der rod  longer  than  an  arrow  shaft,  zigzagged  in  black,  symbolic  of 
lightning;  a  ring  about  2£  inches  in  diameter,  composed  of  yucca  rib- 
bons, and  a  ti'kwane  (racing  stick). 


MH 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


This  game  (see   figure  21)   is   played  only  by  order  of   the  Great 
Father  Ko'yemshi,  and  is  used  exclusively  to  bring-  rain. 

A  chosen  number  of  women, 
each  supplied  with  a  rod,  stand 
in  line  to  the  left  of  a  number 
of  men.  The  latter  are  pro- 
vided with  a  racing-  stick,  which 
they  kick;  and  the  women 
who  play  against  the  men  use 
the  yucca  ring,  tossing-  it  from 
the  ground  with  their  sticks.. 
Though  the  distance  covered  is 
short,  the  latter  seldom  win. 
This  game  is  rarely  played  at 
the  present  time.  The  writer 
observed  it  from  a  distance  and 
can  not  describe  it  in  detail. 

Po'pone  (stuffed  bag  or  ball). 
This  game  is  also  pla3Ted  by 
the  Ko'yemshi  and  members  of 
the  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy)  frater- 
nity during  the  intermission  of 
the  dances  of  the  authropic 
gods  in  the  sacred  dance  court. 
Two  sides  are  formed  in  line, 
and  a  man  runs  out  from  one 
side  and  turns  his  back  to  his 
opponents,  one  of  whom  ad- 
vances and  throws  a  small  bag 
filled  with  wool.  If  he  suc- 
ceeds in  striking  the  one  who 
has  his  back  turned,  the  latter 
must  join  the  side  of  the  one 
who  strikes  him;  but  should 
the  one  endeavoring  to  strike 
be  hit  from  the  other  side  be- 
fore he  returns  to  bis  ranks,  he 
must  pass  to  his  opponents'  side. 

These  children  of  nature  ap 
pear  to   derive  as   much   real 
enjoyment  from  this   game  as 
the  children  of  civilization  do 
from  their  game  of  tag. 

Pi> pane  Map '/unit  (ball  whip- 
ping). This  game  is  the  same  as  shinny,  or  bandy,  and  is  a  favorite 
betting  manic.     The  ball  is  usually  made  of  buckskin. 


c 

£ 
to 

— 


STEVENSON]  GAMES  347 

7~a!cJmni  sa'wanni.  This  game,  equivalent  to  our  ring-around-a- 
rosy,  is  one  of  the  games  played  in  the  sacred  dance  court  by  the 
Ko'yemshi  and  the  Galaxy  fraternity  between  the  dances.  A  circle  of 
men  with  hands  clasped  is  formed  about  one  in  the  middle,  who  aims 
to  catch  one  of  the  others  as  they  jump  around.  He  is  frequently 
whispered  to  as  to  whom  to  choose.  When  one  is  caught,  he  takes 
his  place  within  the  circle,  and  his  predecessor  leaves  the  game  alto- 
gether. When  the  number  is  reduced  to  three,  the  amusement 
increases,  and  it  reaches  its  height  when  only  two  are  left.  These 
two  hop  about,  each  on  one  foot;  the  one  becoming  exhausted  first 
joins  his  fellows,  now  grouped  on  one  side  of  the  plaza,  and  then  in 
order  to  win  the  contest  the  remaining  one  must  hop  to  the  group 
before  placing  his  other  foot  on  the  ground.  At  times  all  the  players 
hop  on  one  foot,  each  endeavoring  to  outdo  the  others  and  remain 
longest  in  the  field.  The  song  accompanying  the  game  is  a  repetition 
of  words  which  the  Zunis  themselves  appear  not  to  understand,  but 
which  they  believe  to  have  come  from  the  Ko'yemshi  gods.  The 
words  are:  Ya'chuni  sa'wanni,  va'chuni  sa'wanni,  ya'anni  ku'ya,ya'anni 
ku'va,  shi'ki,  shi'ki,  shi'ki,  shi'ki,  a'mashu'. 

'Klash'tuwiivi.  Two  files  of  men  hold  each  other  around  the  waist, 
the  leaders  of  the  two  files  clasping  hands,  and  in  this  position  they 
jump  about  the  plaza.  At  times  the  men  separate  and  form  into  oppos- 
ing lines,  and,  clasping  hands,  jump  back  and  forth.  The  songs  sung 
by  the  leaders  tell  stories  of  youths  of  old — how  their  fathers  fell  in 
love  with  their  mothers.  One  begins  by  telling  of  how  he  came  from 
his  mother,  and  when  he  was  old  enough  his  grandfather  made  him  a 
bow  and  some  arrow  reeds,  and  attaching  fine  arrow  points  he  went  off 
to  hunt  game.  The  game  came  close  to  the  cornfield  and  he  killed 
mairy  deer.  He  was  hungry  and  wished  to  cook  some  of  the  meat, 
but  his  success  in  the  hunt  had  brought  such  heavy  rains  that  he  was 
compelled  to  fast  until  his  return  home.  The  story  of  another  youth 
is  sung  by  the  other  leader.  He  gives  his  experience  previous  to  his 
birth,  how  finally  he  is  able  to  peep  out  and  see  a  little  light,  and  dis- 
covers that  there  is  a  road  03*  which  he  may  come  out  into  the  world; 
he  decides  then  that  he  will  no  longer  remain  in  his  mother's  womb. 
His  parents  and  grandparents  rejoice  over  his  birth,  and  as  soon  as  he 
is  old  enough  his  grandfather  supplies  him  with  a  bow  and  arrows, 
and  he  goes  off  on  a  hunt,  and  finding  many  deer  near  the  cornfield  he 
kills  them,  and  the  rain  comes  in  torrents  and  waters  the  earth.  The 
chorus,  which  is  sung  constantly  throughout  the  game,  compares  the 
rupture  of  the  membranes  to  violent  rains  which  cause  the -springs  to 
flow  out  through  the  holes  in  the  rocks.  The  words  of  the  choi'us  are 
as  follows:  "'Kiash'tuwiwi,  'kiash'tuwiwi  kal'ivan,  kwa'chi,  kal'iyan 
kwa'chi  kwa'chi,  kwa'chi  chi  chi  chi  chi." 

Ta'shdMwe  {wood  reeds).  The  implements  of  this  game  are  three 
staves,  colored  red  or  black  on  one  side  and  white  or  uncolored  on  the 


348  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Ieth.  ann.  23 

other;  forty  small  stones,  a  stone  disk,  and  straws  or  slender  strips  of 
wood.  This  game  is  played  out  of  doors.  The  stones  are  laid  in  a  circle, 
broken  into  four  segments,  with  a  disk  in  the  center.  From  two  to  four 
persons  generally  play,  but  the  number  is  not  limited  to  four.  The 
staves  are  held  vertically  over  the  disk  and  thrown  downward  with 
force  (see  plate  lxxxiv).  The  three  colored  sides  coming  up  entitles 
the  player  to  move  his  marker  by  ten  of  the  stones.  The  three 
uncolored  or  white  sides  coming  up  gives  the  player  five  moves;  two 
uncolored  and  one  colored  up  gives  the  player  three  moves;  two  col- 
ored and  one  uncolored  up  entitles  the  player  to  two  moves.  The 
markers,  being  moved  in  opposite  directions,  sometimes  meet.  In 
such  case  the  last  player  is  said  to  be  killed  and  must  begin  again  at 
the  starting  point.  The  first  one  around  the  circle  wins  the  game, 
provided  his  count  does  not  carry  him  beyond  the  starting  point,  in 
which  event  he  must  continue  going  around  until  his  counter  naches 
the  doorway,  or  spring,  as  the  opening  is  often  called." 

Tiiii'l.-nliiir, .  This  is  similar  to  quoits,  and  is  played  as  frequently 
by  young  boys  as  by  their  elders.  Any  number  may  play.  The 
stakes  are  placed  on  a  corncob  or  sometimes  onj|?jstone  planted  in 
the  ground.  The  players  throw  a  stone  disk.  ainjjBig  to  strike  a  line 
marked  on  the  ground.  The  one  coming  nearest  hies'  the  privilege  of 
throwing  first  at  the  stake.  If  the  corncob  is  kn<foked  over  and  the 
disk  remains  by  it,  the  thrower  has  another  chance;  if  the  disk  goes 
beyond  the  corncob,  he  loses;  if  it  falls  short  of  the  cob,  he  wins. 

A'wetLlaknwme  (stones  Tcill).  The  implements  of  this  game  are  a 
number  of  small  flat  stones,  having  a  different  color  for  each  side,  and  a 
stone  slab  with  geometrical  markings.  An  improvised  board  is  some- 
times marked  on  the  ground.  There  is  no  specified  size  for  the  board, 
this  being  larger  or  smaller,  according  to  the  number  of  angles.  The 
stones  are  placed  on  all  the  intersections  of  the  geometrical  drawing 
except  the  central  one.  The  first  player  moves  to  the  center,  where 
his  man  is  jumped  by  his  opponent.  The  stones  may  be  moved  in  any 
direction  so  long  as  the  lines  are  followed.* 

"Ta'sholiwe  (ta  from  ta'we,  wood:  sho'liwe,  arrow  reeds)  is  played  extensively  by  the  Zuiiis, 
although  the  writer  has  never  observed  prominent  men  playing  it.  Notwithstanding  the  Zufiis  claim 
that  they  adopted  the  game  from  the  Navahos,  the  Sia  Indians,  who  call  it  wash'kasi,  regard  it  as  one 
of  their  oldest  games.  Instead  of  the  circle,  they  form  a  square  with  ten  stones  on  each  side  (see 
The  Sia.  Eleventh  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology).  Dr  E.  B.  Tyler,  in  his  paper  on 
"American  lot  games  as  evidence  of  Asiatic  intercourse  before  the  time  of  Columbus,"  refers  at  length 
to  this  game,  giving  a  diagram  of  it  as  played  by  the  Apache  Indians,  which  is  identical  with  the  form 
of  the  game  as  played  by  the  Zufiis.  MrCulin,  in  Chess  and  Playing  Cards,  calls  attention  to  a  form  of 
ta'sholiwe  known  as  "  tern  thla  nah  na  ta  sho  li  we  (of  all  the  regions  wood  canes)."  The  writer  has 
not  discovered  any  such  form  as  is  described  by  Mr  Culin,  but  a  Zuiii  will  sometimes,  when  he  wishes 
to  play  sho'liwe,  refer  to  the  canes  as  tem'da  na'nakwe  sho'liwe  (all  grandfathers'  arrow  reeds,  i.  e., 
reeds  of  our  forefathers). 

l>The  Zufiis  also  make  the  checkerboard  within  a  circle,  and  in  this  case  they  have  the  advantage 
of  resorting  to  the  periphery  when  cornered.  Some  of  the  older  men  of  Zuiii  declare  that  this  game, 
when  it  came  originally  to  Zuiii  from  Mexico,  was  played  with  a  setof  stones  for  one  side  and  a  stick 


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STEVENSON]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  349 

The  first  three  games  ti'kwane,  sho'liwe  and  i'yilnkolo'we  have  been 
described  as  associated  with  elaborate  ceremonies.  It  is  probable  that 
I  he  other  games  of  the  Gods  of  War  when  played  under  certain  con- 
ditions are  attended  with  more  or  less  ceremony  which  the  author  has 
not  observed. 

Arts  and  Industries 

house  building 

A  Zufii  pueblo  resembles  a  great  beehive,  with  its  houses  built  one 
upon  another  in  a  succession  of  terraces,  the  roof  of  one  forming  the 
floor  or  yard  of  the  one  next  above,  and  so  on  until  in  some  cases  live 
tiers  of  dwellings  are  successively  erected  (see  plate  lxxxv);  only  a 
few  houses,  however,  are  over  two  stories  in  height.  Among  the 
Zufiis,  as  among  more  civilized  peoples,  riches  and  official  position 
confer  importance  upon  the  possesssor.  The  wealthy  class  live  in  the 
lower  houses;  those  of  more  modest  means,  next  above;  while  the 
poorer  families,  as  a  rule,  content  themselves  with  the  uppermost 
stories.  No  one,  naturally,  would  climb  to  the  garret  who  had  the 
means  to  live  below.  The  houses,  which  are  built  of  stone  and  adobe 
(sun-dried  bricks  composed  of  earth  and  straw  molded  in  wooden 
forms),  arc  clustered  about  three  plazas,  or  squares,  and  a  fourth 
plaza  is  on  the  west  side  of  the  village.  There  are  three  covered  ways 
and  several  streets. 

The  women  delight  in  house  building,  especialty  in  plastering  the 
houses.  They  consider  this  their  special  prerogative  and  would  feel 
that  their  rights  were  infringed  upon  were  men  to  do  it.  Men  laj'  the 
stone  foundations,  build  the  walls,  and  place  the  huge  logs  which  serve 
as  beams  to  support  the  roof.  These  logs  are  brought  from  a  long 
distance  and  are  dressed  by  the  Zufii  carpenter.  After  the  logs  are 
placed  (see  plate  lxxxvi),  carefully  selected  willow  boughs  are  laid 
crosswise  upon  rafters,  brush  is  spread  over  these,  and  the  whole  is 
covered  with  earth,  forming  a  roof  substantial  enough  for  this  climate. 
Little  girls  assist  in  bringing  the  water  used  in  mixing  the  mortar, 
working  industriousl}T,  and  trudging  from  the  river  with  their  diminu- 
tive water  vases  on  their  heads  in  a  fashion  quite  Egyptian. 

The  lower  houses,  as  well  as  those  above,  have  outer  doors;  hatch- 
ways in  the  roof,  through  which  ladders  pass,  serve  as  other  entrances. 
The  doorways  are  so  small  that  in  many  instances  it  is  difficult  to 
squeeze  through,  vet  they  are  an  improvement  on  the  more  ancient 

for  the  opposite  side,  and  that  the  use  of  the  double  set  of  stones  is  an  innovation  of  their  own.  The 
writer  observed  the  Africans  at  the  Buffalo  Exposition,  in  1901,  playing  on  a  rude  slab  of  wood  marked 
in  squares,  each  alternate  square  being  colored  black.  This  game  was  identical  writh  the  modern 
game  of  checkers,  with  the  exception  that  twenty  men  are  used  on  each  side.  One  player,  who  spoke 
English  well,  told  the  writer  that  his  people  had  always  played  the  game,  the  board  with  them 
being  marked  by  having  alternate  squares  excavated  on  a  heavy  slab  of  wood. 


350  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


entrances,  which  were  in  some  cases  circular  openings  in  round  stone 
slabs  of  considerable  thickness,  just  large  enough  for  one  to  pass 
through  by  assuming  a  horizontal  position.  These  doorways  were 
closed  with  round  stone  slabs  held  in  place  bjT  props  of  strong  poles." 
The  houses  are  so  provided  -with  interior  doors  that  almost  the  entire 
older  portion  of  the  village  can  be  put  in  communication  without 
passing  outside  the  communal  structure.  Small  openings  made  in 
the  walls  to  admit  light  are  tilled  with  irregular  pieces  of  selenite. 
The  chimneys  are  composed  of  cooking  utensils  with  perforated  bases, 
placed  one  upon  another  and  cemented  together.  When  a  cooking 
pot  can  no  longer  serve  its  original  purpose,  it  is  stored  away  for 
future  use  in  the  chimney.  After  the  house  is  constructed,  the  exte- 
rior and  interior  walls  are  covered  with  a  reddish-brown  plaster  made 
of  earth  and  water.  It  is  applied  with  the  hand,  which  is  swept  over 
the  wall  in  semicircles  (see  plate  lxxxvii).  In  working  the  plaster 
the  woman  keeps  her  mouth  tilled  with  water,  which  is  skillfully 
applied  to  the  wall,  when  necessary,  in  the  manner  in  which  a  Chinese 
laundryman  sprinkles  clothes.  The  inner  walls  are  whitened,  and  for 
this  purpose  a  white  clay  is  dissolved  in  boiling  water  and  applied 
with  a  rabbit-skin  glove.  The  gloved  hand  is  dipped  into  the  liquid 
and  then  rapidly  passed  over  the  wall.  The  color  of  the  outer  walls  is 
usually  of  the  dark  color. 

AGRICULTURE  AND  HORTICULTURE 

Assistance  in  the  fields  is  obtained  as  follows:  A  member  of  a  fra- 
ternity asks  the  mo'sona  (director)  for  help,  and  he  designates  a  cer- 
tain number  of  the  fraternity  to  assist  their  fellow.  The  female  head 
of  the  house  or  the  daughter  or  perhaps  both  go  to  the  people  of 
their  clan  asking  the  assistance  of  the  sons  of  the  families;  the  pater- 
nal heads  of  these  houses  also  give  their  services,  so  that  the  work  is 
not  confined  to  a  single  clan.  The  only  time  the  people  of  a  ki'wi'sine* 
are  called  upon  for  such  work  is  when  a  house  is  to  entertain  a 
Sha'lako/  The  laborers  are  entertained  at  an  evening  meal  after  the 
return  from  the  fields  each  day  by  the  family  for  whom  they  work. 
The  clans  of  the  heads  of  the  house  also  aid  in  the  entertainment. 

These  primitive  agriculturists  have  observed  the  greatest  care  in 
developing  color  in  corn  and  beans  to  harmonize  with  the  six  I'egions — 
3'ellow  for  the  North,  blue  for  the  West,  red  for  the  South,  white  for 
the  East,  variegated  for  the  Zenith,  and  black  for  the  Nadir.     They 

<*  Althcmgh  the  Zufiis  are  perfectly  aware  that  stone  doorways  were  in  early  use  among  their  people, 
the  only  perfect  specimen  to  be  seen  in  this  village  belongs  to  an  aged  theurgist  who  mourns  the  fact 
that  his  people  have  not  preserved  these  objects  of  their  ancient  architecture.  In  the  Eighth  Annual 
Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1891,  in  a  paper  entitled  "A  Study  of  Pueblo  Architecture,"  by 
Mr  Victor  Mimleleff,  is  a  most  interesting  pen  picture,  on  p.  192,  containing  a  reference  to  stone 
doorways  discovered  in  ruins. 

bSee  Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions,  p.  62, 

cSee  Annual  festival  ot  the  Sha'lako,  p.  227. 


stevenson]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  351 

have  all  shades  of  yellow  and  blue,  and  of  red  from  the  deepest  cardinal 
to  the  most  delicate  pink.  The  white  corn  is  intensely  white,  and  there 
are  remarkable  varieties  of  variegated  corn.  There  are  several  shades 
of  purple  corn,  and  black  corn.  The  same  variety  of  shades  is  to  be 
found  in  the  beans,  which  are  grown  in  the  cornfield.  Much  of  the 
corn  and  all  of  the  wheat  is  raised  in  the  farming  districts  of  Nutria, 
Pescado,  and  Ojo  Caliente.  The  cornfields  also  spread  over  the  land 
near  Zuni  and  elsewhere.  In  most  instances  the  fields  remote  from 
the  farming  districts  are  not  irrigated.  The  corn  is  grown  in  clusters 
so  as  to  give  a  better  chance  for  development  in  this  arid  land.  The 
three  farming  districts  are  each  irrigated  from  a  spring.  The  descrip- 
tion of  one  will  answer  for  all.  The  spring  To'seluna,  at  Ojo  Caliente, 
is  at  the  base  of  a  low  limestone  mountain.  The  body  of  the  spring, 
which  is  deep,  is  between  35  and  40  feet  long,  IS  by  20  feet  wide, 
and  is  a  beautiful,  clear  sheet  of  water.  The  Zunis  saj-  that  a  man 
may  sink  to  his  neck,  but  the  force  of  the  water  as  it  comes  from 
the  earth  is  so  great  as  to  prevent  his  touching  bottom.  It  is  said 
that  a  woman  returning  to  Ojo  Caliente  with  a  burro  loaded  with 
milling  stones,  about  twenty-five  years  ago,  allowed  the  Kttle  animal 
to  go  into  the  spring  to  drink.  The  weight  of  the  stones  carried  him 
to  the  bottom,  and  he  disappeared  forever  from  sight. 

Two  ditches  extend  in  different  directions  from  the  spring  for  irri- 
gating the  fields.  The  main  ditch  waters  an  area  about  3£  by  2£ 
miles,  while  the  other  does  not  irrigate  so  large  a  surface.  Since  the 
main  ditch  is  lower  than  the  other,  it  often  becomes  necessary  to  dam 
it  in  order  that  a  greater  force  of  water  may  go  from  the  spring 
into  the  higher  ditch.  To  accomplish  this,  earth  is  banked  between  a 
number  of  tree  boles  which  stand  in  line  where  the  water  of  the  spring 
flows  into  the  ditch.  The  damming  is  done  by  the  master  of  the  ditch 
at  the  request  of  those  who  desire  water  from  the  higher  ditch.  No 
stick  or  board  or  any  other  kind  of  water  measure  is  used  by  the 
Zunis,  and  there  is  no  history  or  legend  among  them  of  the  employ- 
ment of  such  articles.  Disputes  over  the  water  seldom  occur;  when 
one  does  occur  the  governor  of  Zuni  settles  the  question.  It  is  the 
business  of  the  governor  to  see  that  the  water  is  fairly  distributed. 

When  the  writer  visited  To'seluna  spring  in  1904,  she  found  men 
making,  under  the  direction'of  the  master  of  the  ditch,  a  temporary 
ditch  to  enable  a  woman  to  water  her  garden,  which  was  on  an  eleva- 
tion immediately  above  the  spring.  In  order  to  have  the  water  reach 
this  garden  it  was  necessary  to  dam  both  of  the  main  ditches. 

Muskmelons,  watermelons,  squashes,  and  gourds  are  usually  grown 
near  the  cornfields.  When  the  corn  and  melons  begin  to  ripen  the 
fields  are  constantly  guarded,  and  for  this  purpose  rude  shelters  are 
erected  (figure  22).  The  country  is  so  infested  with  ravens  that  the 
Zunis  have  become  expert  in   the  construction  of  scarecrows.     The 


352 


THE    ZUK1    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


majority  of  the  Zunis  leave  the  village  and  settle  in  comfortable  houses 
in  the  tannine-  districts  for  the  summer,  remaining  as  late  as  possible 
in  the  autumn.  Some  few  have  found  the  country  home  so  greatly, 
preferable  that  they  have  taken  up  their  permanent  abode  at  their 
farms,  but  this  does  nut  prevent  their  prompt  attendance  at  ceremo- 
nials held  in  Zufii. 

When  tin'  corn  has  been  gathered  it  is  brought  home  and  spread  on 
the  roof.  After  the  husk  has  been  removed,  the  ears  are  stacked  with 
great  precision  and  care  in  the  storage  rooms.  Corn  husking  is  as 
much  of  a  frolic  with  the  Zunis  as  it  was  with  the  youths  and  maidens 
of  our  own  country  districts  in  the  past.  "Wherever  corn  is  seen  on 
the  roof  one  is  pretty  sure  to  hear  the  merry  voices  of  the  huskers, 


Fig.  22— Shelter  for  the  field  guardian. 

though  the  red  ear  does  not  suggest  the  kiss.  The  Zunis  are  not  much 
given  to  kissing,  though  they  are  not  entirely  free  from  it:  the  young 
men  kiss  their  favorite  girls  on  the  sly.  and  fathers  are  fond  of  kissing 
their  infants. 

The  soil  is  harrowed  with  primitive  implements,  and  the  wheat  is 
threshed  in  the  farming  districts  where  it  is  raised,  goats  and  occasion- 
ally horses  taking  the  place  of  threshing  machines.  The  wheat  is 
«  innowed  by  tossing  it  ;,,  baskets  made  for  the  purpose.  It  is  stored 
either  in  large  bins  constructed  of  stone  slabs  or  in  immense  pottery 
jars  in  the  storage  rooms.  A  Zuni  storage  room  (figure  23)  contains  a 
promiscuous  mass  of  material  ranging  from  objects  of  the  most  sacred 
character  to  those  of  little  or  no  value. 


STEVENSON] 


Airi'S     AND    INDUSTKIKS 


353 


The  Zunis  aim  to  beep  a  year's  supply  of  grain  on  hand  untouched 
to  provide  against  failure  of  crops.  They  have  learned  this  lesson 
from  experience.  Starvation  has  sometimes  compelled  them  to  seek 
relief  from  other  pueblos.  Neighboring  tribes  have  also  sought  aid 
from  the  Zunis  for  the  same  reason. 

Onions,  chillis,  a  species  of  amarantus  (used  for  imparting  a  red  color 
to  the  wafer  bread"),  and  a  variety  of  herbs  used  as  condiments  are 
raised  exclusively  by  the  women  in  little  gardens  in  the  farming  dis- 
tricts and  at  Zuni.  In  Zuni  these  gardens,  Avhich  are  protected  by 
adobe  walls,  are  at  the  southern  edge  of  the  village  on  the  river  front. 
The  energetic  little  women  may  be  seen  at  daybreak  carrying  vases  of 


Fig.  23 — A  storage  room. 

water  from  the  river  and  watering  their  gardens,  which  require  con- 
stant care  in  order  that  they  may  not  be  parched  by  the  burning  sun. 
W  atermelons,  njuskmelons,  beans,  onions,  and  chillis,  which  are 
raised  in  great  abundance,  are  grown  not  only  for  summer  consump- 
tion, but  are  preserved  for  winter  use.  The  watermelons  and  onions 
are  laid  away  in  the  storage  rooms  without  preparation;  the  musk- 
melons  are  seeded  from  the  end,  pared,  and  hung  on  crotches  of  low  trees 
which  are  found  at  the  farming  districts.  Squash  is  cut  into  long 
strips,  as  one  would  pare  an  apple,  formed  into  hanks,  and  dried  in 
the  sun.  Chillis,  which  are  gathered  when  red,  are  strung  together 
and  hung  on  the  outer  walls  to  dry.  The  brilliant  red  against  the 
somber  adobe  wall  gives  a  pleasant  bit  of  contrasting  color.     All  edible 

a  This  red  coloring  is  rarely  used  by  the  Zuiiis;  it  is  the  Hopis  who  glory  in  brilliant  red  bread. 
23  eth— 04 23 


354  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

plants"  are  cured  for  winter  use.  most  of  them  being  tied  in  bunches 
and  bung  in  the  storage  rooms,  us  are  also  the  medicinal  plant-. 

Peaches  are  raised  in  the  foothills,  where  there  is  more  moisture 
than  below.  The  trees  are  low.  many  of  them  not  over  3  feet  in 
height,  some  even  less.  Their  spreading  limbs  are  laden  with  fruit 
when  the  season  is  favorable,  hut  the  crop  is  plentiful  only  every  other 
year.  When  the  fruit  is  ripe,  all  families  that  have  orchards,  or  some 
of  the  members  of  each  family,  move  to  the  orchards  and  remain  in 
temporary  huts  or  permanent  structures  until  the  fruit  is  gathered,  in 
many  instances  until  it  is  dried.  Though  the  fresh  fruit  is  greatly 
enjoyed,  and  even  green  peaches  stewed  and  sweetened  are  a  treat,  care 
is  taken  to  dry  large  quantities  for  the  winter.  The  Palle  family, 
the  richest  in  Zufii,  dry  their  fruit  on  the  top  of  a  great  rock  which 
appears  to  be  inaccessible  to  any  but  an  Indian.  A  man  of  this  family. 
now  deceased,  who  wore  female  attire  placed  the  peaches  on  this  rock 
at  the  time  when  the  writer  visited  the  orchard.  This  is  a  delightful 
season  for  the  Zunis,  and  especially  for  the  children,  who  spend  their 
days  eating  peaches  and  rolling  over  the  sand  hills. 

SALT   GATHERING 

The  annual  journey  to  the  Zufii  salt  lake4  for  the  purpose  of  gather- 
ing salt  is  an  important  event  with  the  Zunis,  as  it  is  with  the  other 
pueblos,  and  is  accompanied  by  elaborate  ceremonies.  In  July  the 
first  body  of  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests)  gather  together  in  the  ancestral 
chamber  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  (rain  priest  of  the  North  and  high  priest 
of  Zufii)  to  arrange  for  the  annual  journey,  and  early  the  following 
morning  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  announces  from  the  house  top 
that  those  in  need  of  salt  must  be  ready  to  start  in  four  days,  inclu- 
sive of  that  day,  for  the  home  of  the  Salt  Mother/  The  women 
never  go.  On  this  occasion  each  man  of  the  first  body  of  rain  priests'7 
takes  his  turn  in  regular  order  in  leading  the  party.     He  is  accom- 

"Tn  1902  the  writer  collected  a  large  number  of  edible  and  medicinal  plants,  which  were  placed  in 
the  hands  of  Dr  F.  V.  Coville,  curator  of  botany,  National  Museum,  for  classification,  and  will  be 
described  in  a  later  publication. 

'•Tlie  following  facts  regarding  this  Jake  are  kindly  furnished  by  Mr  N.  II.  Darton,  of  the  United 
Survey: 

The  Zufii  salt  lake  is  situate'!  on  the  south  slopes  of  the  valley  of  Carrizo  Creek.  42  miles  south  by 
east  from  Zufii  pueblo.  Sinking  abruptly  below  the  sloping  plain  of  the  surrounding  valley  is  a  round, 
crater-like  depression  about  a  mile  broad  and  200  feet  deep.  In  its  center  rise  two  symmetrical  vol- 
canic cinder  cones  about  150  feet  high,  to  the  north  of  which  i*  the  salt  lake,  and  T<>  the  south  a 
nearly  smooth  plain  floored  with  wash  from  the  slope-.  The  lake  is  an  oblong  body  of  water  extend- 
ing east  and  west  across  the  northern  end  of  the  depression,  with  a  length  of  about  1,01  0  feet  and  a 
breadth  some  what  less.  Apparently  the  lake  occupied  the  entire  floor  of  the  depression  at  one  time, 
but  by  evaporation  and  the  deposition  of  mud  it  has  greatly  diminished  in  size.  The  waters  of  the 
lake  arc  saturated  with  common  salt,  containing  26  per  cent,  according  to  Professor  C.  I..  Herrick. 
As  the  natural  evaporation  progresses  salt  is  deposited.  Although  no  deep  borings  havebeenmade 
the  depression  appears  to  contain  a  salt  deposit  of  considerable  thickness,  mixed  with  a  small  amount 
of  mud  washed  from  the  surrounding  slopes  and  dust  carried  by  the  wind. 
-  e  Zufii  version  of  <  Irigin  of  the  salt  lake.  p.  58. 

-'The  tirst  body  of  rain  priests  comprises  the  rain  priests  of  the  six  regions,  the  cider  and  younger 
brother  Bow  priests,  and  the  Priestess  of  fecundity. 


stevexson]  ARTS    AXD    INDUSTRIES  855 

panied  by  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  and  personators 
of  the  Ko'yemshi.  Every  man  who  is  to  visit  the  lake  prepares  plume 
offerings  to  Ma'lokafsi,  the  spiritual  name  for  mawe  (salt),  and  carry- 
ing them  to  the  rain  priest  who  is  to  visit  the  lake  presents  the  offering 
with  the  words:  "  I  wish  to  go  to  my  Salt  Mother.  I  wish  to  ask  her 
for  a  part  of  herself."  The  rain  priest  receives  the  offerings  with 
expressions  of  thanks.  The  salt-gatherers,  including  the  three  priests, 
prepare  plume  offerings  to  the  Salt  Mother,  the  Sun  Father,  the 
Moon  Mother,  and  the  Lorn  Mother.  The  elder  and  younger  brother 
Row  priests  also  make  offerings  to  each  of  the  Gods  of  War.  The 
personators  of  the  Ko'yemshi    make  others  to  the  Council  of  the  Gods. 

At  sunrise  of  the  morning  on  which  the  journey  is  to  begin  the 
heads  of  those  who  are  to  make  the  pilgrimage  are  washed  in  yucca 
suds  and  their  entire  bodies  are  bathed.  The  women  of  the  family 
see  to  it  that  the  men  are  provided  with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  jerked 
meat  and  wafer  bread — in  fact  the  larders  are  emptied  of  their  choice 
things  for  the  occasion.  All  Zuni  is  in  the  streets  and  on  the  house 
tops  to  witness  the  departure  of  the  salt-gatherers,  each  one  offering 
a  prayer  for  their  success  and  safe  return.  The  rain  priest  who  makes 
the  journey  carries  the  plume  offerings  given  him  by  the  men  upon 
their  announcement  that  they  wished  to  visit  the  Salt  Mother. 
Nai'uchi,  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  carries  in  his  right  hand  a  rhom- 
bus, which  consists  of  two  slats  about  6  inches  long,  oval  at  one  end. 
each  attached  to  end  of  a  cord,  and  in  his  left  hand  offerings  con- 
sisting of  plumes  and  a  diminutive  shield  and  bow  and  arrows  for  the 
elder  God  of  War.  Me'she,  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  carries  a 
rhombus  and  similar  offerings  to  the  younger  God  of  War.  The  three 
proceed  on  foot  and  are  followed  by  the  A'wan  ta'chu  i  Great  Father! 
Ko'yemshi.  who  sprinkles  meal  as  he  proceeds.  The  rhornbi  are 
whirled  for  the  rain-makers  to  gather  over  Zuni.  The  rest  of  the 
party,  mounted  on  burros,  follow  a  short  distance  behind  and  manage 
the  extra  burros  that  are  to  bring  back  the  salt.  The  salt  lake,  accord- 
ing to  Mr  Darton.  is  42  miles  south  by  east  from  Zuni,*  and  is  reached 
before  sunset  on  the  second  day.  Several  ranges  of  mountains  are 
crossed,  but  the  trail  is  good,  running  largely  through  long  stretches 
of  timbered  country,  the  one  drawback  being  the  absence  of  water. 
There  are  several  shrines  between  Zuni  and  the  lake,  at  which  plume 
offerings  to  the  Sun  Father  and  Moon  Mother  are  deposited. 

When  Mr  Stevenson  and  his  party  visited  the  salt  lake,  the  Kia'- 
kwemosi  appointed  a  prominent  man  of  the  tribe  as  guide.  The  first 
night  a  dry  camp  was  made,  where  not  only  the  animals  but  the  men 
suffered  for  lack  of  water.  As  Mr  Stevenson  learned  on  the  following 
morning  that  he  was  within  i  miles  of  fine  springs,  his  chagrin  was 
great.     When  he  called  the  Indian  to  task  for  not  having  led  him  to 

"See  p.  33. 

6  >Ir  Darton  evidently  reiers  to  the  Indian  trail,  as  the  distance  by  the  road  is  much  far.  I 


356  THE    ZTTNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

the  water,  the  old  man  exclaimed:  "These  springs  are  at  the  house 
of  the  Kok'ko  ko'han  (white  gods°),  and  a  Zuni  would  not  dare  to 
camp  near  by."  Thus  the  guide  had  purposely  led  the  party  from  the 
main  trail  in  order  that  the  sacred  spot  should  not  be  desecrated. 

The  party  had  not  proceeded  far  on  the  following  morning  when 
the  old  Indian  came  close  to  the  writer,  and.  pointing  to  an  extensive 
ruin,  whispered:  ••There  is  the  house  of  the  Kla'nakwe;  I  will  take 
you  to  see  it."  The  writer  suggested  that  they  await  the  others,  who 
were  but  a  short  distance  behind.  This  was  a  mistake.  It  isneverwell 
in  give  an  Indian  too  much  time  to  think.  The  gods  communicated 
witli  him  and  warned  him  that  if  he  should  visit  the  house  without 
the  permission  of  the  director  of  the  personators  of  the  deceased 
Kla'nakwe.  Zufii  would  be  in  imminent  danger  of  destruction.  There- 
fore the  party  found  it  necessary  to  visit  these  ruins  without  the  pres- 
ence of  the  guide,  who  remained  behind  and  grieved  much  because 
the  horses  were  permitted  to  tread  upon  the  sacred  soil.  The  writer. 
however,  hoping  to  induce  the  Indian  to  accompany  her  to  the  ruin, 
remained  behind  and  persuaded  him  to  do  so.  It  was  necessary  for 
him  to  dismount  and  leave  his  animal  at  a  respectful  distance  from 
the  sacred  spot,  and  while  he  pointed  out  the  various  sacred  springs, 
many  of  which  were  so  covered  that  one  would  not  dream  of  the 
presence  of  the  living  water,  the  corral  in  which  Ku'yapali'sa,  a  female 
warrior  bearing  the  name  of  'Cha'kwena  (see  page  35),  and  the  mother 
of  all  game,  kept- game,  and  other  points  of  interest  to  the  writer,  he 
uttered  lamentations  that  he  must  die  within  four  days  for  offending 
the  gods  by  visiting  the  forbidden  spot. 

After  camping  on  the  second  evening,  it  was  with  difficulty  that  the 
Indian  was  prevented  from  continuing  his  journey  to  the  lake.  The 
old  guide  said:  "You  are  Americans  and  can  follow  in  the  morning, 
hut  I  am  a  Zufii.  my  mother  (referring  to  the  Salt  Mother  at  the  lake) 
calls  me,  and  I  must  goandsleep  contentedly  by  her.  Many  years  have 
passed  since  I  have  seen  her,''  and  I  can  not  rest  until  1  have  reached 
my  mother." 

Before  the  stars  had  ceased  their  twinkling  in  the  early  morning,  the 
writer  was  awakened  by  the  old  guide  addressing  her:  "•Mother,  1  do 
not  care  to  eat.  1  must  go.  and  you  can  follow  later."  He  was  again 
with  difficulty  restrained.  Before  sunrise  the  guide  and  the  writer 
started  from  camp  ahead  of  the  party.  For  a  time  he  chatted  gaily, 
telling  many  stories  of  interest,  until  he  had  the  first  peep  of  the  home 
of  the  Gods  of  War,  which  is  a  volcanic  peak  rising  from  the  lake  (see 
plate  i.xxxyiii),  when  he  immediately  removed  from  his  head  the  ker- 
chief and.  taking  out  his  prayer-meal  bag  prayed  and  sprinkled  meal 


"  Sit  named    because  these  people,  who  were   the  Kla'nakwe  wore  white  cotton  blankets.    The 
house  referred  (<■  is  an  extensive  ruin  (see  Destruction  of  the  Kta'nakwe  and  songs  of  thanksgiving), 
b  No  Zuni  visits  this  take  except  by  permission  <>f  those  who  have  authority. 


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stevenson]  ARTS    AND   INDUSTRIES  357 

until  the  hike  was  reached.  Not  a  living  thing  was  to  be  seen;  all  was 
somber  gray  except  a  patch  of  grass  here  and  there  and  the  salt  lake 
with  its  clear  waters  and  the  two  peaks  reflected  therein/'  Two  circular 
walls,  about  5  feet  high  and  15  inches  thick,  with  an  aperture  in  each, 
stand  in  the  lake.  These  walls  are  composed  of  the  blue  clay  of  the 
lake  lied  and  are  respectively  the  houses  of  the  rain  priests  and 
Ko'yemshi.  As  but  little  time  is  required  for  these  walls  to  wear 
away,  they  must  he  rebuilt  when  occasion  requires.  Similar  struc- 
tures in  the  southwestern  portion  of  the  lake  are  the  property  of 
the  Hopi  Indians,  and  are  used  hy  them  when  they  visit  the  lake  to 
collect  salt.'' 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Zunis  claim  the  salt  lake  exclusively  and 
demand  tribute  from  the  other  tribes,  but  such  is  not  the  case.  In  fact, 
the  records  tend  to  show  that  this  locality  has  been  from  time  immemo- 
rial the  great  source  of  salt  supply  for  the  Indians  near  and  far.  The 
writer  has  made  careful  inquiries  on  several  occasions  when  the  Hopi 
caravan  stopped  at  Zufii  on  their  return  from  the  salt  lake.  The 
Zunis  made  no  demands  upon  the  Hopis  whatever,  but  on  the  contrary 
treated  them  as  distinguished  guests.  The  Navahos  and  Apaches  also 
collect  salt  here,  each  tribe  being  accorded  complete  freedom  in  col- 
lecting the  salt,  although  the  lake  is  claimed  as  the  special  mother  of 
each  of  the  various  tribes. 

The  place  is  neutral  ground,  and  in  times  of  war  one  was  safe  from 
the  attacks  of  the  enemy  so  long  as  one  remained  within  the  recognized 
limits  of  the  lake.  Man^y  thrilling  stories  are  told  by  the  Zunis  of 
their  efforts  in  the  past  to  anticipate  the  hated  Navahos  in  reaching 
the  lake,  knowing  that  by  so  doing  they  would  be  preserved  from 
harm. 

The  volcanic  peaks  which  rise  150  or  200  feet  above  the  waters  of 
the  lake  are  quite  symmetrical.  The  interior  of  the  cone  of  one 
descends  at  an  angle  of  -±5°  to  an  elliptical  basin,  150  by  200  feet 
in  diameter,  filled  with  saline  water  of  a  brilliantly  green  hue  and 
bordered  by  a  footpath  of  red  lava,  partly  formed  by  debris  from  the 
slopes,  but  carefully  remodeled  by  the  Zunis  into  a  narrow,  even  path 
about  5  feet  wide''  (see  plate  lxxxix).  The  outer  and  inner  sides  of 
the  peak  are  so  covered  with  volcanic  cinders  that  it  is  difficult  to 

"On  a  subsequent  visit  in  1902  there  was  found  quite  a  Mexican  settlement,  earning  a  livelihood  by 
dealing  in  salt.    The  apparatus  used  in  securing  the  salt  from  the  lake  bed  is  of  the  crudest  type. 

(•In  1902  there  was  no  evidence  of  these  structures.  The  presence  of  Mexicans  at  the  lake  prevents 
the  ceremonies  which  were  previously  enacted  within  these  walls. 

<-■  Though  a  number  of  soundings  have  been  made,  the  depth  of  this  lake  is  still  unknown.  While 
the  temperature  of  the  water  is  cold,  the  bather  often  finds  himself  over  jets  of  hot  water.  It  is 
impossible  for  him  to  sink.  There  is  a  peculiar  charm  in  the  waters,  and  they  are  considered  a 
specific  for  rheumatism  by  the  few  who  have  tested  them.  Were  it  not  for  the  scarcity  of  drinkable 
water,  this  most  sacred  spot  of  the  Indians  would  become  a  resort  of  the  white  man  from  near  and 
far.  On  the  occasion  of  a  visit  in  1902  two  improvised  dressing  rooms  made  of  stone  were  found  on 
the  shores  of  the  lake. 


358  THE    ZTNI    INDIANS  [bth.  ann.23 

ascend  or  descend."  Only  those  of  the  Bow  priesthood  who  lmve 
taken  four  scalps  may  enter  the  crater.  The  warrior  who  has  scalped 
but  one  enemy  goes  only  part  way  up  the  mountain  and  deposits  his 
offerings;  when  he  has  scalped  two,  he  may  go  still  farther  up  the 
mountain;  after  the  scalping  of  three,  he  may  ascend  to  the  top  and 
make  his  offerings;  when  he  has  scalped  four  enemies,  he  may  descend 
into  the  crater  and  deposit  his  offerings  in  the  sacred  lake.  At  least 
such  was  the  rule  until  the  cessation  of  intertribal  wars,  during  which 
only  such  men  as  brought  back  scalps  were  entitled  to  join  the  Bow 
priesthood. 

Members  of  this  fraternity  who  go  down  to  the  house  of  the  Gods 
of  War  must  descend  over  a  certain  path  which  was  traveled  by  these 
gods  when  they  descended  to  this  crater  lake.  The  elder  and  younger 
Bow  priests,  the  living  representatives  of  the  Gods  of  War,  when 
visiting  this  sacred  spot  descend  by  the  path  referred  to  and  on  reach- 
ing' the  water's  edge  separate  and  make  the  circuit  of  the  lake,  passing 
each  other  on  the  opposite  side. 

A  shrine  especially  set  apart  for  the  offerings  of  the  elder  and  younger 
brother  Bow  priests  is  located  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake.  It  is  3 
feet  from  the  water's  edge  and  is  square,  some  18  inches  across,  and 
formed  of  four  slabs.  Pra3Ter  plumes,  miniature  war  clubs,  batons, 
shields,  bows  and  arrows,  and  various  other  objects  were  found  at  this 
shrine,  while  the  rocks  all  about  the  shore  were  dotted  with  other 
offerings  to  the  Gods  of  War.* 

Many  valuable  beads  have  in  the  past  been  deposited  along  the 
shores  of  the  lake  and  in  a  spring  not  far  from  the  cone,  but  the  com- 
ing of  the  whites  has  compelled  the  Zunis  to  refrain  from  making 
offerings  of  commercial  value.  Some  years  ago  an  American  found 
in  the  spring  a  rare  necklace  of  antique  black  stone  beads. 

The  guide  refused  with  alarm  to  descend  into  the  crater,  saving  he 
could  not  go  as  he  was  not  a  member  of  the  Bow  priesthood,  but  he 
was  finally  persuaded  and  added  to  the  interest  of  the  visit  by  his 
description  of  the  objects  found  there.  Upon  reaching  the  lake  of  the 
crater  the  Indian  gave  meal  to  Mr.  Stevenson  and  the  writer,  request- 
ing them  to  breathe  a  prayer  and  scatter  the  meal  upon  the  waters, 
and  he  sang  a  long,  low  chant.  The  prayer  was  addressed  first  to  the 
Sun  Father,  then  to  the  Gods  of  War,  asking  them  not  to  be  angry  with 
him  for  entering  their  house.  Again  he  prayed  to  the  Salt  Mother 
and  ancestral  warrior  gods  of  the  six  regions  to  intercede  for  him  with 
the  Sun  Father  and  Gods  of  War  that  they  be  not  angry  with  him. 
His  prayers  also  invoked  the  good  health  and  prosperity  of  his  people 
and  the  people1  of  all  the  world. 


«In  1902  a  substantial  path  of  gradual  slope,  made  by  Americans  or  Mexicans,  was  found.  The 
/.iinis,  who  deplore  the  intrusion  <>r  strangers,  continue  to  visit  this  lake  by  the  old  Zuni  path. 

''Many  interesting  specimens  from  this  region  secured  on  this  trip  were  placed  in  the  National 
Museum. 


stevexson]  AIM'S     AXD    INDUSTRIES  359 

At  sunrise  on  the  morning  following  the  arrival  of  the  salt-gatherers 
at  the  hike,  the  older  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests,  with  the 
additional  warriors  of  the  party,  visit  the  home  of  the  Gods  of 
War,  which  is  supposed  to  be  in  the  depths  of  the  crater,  where  they 
deposit  offerings  to  these  gods.  The  rain  priest  deposits  in  his  house 
in  the  lake  plume  .offerings  to  the  Salt  Mother,  and  the  Great  Father 
Ko'yemshi,  having  received  prayer  plumes  for  the  Council  of  the  Gods 
from  each  person  present,  plants  them  in  his  house,  which  is  near  that 
of  the  rain  priest. 

After  the  ceremonial  of  plume  planting  and  prayers  they  all  pass 
into  the  lake,  each  provided  with  a  blanket  or  a  piece  of  cloth  in 
which  to  gather  salt,  which  is  scraped  from  the  bed  of  the  lake 
where  the  crystals  are  deposited.  When  thoroughly  cleansed  the  salt 
is  white  and  most  excellent.  Each  man  has  two  ears  of  corn,  Father 
corn  and  Mother  corn,  which  he  covers  with  ekiy7  containing  salt  from 
the  bed  of  the  lake.  These  ears  are  afterward  placed  with  plume 
offerings  amid  the  stacked  corn  in  the  house,  where  they  remain  until 
the  cobs  have  lost  all  of  the  grains,  when  they  are  deposited  in  the 
river  to  go  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  others  are  substituted,  for  no  corn 
heap  must  be  without  the  Father  and  Mother  corn.  No  Indian  would 
dare  part  with  the  parent  corn,  fearing  the  wrath  of  the  Salt  Mother, 
"whose  ghost  self  is  ever  about  the  Zuiiis,"  though  death  would  befall 
the  one  who  endeavored  to  see  her.  An  ear  of  corn  having  a  direct 
line  of  grains  is  of  special  significance  for  the  parent  corn,  as  it  is 
symbolic  of  the  straight  path  of  life  its  possessor  should  follow. 

As  soon  as  the  salt-gatherers  are  sufficiently  near  home,  they  always 
make  signal  tires  to  notif}r  the  people  of  their  return.  In  1902,  smoke 
from  the  first  fire  was  discovered  at  half-past  7  in  the  morning,  and  the 
villagers  at  once  began  the  watch.  Several  fires  were  lighted,  each 
one  nearer  the  village,  before  the  voices  of  the  salt-gatherers  were 
heard.  Their  song  grew  more  and  more  distinct  as  the  partj^  drew 
near.  The  party  was  greeted  warmly  by  all,  especialty  by  the 
religious  and  civil  officers  of  the  town.  As  the  beasts  of  burden 
were  driven  to  the  doors  of  the  dwellings  they  were  surrounded  by 
those  eager  to  assist  in  unloading  the  salt  and  convej'ing  it  to  the 
houses.  The  three  pedestrians  carried  the  two  ears  of  corn  (Father 
Corn  and  Mother  Corn)  in  husks  covered  with  mud  from  the  salt  lake, 
together  with  a  slab  of  salt  crystal,  closely  wrapped  in  cloth,  in  deep 
baskets  on  their  backs.  The  other  members  of  the  part}'  were  on 
burros  and  were  kept  busy  managing  the  little  animals  laden  with 
sacks  of  salt.  Each  man  of  the  party  went  directly  to  his  own  door 
on  reaching  the  village;  those  on  foot  entered  the  house  at  once;  the 
others  proceeded  to  unload  the  animals,  assisted  by  members  of  their 
families  and  by  neighbors.  The  salt  is  not  only  necessary  to  their 
physical  comfort,  but  it  has  a  sacred  value  to  them  beyond  price. 


360  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.23 

A  nephew  of  Xai'uchi.  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  after  unloading  all 
hut  two  of  his  animals  and  depositing  Father  Corn  and  Mother  Corn  on 
a  heap  of  salt  in  the  living  room  of  his  house,  drove  the  two  remaining 
burros  with  the  packs  to  the  home  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest. 
The  daughter  of  the  house  spread  a  large  piece  of  canvas  on  the  floor 
of  the  spacious  living  room,  and  the  salt-gatherer  deposited  the  salt 
upon  the  canvas  without  ceremony.  The  two  ears  of  corn,  which  were 
removed  from  a  sack  before  the  salt  was  emptied,  were  laid  upon 
a  slab  of  salt  crystals  that  was  placed  at  the  southwest  corner  of  the 
canvas.  In  a  short  time  the  daughter  of  the  house  formed  the  salt 
into  an  oval  mound,  made  a  depression  lengthwise  on  the  top.  and  placed 
the  salt  slab  and  the  ears  of  corn  in  the  center.  An  old  ear  of  yellow 
corn.  A'wan  'sita  (Great  Mother),  was  deposited  south  of  the  slab;  two 
others,  Awan  ho'ta  (Great  Grandmother),  and  an  charli  (the  child), 
were  placed  north  of  it.  all  the  tips  of  the  ears  pointing  to  the  east. 
The  daughter  of  the  house  covered  the  corn  and  a  portion  of  the  salt 
with  a  woman's  woven  wrap,  but  removed  it  for  a  time  while  they  all 
stood  around  and  prayed.  A  blind  grandson  of  Nai'uchi  was  led  for- 
ward, and  his  hand  was  directed  to  the  prayer-meal  basket,  from  which 
all  present  sprinkled  the  sacred  objects  with  meal.  After  the  morning 
repast  all  infants  of  the  families  in  the  houses  where  salt  had  been 
brought  were  carried  to  the  salt  heaps,  where  the  mothers  spat 
upon  their  limbs  and  rubbed  them  with  the  salt,  in  order  that  the 
children  might  be  strong,  and  adults  rubbed  the  salt  over  their  own 
hands;  then  the  salt  was  again  covered.  The  head  of  each  salt- 
gatherer  was  afterward  washed  in  yucca  suds,  and  then  the  entire 
body  was  bathed  by  a  female  member  of  his  family.  The  salt  was 
later  packed  away  in  jars  and  the  ears  of  corn  were  placed  with  the 
stacked  corn  in  the  storage  room. 

A  very  pleasing  scene  is  the  appearance  in  Zuiii  of  Ma'lokat'si,  who 
is  sister  to  the  Sun  Father,  in  company  with  Ko'hakwa  (white-shell 
bead).  Mother  of  the  Sun,"  whose  home  is  in  the  great  waters  of  the 
West,  and  the  Sun  with  his  two  heralds,  the  Morning  and  the  Evening 
stars.  The  home  of  Ko'hakwa  is  the  house  to  which  the  Sun  journeys 
each  day  to  rest  at  night.  The  mask  of  Ma'lokat'si,  or  Mawe.  is  of  hide, 
covering  the  head.  Formerly  much  difficulty  was  found  in  making 
the  salt  adhere  to  the  mask;  finally  native  cotton  was  placed  over  the 
hide;  on  this  was  spread  a  paste  made  of  wheat  flour  boiled  in  water, 
over  which  the  salt  crystals  were  scattered,  and  the  mask  was  set  near 
the  lire  until  the  crystals  combined  with  the  paste.  The  face  is  white, 
with  a  red  spot  on  each  side  over  the  cheeks.  An  ear  of  corn  which 
has  been  covered  in  clay  from  the  salt  lake  is  attached  upright  to  the 

a  It  should  not  be  inferred  from  this  expression  that  the  Sun  whs  supposed  to  have  been  born  of 
Ko'hakwc. 


Stevenson]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  361 

back  of  the  mask.  An  embroidered  white-cotton  scarf  is  tied  around 
the  mask  at  its  base. 

The  Ko'hakwa  mask  also  covers  the  head  and  has  a  white  face  with 
a  red  spot  on  either  cheek.  The  top  of  the  mask  is  covered  with  tur- 
quoise and  Ko'hakwa  beads  attached  in  loops,  and  necklaces  of  the 
same  hang-  from  the  neck  to  the  waist  of  the  wearer  of  the  mask. 
Strings  of  the  same  precious  beads  encircle  the  arms  from  the  wrists 
nearly  to  the  elbows. 

The  face  of  the  Sun  mask  is  painted  blue-green  and  encircled  with 
yellow,  red.  white,  and  a  design  in  black  and  white  blocks,  symbolic  of 
the  home  of  the  clouds.  A  tablet  which  is  attached  to  the  top  of  the 
mask  is  decorated  in  front  with  the  sun  symbol  and  in  the  back  with 
the  rainbow.  A  wig  of  black  goat's  wool  covers  the  back  of  the  mask, 
falling  over  the  shoulders  of  the  wearer.  The  masks  of  the  heralds, 
or  warriors,  of  the  Sun  are  colored  white  in  the  back  and  blue-green 
in  front  and  have  a  long  beak.  The}'  are  surmounted  with  a  decorated 
tablet  cross,  each  end  tipped  with  a  star,  symbolic  of  the  stars  of  the 
four  regions. 

Ma'lokat'si  approaches  the  village  in  the  morning  from  the  south 
over  the  road  leading  to  the  salt  lake.  After  reaching  the  river  she  is 
carried  across  by  a  Ko'yemshi  (the  great  fathers  of  ancestral  gods). 
At  the  same  time  Ko'hakwa  comes  from  the  wrest  and  the  Sun  with  his 
heralds,  or  warriors,  the  Morning  and  the  Evening  stars  in  advance, 
appear  from  the  east.  They  remain  until  sunset,  when  Ma'lokat'si 
returns  over  the  southern  road  and  the  Sun  with  his  heralds  accom- 
pany Ko'hakwa  over  the  western  road. 

FOOD    AND    DRINK 

Bread  making.  The  women  of  Zuiii  take  special  pride  in  having 
good  bread,  of  which  there  are  several  varieties.  He'we  (wafer  bread), 
is  a  household  staple.  It  is  baked  on  slabs  of  gra}'  sandstone,  cut  from 
the  quarry  at  the  base  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain),"  some  3 
miles  east  of  Zuni,  by  men  or  boys  who  bring  them  home,  after  which 
the  women  take  charge  of  them.  They  vary  in  size  from  24  inches  in 
length  by  20  in  width  to  38  inches  in  length  by  30  in  width.  When 
the  cut  side  has  been  rubbed  smooth  with  a  stone,  the  slab  is  supported 
on  two  parallel  walls,  8  or  10  inches  high,  built  of  small  stones  laid  in 
plaster  on  the  hearth  in  the  broad  fireplace,  which  is  capped  with  an 
awning  resembling  those  of  the  Chinese.  The  slab  is  gradually  heated 
by  a  small  fire  of  cedar  wood  built  under  the  stone,  and  afterward  a 
greater  tire  is  made.  When  it  has  reached  the  proper  degree  of  heat, 
native  squash  seeds  with  the  husks  removed  are  chewed  and  ejected 

a  Thunder  mountain  has  been  erroneously  accepted  as  the  translation  for  To'wa  yal'lanne.  The 
error  may  have  arisen  from  the  similarity  between  to'wa  (corn,  archaic),  and  to'wawa  (thunder), 
the  last  two  syllables  of  which  are  pronounced  rapidly. 


362  THE    ZUNI    IXDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

from  the  mouth  over  the  slab.  When  the  tire  is  burnt  out,  the  slab  is 
seen  to  be  black  from  the  oil  of  the  squash  seeds.  The  greater  por- 
tion of  the  bed  of  coals  is  renv  >ved,  and  a  fiat  stone  is  placed  across  the 
end  of  the  walls  supporting  the  slab  to  keep  the  drafts  from  fanning 
the  remaining  coals.  A  pound  or  more  of  raw  piffon  gum  in  pieces  of 
good  size  is  rubbed  over  the  slab,  and  when  this  is  melted  the  rubbing 
is  continued  as  long  as  the  stone  will  absorb  the  gum.  Pine  twigs  are 
employed  to  brush  oft'  the  surplus  gum.  each  twig  or  bunch  of  twigs 
being  passed  but  once  over  the  stone.  After  a  few  such  sweepings, 
twig-  are  held  firmly  in  the  hand  and  rubbed  hard  over  the  stone. 
The  pine  twigs  are  finally  discarded  for  juniper,  which  are  used  until 
the  slab  has  the  appearance  of  polished  black  lava.  A  quantity  of 
juniper  twigs  is  crushed  and  sprinkled  over  the  stone  to  remain  until 
needed  for  baking. 

Xo  word  must  be  spoken  above  a  whisper  from  the  beginning  to 
the  completion  of  the  dressing  of  the  slab.  Should  the  voice  of  any- 
one present  be  raised  above  a  whisper,  the  stone  would  crack  in  the 
polishing  process.  The  writer  once  observed  a  stone  cracked  in 
two  places,  and  as  no  one  had  spoken  aloud  the  conclusion  was  reached 
that  the  worker  had  a  bad  heart. 

The  corn  to  be  used  for  the  he'we  is  first  crushed  on  the  coarsest 
milling  stone  and  then  toasted  in  a  bowl  placed  on  stones  in  one  of  the 
right-angle  fireplaces  and  stirred  continually  with  a  bunch  of  slender 
-tick-  or  osiers.  When  the  meal  leaves  the  fire  it  is  placed  in  a  mill 
of  the  next  degree  of  fineness,  and  afterward  it  passes  through  the 
third  and  last  mill,  in  which  it  is  ground  to  a  fine  Hour.  A  quantity 
of  this  flour  is  mixed  with  cold  water  and  stirred  into  a  pot  of  boiling 
water:  the  mixture  is  stirred  constantly  during  the  cooking.  When 
the  mush  is  done  and  so  far  cooled  that  the  hand  may  be  introduced 
without  scalding  it.  the  pot  is  placed  at  the  side  of  the  maker  of  the 
he'we.  A  thin  batter  of  uncooked  meal  made  with  cold  water  is  placed 
in  one  side  of  a  large  bowl.  If  the  bread  is  to  be  of  bluish-green  color, 
lime  is  slaked  and  the  water  poured  from  it  into  the  batter.  A  double 
handful  of  mush  is  dipped  from  the  pot  and  deposited  in  the  bowl  on 
the  opposite  side  from  the  batter;  then  a  handful  of  batter  is  added 
to  the  mush,  and  when  they  are  thoroughly  mixed,  a  quantity  is  dipped 
with  the  hand  and  swept  thinly  over  the  heated  slab,  which  is  always 
placed  at  one  side  of  the  fireplace.  The  hand  passes  from  right  to  left. 
beginning  at  the  far  side  of  the  slab,  until  the  whole  slab  has  received  a 
film  of  the  mixture.  By  the  time  the  spreading  is  complete  the  gauzy 
sheet  i-  baked,  and  it  is  lifted  and  laid  to  one  side  on  a  mat.  where  it  soon 
cools  and  becomes  somewhat  crisp.  After  a  number  of  sheets  are 
baked  they  are  placed  on  the  hot  slab,  and  on  becoming  warm  may 
l>e  rolled  or  folded  without  breaking.  The  bread  is  now  piled  in 
baskets  and  is  ready  to  be  eaten.     Occasionally  the  Zuiiis  color  he'we 


stevensos]  ARTS    AND   INDUSTRIES  363 

red,  using-  for  that  purpose  amarantus,  which  they  grow  sparingly  in 
the  gardens. 

A  variety  of  this  bread  is  sometimes  made  as  follows:  Cold,  boiled 
beans  are  pounded  and  made  into  a  paste  by  adding  cold  water  and 
mixed  with  the  batter  in  place  of  the  mush;  salt  is  added  to  this  mix- 
ture. Sometimes  the  he'we  is  made  of  untoasted  meal;  in  this  case  salt 
is  added.  The  bits  of  he'we  which  necessarily  accumulate  are  care- 
fully laid  away,  for  not  an  atom  of  food  is  wasted  by  the  Zuiiis,  and 
when  there  is  a  sufficient  quantity  of  these  bits,  the}7  are  deposited 
in  a  bowl  placed  over  the  fire  and  stirred  with  a  bunch  of  osiers 
until  thoroughly  toasted.  The  bowl  is  then  removed  from  the  fire, 
and  the  bits  are  crushed  in  the  hand  and  deposited  in  a  basket  tray. 
This  bread  is  warmed  in  grease  or  moistened  with  water  before  it  is 
eaten. 

He'vahouiwe  is  a  bread  in  common  use  at  Zurii.  A  small  quantity 
of  mush  is  made  of  corn  which  has  been  passed  through  mills  of  the 
first  two  degrees  of  coarseness  by  mixing  with  cold  water;  salt  is 
added,  then  water  from  slaked  lime  to  give  a  greenish  color  to  the 
bread.  A  handful  of  this  mush  is  added  to  a  quantity  of  the  batter 
previously  referred  to,  and  this  mixture  is  baked,  two  cakes  at  a  time, 
on  a  stone  similar  to  the  he'we  stone.  These  cakes  are  about  10  by  12 
inches,  and  many  times  thicker  than  the  he'we.  As  the  cakes  are 
removed  from  the  stone  they  are  laid  in  a  basket  or  bowl. 
*■  Mu"kiapawe  is  a  favorite  mush.  Meal  ground  through  the  first 
two  mills  is  mixed  with  boiling  water  to  a  stiff  doug'h,  and  water 
from  slaked  lime  is  added  to  give  color;  cold  water  is  then  supplied 
in  sufficient  quantity  to  give  the  mush  the  proper  consistency;  this  is 
then  shaped  into  large  oval  balls,  which  are  dropped  into  a  pot  of  boil- 
ing water.     Mu"kiapawe  is  eaten  cold. 

Mu"kialiwe  is  another  variety  of  mush.  It  is  prepared  in  the  same 
manner  as  he'yahoniwe,  except  that  the  mush  is  rolled  into  rope-like 
strips,  from  which  bits  are  broken  and  made  into  balls  an  inch  or  more 
in  diameter.  These  are  dropped  into  just  enough  boiling  water  to 
cook  them;  the  water  becomes  thickened  from  the  mush  balls,  and  the 
whole  is  eaten  with  a  ladle  or  spoon. 

He'pachiwe"  (singular,  he'pachine)  is  a  favorite  bread  of  the  Zuiiis. 
The  stone  slab  on  which  this  bread  is  baked  is  8  or  10  inches. in  diame- 
ter, only  large  enough  to  bake  one  cake  at  a  time.  The  slab  is  thor- 
oughly washed  and  is  supported  on  stones  in  one  of  the  smaller 
fireplaces  over  a  low  fire.  It  is  constantly  rubbed  with  mutton  grease 
while  heating.  The  natural  •color  of  the  stone  is  gray,  but  it 
becomes  black  from  treatment  similar  to  that  given  the  he'we  stone. 
Flour,  properly  salted,  is  put  into  a  bowl,  and  warm  water  is 
added  to  make  a  dough,  which  is  worked  only  long  enough  to  mix 

a  Tortillas. 


364  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

the  ingredients  thoroughly.  The  woman  sits  beside  the  fireplace  and 
performs  the  double  duty  of  tending-  the  tire  and  making  the  broad. 
A  bit  of  dough  is  broken  off  and  fashioned  into  a  ball,  and  the  ball  is 
hollowed  with  the  hand  into  a  deep  bowl,  which  is  placed  inverted 
upon  a  round.  Hat  stone  especially  fashioned  for  the  purpose,  flat- 
tened, and  worked  with  the  hand"  into  a  symmetrical  round  cake. 
The  lingers  are  placed  close  together  and  the  nails  zigzagged  over 
the  cake  so  that  it  may  In-own  in  ridges.  This  furrowed  side  is 
placed  next  to  the  baking  stone.  As  air  bubbles  form  they  are  pricked 
with  a  wooden  pin.  While  one  cake  is  baking  another  is  prepared  for 
the  stone.  As  the  cakes  are  removed  from  the  fire  they  are  laid  in  a 
Hat  basket.  He'pachiwe  is  made  in  great  quantities  when  gifts  are  to 
he  thrown  to  the  populace.  On  such  occasions  many  show  much  dex- 
terity in  sending  cakes  through  the  air. 

Chu"sikwanawe  (corn  without  skin)  he'pachiwe  is  made  by  pouring- 
diluted  lye  over  corn  and  leaving  it  until  the  hull  is  shed.  It  is  then 
thouroughly  washed,  dried,  and  afterward  ground.  The  meal  is  mixed 
with  water,  no  salt  being  used,  and  made  into  cakes  ti  or  8  inches  in 
diameter  and  about  two-thirds  of  an  inch  thick.  It  is  baked  on 
he'pachiwe  slabs. 

Mu'loowe  (light  bread)  is  made  at  feasts,  seldom  at  other  times,  and  is 
baked  in  ovens  outside  the  house.  A  bit  of  dough  is  reserved  from  each 
baking  for  the  next,  being  sometimes  kept  a  month  or  six  weeks,  or  even 
longer;  when  the  leaven  is  to  be  used,  it  is  soaked  in  water,  cold  or 
warm,  to  soften  it.  A  small  quantity  of  flour  is  added  to  make  a  soft 
batter,  which  is  well  beaten  with  the  hand.  The  batter  is  covered  with 
a  cloth  and  set  to  rise  over  night.  The  bread  making  begins  about  10 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  sponge  is  emptied  into  a  large  bread 
bowl;  warm  water  is  gradually  added  while  the  sponge  is  constantly 
kneaded  until  the  bowl  is  half  full;  salt  is  put  in;  then  flour  is  added, 
the  kneading  process  going  on  all  the  while.  The  bread -maker  runs 
her  arms  into  the  dough  halfway  to  the  elbow,  but  as  it  becomes  firmer 
from  additional  flour,  only  the  fists  sink  into  it.  In  kneading  the 
dough  it  is  brought  from  the  outside  over  the  center,  broken  off, 
and  pushed  down  into  the  mass.  When  the  dough  has  had  sufficient 
kneading,  a  quantity  is  separated  from  the  mass  and  manipulated  for 
a  time  on  a  beautifully  finished  wooden  slab  some  3  feet  in  length 
and  Is  inches  wide,  used  exclusively  for  this  purpose.  If  turnover 
rolls  are  to  be  made,  which  is  the  common  form,  a  batch  of  dough  is 
shaped  into  a  round  cake  equal  in  size  to  a  small  loaf  of  bread:  a 
depression  is  made  across  the  center  with  the  ulnar  edge  of  the  hand; 
melted  mutton  grease  is  spread  over  the  cake;  and  then  the  turnover 
is  formed.  As  each  roll  is  made  it  is  laid  upon  a  cotton  cloth  spread 
on  the   floor.     The   dough    is  sometimes  made  into  various   fanciful 


aThe  Mexicans  use  a  diminutive  rolling-pin. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT      PL.   XCI 


M 


U/rigkt.fyLL. 


AGED    WOMAN    CARRYING    FAGOTS 


stevenson]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  365 

shapes,  such  as  animals  and  birds,  and  some  of  the  old  women  delight 
in  making  portions  of  their  dough  into  obscene  characters. 

The  oven  (see  plate  xe)  is  mound-shaped,  built  of  stone,  and  plastered 
on  the  exterior  and  interior,  ami  when  not  in  use  for  baking  purposes 
serves  as  a  kennel  for  dogs.  The  opening  through  which  the  bread  is 
passed  is  rectangular  and  near  the  base,  while  the  vent  for  the  smoke 
is  near  the  top  on  the  opposite  side.  A  tire  of  cedar  wood  is  made 
and  the  lower  opening  is  seeurel}7  closed  until  the  oven  is  thoroughly 
heated  and  the  wood  reduced  to  coals.  The  coals  and  ashes  are 
sprinkled  with  water  and  removed  with  long-handled  wooden  shovels 
made  for  the  purpose.  Some  of  these  shovels  are  decorated  with 
symbols  of  the  ancient  ladder  made  of  a  notched  log.  The  floor  of  the 
oven  is  carefully  swept  and  afterward  washed  with  a  mop  of  cedar 
I  wigs  supplied  with  a  long  handle.  This  work  must  be  done  rapidly 
that  the  oven  may  not  become  cooled.  The  heat  of  the  oven  is  tested 
by  scattering  bran  over  the  bottom.  One  or  two  pieces  of  the  dough 
are  placed  upon  a  wooden  shovel  and  deposited  in  the  oven  with 
great  accuracy  so  that  there  shall  be  no  waste  room.  When  the 
oven  is  quite  tilled,  the  doorway  is  covered  with  a  piece  of  sheep- 
skin, the  wool  outside,  held  in  place  bjr  a  stone  slab.  A  number  of 
bakings  can  be  done  with  one  heating  of  the  oven.  Economy  is 
observed  in  the  use  of  wood  because  it  comes  from  a  distance.  It  is 
brought  in  wagons  by  those  who  are  the  happy  possessors  of  them, 
otherwise  on  the  backs  of  burros  or  of  men;  the  women  rarely  act 
as  beasts  of  burden,  and  only  occasionally  has  the  writer  observed 
a  woman  bringing  wood  to  the  village  (see  plate  xci).  Wood  used 
in  ceremonials  is  usually  transported  on  burros. 

He'palokla  is  made  from  wheat  or  corn,  a  quantity  of  wheat  is  placed 
in  a  bowl  and  cold  water  poured  over  it.  It  is  then  left  to  stand  twenty- 
four  hours,  when  it  is  washed  and  placed  in  a  basket  tray,  sprinkled 
with  water,  and  covered  with  a  cotton  cloth.  The  tray  stands  in  the 
sun  during  the  day  and  is  set  in  a  warm  place  during  the  night.  This 
process  of  sprinkling  and  placing  the  wheat  in  the  sun  is  repeated 
until  the  wheat  has  sprouted  and  become  sweet.  A  handful  of  the 
sprouted  wheat  is  ground  and  added  to  a  soft  batter  of  wheat  flour, 
and  the  mixture  is  worked  with  a  stick  made  for  the  purpose;  some- 
times a  bunch  of  slender  sticks  is  used.  Nine  or  ten  slabs,  about 
LO  by  10  inches,  are  stood  on  end  in  an  excavation  in  the  same  fire- 
place used  for  baking  the  he'we,  and  cedar  wood  is  placed  between 
them.  The  wood  is  then  lighted;  when  it  is  reduced  to  coals,  and  the 
excavation  is  properl}-  heated,  the  slabs  are  laid  to  one  side,  while  the 
coals  are  removed,  and  the  surface  where  they  rested  is  thoroughly 
swept.  A  number  of  dried  corn  husks,  sufficient  to  cover  the  space 
occupied  by  a  slab,  are  dampened  and  flattened,  and  the  mixture  is 
spread  over  them.     Husks  are  now  laid  around  the  edge  of  the  stiff 


366  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [Bra.  ann.  23 

batter  to  such  depth  that  the  stone  which  is  placed  over  it  will  not 
touch  the  batter.  The  arranging  of  the  stones,  depositing  of  the  bat- 
ter, and  placing  of  the  husks  are  repeated  until  all  the  slabs  are 
employed.  A  stone  slab  is  laid  over  the  whole,  and  a  tire  is  made 
upon  it.  The  coals  produce  sufficient  heat  with  that  below  to  bake  the 
he'palokia.  which  remains  all  night  in  the  slab  oven.  In  the  morning 
it  is  ready  to  be  eaten,  and  is  regarded  as  a  great  delicacy. 

Another  process  is  to  till  a  large  pot  with  the  mixture  and  place  it 
on  a  deep  lied  of  coals  in  a  permanent  excavation  made  for  the  pur- 
pose outside  the  house.  A  small  tire  is  built  around  the  pot:  the 
batter  is  stirred  until  it  begins  to  boil:  a  slab  is  then  laid  over  the 
excavation  and  a  tire  is  built  upon  it.  This  process,  which  also  requires 
the  pot  to  remain  in  place  overnight,  has  never  been  in  such  favor  as 
baking  in  the  house,  because  when  the  food  is  baked  out  of  doors  it 
is  believed  to  be  more  or  less  exposed  to  the  witches,  who  are  ever 
ready  to  destroy  people,  not  only  by  directly  '"shooting"  bad  medicine 
into  their  bodies  but  by  the  indirect  method  of  affecting  the  food  when 
it  can  be  reached. 

A  more  modern  way  of  baking  wheat  he'palokia  is  to  till  an  iron  pot 
with  the  mixture,  deposit  it  in  the  oven  used  for  light  bread,  the  oven 
having  been  properly  heated,  and  let  it  stand  overnight.  This  method 
has  grown  in  favor  during  the  past  few  years. 

Though  wheat  he'palokia  is  considered  a  delicacy,  that  made  of  corn 
is  dear  to  the  Zufii  palate.  Usually  yellow  or  black  corn  is  selected. 
This  is  ground  through  thefirst  and  second  mills,  and  the  meal  is  sifted 
through  a  fine  sieve.  About  a  cupful  of  the  meal  is  chewed,  several 
girls  usually  performing  this  part  of  the  bread  making.  Each  mouth- 
ful is  chewed  several  minutes  and  then  ejected  into  a  small  bowl. 
A  quantity  of  the  unchewed  meal  is  placed  in  .a  large  bowl,  boiling 
water  is  added,  and  the  mixture'  is  stirred  in  the  manner  before 
described;  the  chewed  meal  is  afterward  added,  and  the  whole  is  well 
stirred.  The  batter  is  baked  in  the  manner  observed  with  the  wheat 
he'palokia  in  slab  ovens. 

He'palokia  is  sometimes  made  into  pats,  wrapped  in  corn  husks, 
and  baked  in  the  outdoor  oven,  which  is  heated  as  for  light  bread.  A 
comparatively  short  time  is  required  to  cook  the  bread  in  this  form, 
and  it  is  regarded  as  a  mere  makeshift. 

Scraps  which  are  left  of  both  the  wheat  and  corn  he'palokia  are 
spread  on  cloths  and  dried  in  the  sun.  or.  should  it  he  raining,  the 
cloth  is  spread  by  the  tire.  When  thoroughly  dried  they  arc  ground 
in  the  finest  mill  and  the  meal  is  mixed  with  cold  water  and  drunk. 
The  meal  of  the  corn  he'palokia  is  also  eaten  dry  as  one  eats  bonbons. 
The  older  men  may  be  seen  with  a  small  bowl  of  the  dry  meal  beside 
them  taking  ;l  pinch  every  now  and  then  while  they  work  on  their 
beads  or  moccasins. 


stevenson]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  367 

Mu"sikowe  (doughnuts)  were  adopted  from  the  Mexicans.  A  soft 
dough  is  made  of  salted  wheat  flour  and  cold  water.  A  bit  of  dough 
is  broken  from  the  mass,  flattened,  and  shaped  into  square  cakes, 
about  4  by  4  inches.  These  are  dropped  into  a  pot  of  boiling  beef  or 
unit  ton  grease,  or  lard  when  it  can  be  secured.  A  slender  stick  that 
is  used  to  manipulate  the  doughnuts  is  punched  through  each  piece 
to  turn  it  over  in  the  grease,  and  is  also  used  for  lifting  the  bread 
through  the  opening  previously  made;  the  doughnut  is  held  over  the 
pot  tor  a  moment  or  two  to  allow  the  grease  to  drip  from  it  and  then 
is  deposited  in  a  bowl.  There  are  other  varieties  of  bread  not  men- 
tioned in  the  list  given. 

Chu"sikwanawe"  (homimr)  is  one  of  the  staple  articles  of  food.  To 
prepare  it  a  quantity  of  ashes  wet  with  cold  water  is  placed  in  a  large 
pot  of  cold  water,  and  corn  removed  from  the  cob  is  deposited  in  the 
pot.  After  the  corn  has  boiled  awhile  it  is  stirred  with  a  stick.  The 
boiling  and  stirring  continue  upward  of  three  hours,  when  the  corn 
is  removed  from  the  pot  and  carried  in  a  basket  or  bowl  to  the  river, 
where  it  is  thoroughly  washed,  and  then  the  hominy,  which  does  not 
require  soaking,  is  ready  for  use.  Hominy  is  not  kept  on  hand,  but  is 
prepared  as  it  is  desired  for  a  meal.  It  would  be  impossible  to  find 
hominy  that  is  whiter  or  of  better  quality  in  an}'  respect  than  that 
prepared  by  the  Zuni  housewife. 

Mi'lo-we  (roasted  sweet  corn)  is  a  favorite  food.  An  excavation  10 
or  12  feet  deep  and  3  or  4  feet  in  diameter  is  made  in  the  cornfield. 
After  cedar  branches  have  been  thrown  into  the  opening,  coals  from 
a  fire  previousby  made  are  heaped  on  the  branches  and  cedar  wood  is 
placed  upon  the  coals.  When  about  a  quarter  of  the  depth  of  the 
excavation  is  filled  with  live  coals,  the  corn  still  in  the  husks  is 
thrown  in:  stones  are  placed  thickly  over  the  corn,  and  coals  are 
heaped  upon  the  stones.  The  corn  remains  in  this  oven  from  late 
in  the  afternoon  or  about  sunset  until  after  sunrise  the  following 
morning,  when  it  is  read}'  to  be  eaten.  What  is  not  consumed  while 
fresh  is  hung  in  the  storage  rooms  to  dry,  each  ear  having  the 
husks  pulled  back  exposing  the  corn.  Roasted  corn  is  preserved  in 
this  way  for  months,  and  when  it  is  to  be  eaten  the  husks  are  severed 
from  the  cob  and  the  ear  is  boiled.  If  this  corn  is  to  be  distributed  in 
ceremonials,  however,  the  husks  are  allowed  to  remain  on  when  it  is 
boiled.     It  is  thrown  to  the  populace  by  holding  the  pulled-back  husks. 

Ta'kunawe  (bead  corn)  is  popped  corn.  The  grains  of  corn  are 
toasted  in  bowls  balanced  on  stones  over  coals  and  are  constantly 
stirred  with  slender  cottonwood  sticks  until  they  pop  and  become 
white  as  snowflakes.  One  is  sure  to  find  all  the  youngsters  hanging 
about  waiting,  ready  for  the  first  mess  of  corn,  which  is  the  most 
delicious  that  the  writer  has  found  an}'where.  It  is  sprinkled  with 
salt  while  hot. 

o  See  p.  364. 


368  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [ETH.  ANN.  23 

Among  vegetables  the  squash  is  the  only  one  that  receives  particu- 
lar attention  in  preparation,  the  others  being  used  principally  in  com- 
bination with  other  things.  The  favorite  way  of  preparing  fresh 
squash  is  to  roast  it  whole  in  the  ashes,  after  a  small  opening  in  the 
rind  has  first  been  made.  It  is  delicious  after  cooking  all  night. 
Fresh  squash  is  also  stewed;  dried  squash  is  broken  in  goodly  pieces 
and  placed  in  a  pot  of  cold  water  to  boil. 

The  native  fruits,  including  that  of  one  of  the  cacti  (opuntia  filipen- 
dula),  both  fresh  and  preserved,  are  used  extensively.  A  very  pleas- 
ant conserve  is  made  from  the  fruit  of  yucca  baccata  which  serves 
on  occasion  to  sweeten  either  fresh  or  dried  peaches  when  stewed. 
Nuts  from  the  pinon  cone  are  gathered  in  great  quantities. 

The  flesh  of  animals  forms  a  large  element  in  the  Zufiian  dietary.  The 
Zunis  have  large  numbers  of  cattle,  goats,  and  sheep,"  and  a  limited 
number  of  hogs  and  chickens.  Chickens  are  kept  for  the  eggs,  the 
whites  of  which  are  used  for  mixing  paints  to  be  applied  to  wooden 
objects.  The  whole  egg  is  sometimes  eaten  by  men  to  bring  them  larger 
families.  The  Navahos  have  the  same  superstition.  Pork  is  regarded 
as  a  great  delicacy.  There  is  nothing  that  so  tickles  the  palate  as  bacon, 
and  whenever  possible  it  is  secured  from  the  trader.  Mutton  is  the 
everyday  meat.  Beef  is  usually  cut  into  strips  and  sun-dried  for 
winter  use,  although  fresh  beef  is  greatly  enjoyed.  There  is  a  regular 
frolic  over  the  flaying  and  dressing  of  a  beef  (see  plate  xcn).  Only 
small  portions  of  the  beef  and  mutton  are  cast  aside  as  unfit  for  use; 
chitterlings  are  a  delicacy,  the  liver,  heart,  and  lights  are  eaten;  and 
the  head  with  the  brains  remaining  is  roasted  before  the  fire,  the 
brains  especially  being  esteemed  choice  morsels.  The  blood  is  made 
into  a  pudding.  Meat  is  usually  stewed;  when  only  a  few  are  to  be 
served,  it  is  sometimes  fried  in  mutton  grease;  in  either  case  it  is  cut 
into  pieces.  When  a  stew  is  to  be  made  the  meat  is  placed  in  a  pot 
with  cold  water  over  the  fire  on  stones;  white  corn  is  removed  from 
the  cob,  washed,  cracked  in  the  coarser  mill  and  in  the  next  broken 
into  finer  bits,  and  put  into  the  stew;  salt,  the  condiment  kulantu  (a 
Mexican  name),6  and  chilli  are  added,  the  latter  making  the  dish  look 
as  though  tomatoes  formed  an  ingredient.  In  camp,  meat  is  roasted 
before  the  fire. 

Large  game  is  always  enjoyed,  but  is  becoming  scarcer  every  year. 
Jack-rabbits  and  little  cottontails  are  abundant.  Most  game  is  stewed, 
if  served  in  the  village;  in  camp  it  is  roasted.  Game  is  a  necessary 
offering  to  the  Beast  Gods  to  induce  them  to  act  as  mediators  between 
the  Zunis  and  the  anthropic  gods.  £)eer  meat  is  cut  into  strips,  sun 
dried,  and  preserved  for  ceremonials  and  for  guests  who  are  present 

"The  sheep  ami  goal  corrals,  whieji  are  within  the  town  ami  close  to  the  houses,  render  the  air  in 
moist  weather  offensive  in  the  extreme. 
'-A  fuller  description  of  plant  food  will  be  given  in  a  later  publication. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.   XCII 


^»^V~i£y 


FLAYING    A    BEEF 


stevesson]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  869 

at  such  times  from  other  pueblos,  for  the  best  must  alwaj's  be  placed 
before  strangers. 

"While  the  Zunis  do  not  eat  horses,  they  sometimes  eat  a  burro  which 
has  died  from  hunger  or  abuse.  They  raise  large  numbers  of  horses, 
but  keep  them  exclusively  for  riding. 

A  native  drink,  which  the  Zunis  claim  is  not  intoxicating,  is  made 
from  sprouted  corn.  The  corn  is  moistened  and  placed  in  the  sun 
until  it  sprouts.  Another  drink  which  the  Zunis  enjoy  is  ta'kuna'klawe 
(bead  water),  made  of  popped  corn  ground  in  the  finest  mill.  The 
powder  is  put  into  a  bowl  and  cold  water  is  poured  over  it.  The 
mixture  is  strained  before  it  is  drunk.  This  beverage  is  also  used  in 
ceremonies  and  during  fasts  of  the  rain  priests. 

Coffee  with  sugar  is  greatly  relished,  the  Zunis  obtaining  it  at  any 
cost  within  their  means.  Tea  is  also  enjoyed  by  these  people.  Whisky 
is  rarely,  if  ever,  used. 

The  Zunis  have  only  two  meals  daily.  Breakfast  is  served  about 
11  o'clock,  after  the  men  and  women  have  done  a  good  morning's 
work;  the  other  meal  is  taken  after  sunset.  The  family  sit  around 
the  food,  which  is  set  on  the  floor  in  separate  vessels,  large  or  small  as 
may  be  required,  either  of  pottery  or  basketry.  Bread  is  usually 
served  on  basket  trays.  Though  small  ladles  are  in  use  for  dipping 
the  stews,  the  general  practice  is  to  take  a  piece  of  bread  and  dip  up 
the  stew  with  it.  Fingers  take  the  place  of  knives  and  forks.  Before 
partaking  of  the  food,  bits  of  the  different  viands  are  gathered  by  each 
adult  and  thrown  into  the  fire  with  a  prayer  as  an  offering  to  the  de?d. 
In  the  presence  of  strangers  this  grace  is  omitted,  but  the  Zunis 
covertly  put  by  food  close  beside  them  on  the  floor. 

DRESS   AND    ADORNJIENT 

The  everyday  dress  of  the  men  is  not  attractive.  White  cotton  or 
calico  shirts  are  worn  outside  the  loose  cotton  trousers,  which  are 
formed  of  two  straight  pieces  joined  at  the  top,  leaving  the  breech- 
cloth  to  complete  the  covering.  The  calico  shirt  is  a  folded  slip  with 
two  cuts  midway,  one  crosswise,  the  other  lengthwise  from  the  center 
of  the  crosscut,  through  which  the  head  passes.  As  the  gusset  has 
not  been  introduced  into  Zuni  tailoring,  only  the  upper  portion  of  the 
sleeve  is  attached  to  the  shirt,  the  under  side  being  left  free,  exposing 
the  axilla.  The  shirt  is  fashioned  after  the  native  woven  garment,  the 
difference  being  that  the  calico  sleeve  is  sewed  from  the  hand  to  the 
top  while  the  woven  sleeve  is  fastened  onl}7  for  a  short  distance  from 
the  hand  upward.  The  woven  shirt  is  now  used  exclusively  for  cere- 
monial occasions.  The  shirt  is  frequently  belted  in  with  a  leather 
strap,  on  which  silver  medallions  are  strung.  The  moccasins  are  of 
23  eih— 04 24 


370  THE    ZDNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.2S 

deerskin,  well  tunned,  ami  colored  reddish  brown,  or  occasionally 
black;  they  have  rawhide  soles,  and  are  fastened  on  the  outer  side 
with  silver  buttons.  To  afford  additional  warmth  the  foot  is  often 
wrapped  in  a  piece  of  ejoth  before  drawing-  on  the  moccasin.  In  wet 
weather  the  moccasins  arc  usually  left  off,  and  for  snow  on  the  road 
and  in  very  cold  weather  pieces  of  goatskin  or  sheepskin  are  tied  over 
the  feet,  the  wool  inside.  The  deerskin  leggings,  which  extend  from 
below  the  knee  to  the  ankle,  are  usually  of  the  same  color  as  the 
moccasin.  They  have  a  line  of  silver  buttons  down  the  side,  and  are 
wrapped  around  the  leg,  and  held  in  place  bjr  red  woven  garters.  A 
knit  stocking  leg  of  blue  yarn  is  worn  under  them.  A  silk  kerchief  or 
a  banda,  wrapped  in  the  Turkish  fashion  around  the  head,  is  worn  by 
those  who  can  afford  the  extravagance,  others  wear  a  cotton  head- 
kerchief.  A  leather  bow  wristlet,  ornamented  with  silver,  is  commonly 
seen  on  the  left  wrist.  Necklaces  of  white  shell,  turquoise,  and  coral 
beads,  more  or  less  elaborate,  according  to  the  wealth  of  the  wearer, 
are  the  principal  adornments.  Turquoise  bead  earrings,  tipped  with 
bits  of  coral  or  a  red  stone  precious  to  the  Zufiis,  are  attached  to  the 
necklaces,  unless  they  are  removed  for  ceremonial  occasions,  when  they 
are  worn  in  the  ears.  The  well-dressed  Zufii  seldom  appears  without  his 
blanket  unless  the  thermometer  is  unusually  high,  and  every  man  who 
can  secure  one  possesses  a  Navaho  blanket,  which  he  wears  in  prefer- 
ence to  the  coarser  and  less  ornamental  weave  of  home  manufacture. 
Rabbit-skin  blankets,  woven  of  strips  of  the  skins,  though  much  used 
in  the  past,  are  now  very  rare. 

The  women's  dress  is  picturesque  and  is  donned  when  the  girl  is  about 
four  years  of  age,  before  which  the  children  of  both  sexes  wear  little 
or  no  clothing  in  warm  weather.  The  gown  is  of  black  diagonal  cloth, 
woven  in  one  piece,"  embroidered  at  top  and  bottom  in  dark  blue.* 
The  cloth  is  folded  once  and  sewed  up  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the 
top,  and  again  the  top  edges  are  caught  together  for  a  few  inches, 
draping  gracefully  over  the  right  shoulder.  The  arm  passes  through 
the  opening,  while  the  gown  is  carried  under  the  left  arm.  A  long- 
belt  of  Zufii  or  Hopi  manufacture  is  wrapped  several  times  around  the 
waist.  It  is  generally  tightly  drawn  by  the  younger  women  and 
tucked  under,  with  the  ends  falling  a  few  inches,  one  end  of  the  belt 
having  a  deep  fringe.  A  cotton  camis,  similar  in  shape  to  the  dress, 
is  worn  beneath,  and  a  high-necked  and  long-sleeved  garment  is  also 
worn  under  the  dress  and  next  to  it;  this  is  left  off  for  ceremonials. 
The  neck  and  wrists  of  this  garment  are  finished  with  bands,  which 
are  fastened  with  silver  buttons.  A  pi'toni,  wddch  is  a  piece  of  white 
cotton  or  of  calico,  tied  in  the  front  at  the  neck  and  falling  over  the 
back,  is  an  indispensable  article  of  dress.     The  woman  whose  hus- 

"  Navaho  dresses  are  woven  in  two  pieces. 

'■This  style  of  finishing  is  exclusively  Zuiiinn.    The  Hopi  Indians  weave  in  their  blue  borders  and 
the  Rio  Grande  Indians  have  red  mixed  in  the  borders  of  their  gowns. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.    XCIII 


ZUNI     MATRON 


stevknson]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  371 

band  or  father  has  brought  her  a  shawl  of  foreign  manufacture  from 
Santa  Fe  or  Albuquerque,  which  on  state  occasions  she  wears  as  an 
extra  pi'toni.  for  the  cotton  one  is  never  laid  aside  except  for  cere- 
monials, is  envied  by  the  other  women.  When  the  Government  school 
closes  for  the  day.  the  children  hasten  to  their  homes  to  add  the  pi'toni 
to  their  school  uniform  before  joining  their  playmates.  The  Zuni 
woman  must  be  poor  indeed  who  does  not  wear  a  silver  necklace  and 
bangles.  These  necklaces  are  made  of  coin-silver  beads  with  pendent 
crescents;  occasionally  a  number  of  crosses  or  other  forms  are  added. 
Silver  rings  are  also  worn  by  the  women.  Turquoise  earrings,  which 
are  worn  only  in  ceremonials,  are  the  same  as  the  men's,  and  the  women 
borrow  the  men's  bead  necklaces  to  wear  at  such  times. 

Knit  stocking  legs  with  moccasins  complete  the  toilet  (see  plate 
xcin).  The  women's  moccasins  are  elaborate  according  to  the  wealth 
of  the  rearer,  the  more  deerskin  used  the  handsomer  the  moccasins. 
After  the  white  moccasin  with  polished  black  sole  is  drawn  on  the 
foot,  the  skin  is  wrapped  around  the  leg  giving  it  a  clumsy  look  but 
causing  the  foot  to  appear  much  smaller  than  it  really  is.  In  summer 
the  women  and  girls  usually  have  their  feet  and  legs  bare.  All  mocca- 
sins are  made  by  the  men,  and  men  also  do  the  sewing  for  the  female 
members  of  the  family  as  well  as  themselves.  The}'  sew  from  instead 
of  toward  themselves.  The  men  knit  the  stocking  legs  and  also  knit 
shoes  of  bright  colors  for  women  and  little  girls,  who  wear  them  in 
moderate  weather. 

The  woolen  garments  of  home  manufacture  are  washed  occasionally 
in  suds  of  the  root  of  the  }*ucca  glauca  on  the  river  bank,  the  Indians 
appreciating  the  necessity  of  sometimes  cleansing  them  in  order  to 
preserve  them;  but  cotton  clothing  is  worn,  not  only  by  the  poorer, 
but  by  the  better  class,  until  it  falls  apart  from  decay  caused  b}T  filth. 
If  these  garments  are  replaced  by  fresh  ones  for  ceremonial  occasions, 
they  are  put  on  again  and  worn  until  full  service  has  been  rendered. 

Xo  one  dresses  his  own  hair.  Women  comb  the  men's  hair  and  one 
another's,  unless  a  lover  or  a  bridegroom  greatty  enamored  of  his 
bride  sometimes  plays  the  part  of  hairdresser.  One  of  the  favorite 
pastimes  is  to  sit  outside  the  house-and  search  in  the  hair  for  vermin;  and 
as  each  specimen  is  found  the  hairdresser  cracks  it  between  her  teeth 
with  an  expression  of  genuine  satisfaction.  The  vermin  are  not  eaten 
as  has  been  stated,  but  are  thrown  from  the  mouth.  The  hair  is  parted 
from  ear  to  ear  over  the  crown  of  the  head,  a  fine  straw  being  used  for 
the  purpose  of  making  the  part  perfectly  clear.  The  front  of  the  hair 
is  allowed  to  fall  in  heavy  bangs  over  the  forehead,  while  the  back 
hair  is  carefully  brushed.  A  bunch  of  broom  corn  tied  about  4  inches 
from  the  cut  ends  serves  a  double  purpose,  the  longer  portion  being 
the  broom,  the  shorter  the  hairbrush.  When  every  hair  is  in  its  place, 
a  long  string  is  wrapped  once  around  the  hair  and  tightly  drawn  at 


372  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.aku.23 

the  nape  of  the  neck.  A  person  whose  hair  is  being  dressed  holds 
each  end  of  the  string  while  the  hair  is  brushed  again;  audit  is  fre- 
quently spat  upon  as  it  is  folded  over  and  over.  The  hair-dresser, 
taking  tirst  the  right-hand  string,  wraps  it  tightly  around  the  hair, 
which  is  formed  into  a  bow.  The  other  end  of  the  string  is  also 
wrapped  around  the  hair,  and  the  string  is  firmly  tied.  The  tongue  is 
frequently  used  in  smoothing  every  hair  into  its  place.  The  bow  is 
now  wrapped  with  a  red  woven  garter  or  with  red  yarn.  When  the 
hairdresser  has  finished,  the  man  separates  the  bangs,  which  fall  to 
the  eyebrows,  and  brushing  both  sides  back  with  the  hands,  he  ties  a 
head-kerchief  or  a  silk  band  around  his  head.  The  woman's  hair  is 
done  up  in  a  similar  manner  in  the  back.  Instead  of  a  bow  she  wears 
a  queue,  so  wrapped  with  a  garter  or  yarn  as  almost  to  obscure  the 
hair,  except  in  certain  ceremonies  when  the  hair,  which  has  been 
previously  braided  to  render  it  wavy."  falls  down  the  back.  After  the 
hair  is  dressed  the  woman  or  girl,  by  a  peculiar  manipulation  of  the 
fingers,  separates  her  bangs,  which  fall  to  the  lower  lip.  on  one  side 
and  catches  up  the  hair  behind  the  ear.  In  dancing,  grinding,  and  all 
other  ceremonies  the  bangs  fall  over  the  face.  Bangs  are  worn  for 
the  same  reason  that  Turkish  women  veil  their  faces.  The  Zuiiis  say, 
''It  is  not  well  for  a  woman's  face  to  be  exposed  to  the  gaze  of  men.'' 

WEAVING 

The  Zuiiis  depend  upon  their  native  blankets  for  bedding  and  to  a 
large  extent  for  wraps,  though  the  Navaho  blankets  are  worn  by  men 
and  boys,  and  are  used  as  saddle  blankets.  Commercial  wool  cards 
are  in  general  use.  The  Zuiiis  spin  with  a  primitive  spindle,  a  slender 
stick  passed  through  a  wood  or  stone  disk/'  Their  blankets,  as  a  rule, 
are  made  of  wool  of  its  natural  colors — white,  gray. brown,  and  brownish- 
black — woven  in  stripes;  but  they  also  dye  the  wool  in  two  shades  of 
blue,  using  indigo,  and  urine  as  a  mordant,  mahogany  red, yellow,  and 
green/' 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  writer  that  the  pueblo  blankets  in  the  past 
were  more  elaborate  in  design  than  now,  and  that  the  Navahos  learned 
to  weave  from  the  pueblos.  It  is  further  believed  that  as  the  pro- 
gressive Xavahos  became  greater  experts  in  weaving,  the  art  of  the 
Zufiis  deteriorated:  they  came  to  depend  on  the  Navahos  for  the 
better  grade  of  blankets. 

In  1881  a  young  boy  about  12  years  of  age  became  jealous  over  the 
writer's  admiration  for  the  Navaho  blankets  and  determined  to  see 

"Two  men  were  ..li-crvc,]  to  have  naturally  wavy  hair. 

Mir  Washington  Matthews,  U.  S.  Army,  in  the  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology, 
gives  an  exhaustive  account  of  Navaho  weaving.  Instating  that  the  Zufiis  employ  a  different  met  hod 
from  that  of.  the  Xavahos  in  handling  the  spindle.  I'r  Matthews  is  in  error.  The  method  shown  on 
plate  \  xxiv  oi  I>r  MutthcwVs  paper  is  a  favorite  one  with  the  Zuiiis. 

e  A  full  description  oi  the  preparation  of  yarn  for  weaving  will  be  given  in  a  forthcoming  paper 
Specimens  of  native-dyed  yarn  were  secured  in  1901  after  prolonged  efforts. 


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stevenson]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  373 

what  he  could  do.  Going  to  work  with  no  design  before  him,  he  pro- 
duced a  saddle  blanket  of  exceptional  beauty.  The  elaborate  figures 
were  woven  in  various  colors  on  a  red  ground.  In  1902  a  Zufii  priest 
presented  the  writer  with  a  blanket  of  his  own  weaving,  which, 
though  not  tine,  was  elaborate  in  design  and  color.  It  was  made  in 
order  to  show  the  writer  that  the  Zufiis  possess  the  art  of  weaving 
blankets  in  the  Navaho  style  even  though  they  do  not  practise  it. 
They  prefer  to  purchase  blankets  of  the  more  elaborate  kind  from  the 
Mavahos  and  give  their  time  to  other  things. 

Men's  shirts,  ceremonial  kilts  and  breecheloths,  and  women's  dresses 
and  wraps  are  woven  of  black  or  dark  blue  native  wool  in  diagonal 
stylo.  These  articles  have  embroidered  borders  of  dark  blue.  Com- 
mercial needles  take  the  place  of  bone.  The  woman's  belt  is  gen- 
erally woven  of  red  3Tarn,  bordered  in  green,  with  designs  in  white 
cotton  thread.  Before  commercial  yarn  was  obtainable,  these  belts 
were  woven  of  native  yarn  dyed  mahogany  red  and  green.  Plate 
xciv  shows  We'wha,  who  was.  one  of  the  important  characters 
of  Zufii,  emplo3Ted  in  weaving.  The  picture  was  made  during 
We'wha's  visit  to  Washington.  The  dress  is  inappropriate,  being 
ceremonial. 

BASKETRY 

The  Zufiis  make  for  ordinary  use  a  variety  of  coarse  baskets  of 
willows,  dogwood,  and  a  plant,  Chrysothainnus  graveolens,  which 
grows  profuseljT  over  the  country.  Many  of  these  baskets  are  deep 
and  are  carried  in  the  hand  or  suspended  on  the  back  by  a  strap 
passing  over  the  forehead.  They  also  serve  as  saddle  bags.  There  are 
winnowing  baskets,  and  small,  deep  receptacles  for  collecting  grass- 
hoppers, these  insects  being  sometimes  eaten  as  a  delicacy.  All  the 
finer  bread  baskets  and  ceremonial  trays  are  purchased  from  the 
Apache,  Hopi,  and  other  Indians.  Those  of  the  former  are  especially 
prized.  It  is  not  that  the  Zuni  women  can  not  make  the  fine  baskets, 
but  it  happens  in  aboriginal  life  as  in  civilization  that  different  peo- 
ples have  their  specialties,  and  objects  of  foreign  manufacture  are 
prized 

POTTERY 

The  manufacture  of  pottery  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  industries 
of  the  Zufiis.  Most  of  the  women  are  potters,  the  art  being  learned  at 
an  early  age,  the  wee  ones  working  bits  of  chy  by  their  mothers'  sides 
and  the  mother  often  stopping  her  work  to  instruct  the  child;  few, 
however,  fuliy  understand  the  meaning  of  the  symbols  depicted  on 
the  modern  ware,  and  the  wisest  of  them  are  unable  to  decipher  many 
of  the  symbols  on  the  ancient  potteiy  found  in  the  ruins  near  by.     In 


H74  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

like  manner  the  people  arc  nimble  to  understand  many  of  the  rock 
carvings  which  cover  the  mesa  walls  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona. 

The  black  clay  used  in  the  manufacture  of  pottery  is  obtained  on 
Corn  mountain.  Jt  is  also  collected  from  mesas  near  the  farming  dis- 
tricts of  Ojo  Caliente  and  Pescado  as  occasion  may  require.  The  same 
clay  is  found  in  many  localities,  but  so  strictly  do  the  Zunis  adhere 
to  custom  that  they  could  not  be  induced  to  use  clay  for  such  purposes 
from  any  other  than  the  localities  here  mentioned.  They  declare  that 
the  day  will  never  become  exhausted,  as  Mother  Earth  will  supply 
them  as  long  as  they  remain  pure  of  heart. 

On  one  occasion  Mr  Stevenson  and  the  writer  accompanied  We'wha 
to  Corn  Mountain  to  obtain  clay."  On  passing  a  stone  heap  she 
picked  up  a  small  stone  in  her  left  band,  and  spitting  upon  it,  carried 
the  hand  around  her  head  and  threw  the  stone  over  one  shoulder 
upon  the  stone  heap  in  order  that  her  strength  might  not  go  from  her 
when  carrying  the  heavy  load  down  the  mesa.  She  then  visited  the 
shrine  at  the  base  of  the  mother  rock  and  tearing  off  a  bit  of  her 
blanket  deposited  it  in  one  of  the  tiny  pits  in  the  rock  as  an  offering 
to  the  mother  rock  (see  plate  xna).  When  she  drew  near  to  the  clay 
bed  she  indicated  to  Mr  Stevenson  that  he  must  remain  behind,  as  men 
never  approached  the  spot.  Proceeding  a  short  distance  the  party 
reached  a  point  where  We'wha  requested  the  writer  to  remain  per- 
fectly quiet  and  not  talk,  saying:  "Should  we  talk,  my  pottery  would 
crack  in  the  baking,  and  unless  I  pray  constantly  the  clay  will  not 
appear  to  me."  She  applied  the  hoe  vigorously  to  the  hard  soil,  all 
the  while  murmuring  prayers  to  Mother  Earth.  Nine-tenths  of  the 
clay  was  rejected,  every  lump  being  tested  between  the  fingers  as  to 
its  texture.  After  gathering  about  150  pounds  in  a  blanket,  which 
she  carried  on  her  back,  with  the  ends  of  the  blanket  tied  around  her 
forehead,  We'wha  descended  the  steep  mesa,  apparently  unconscious 
of  the  weight. 

The  only  implements  used  in  making  pottery  are  the  bottom  of  a  dis- 
carded water  vase  and  a  sort  of  trowel  made  of  a  gourd  or  a  suitable 
fragment  of  pottery.  No  wheel  is  used,  nor  is  any  kind  of  lathe  or 
revolving  support  known  to  these  people.  The  clay  is  ground  to  a  pow- 
der and  mixed  with  a  small  quantity  of  pulverized  pottery,  fragments 
of  the  latter  being  carefully  hoarded  for  this  purpose.  The  powder  thus 
compounded  is  mixed  with  water  enough  to  make  a  pasty  mass,  which  is 
kneaded  like  dough.  The  more  care  taken  in  pulverizing  the  material 
and  the  more  time  spent  in  working  it  the  liner  becomes  the  paste. 
When  the  mass  reaches  such  a  state  of  consistency  that  the  lingers  can 
no  longer  detect  the  presence  of  gritty  particles  it  is  still  more  deli- 
cately tested  with  the  tongue,  and  when  found  to  be  satisfactory  it  is 

"  Tin*  nun  who  collect  clay  arc  the  few  who  adopt  woman's  dress  and  do  woman's  work,  and  these 
are  always  referred  to  as  women. 


STEVENSON]  ARTS    AND    INDUiSTRIKS  375 

placed  in  a  vessel  and  covered  with  a  cloth,  where  it  will  retain  the 
moisture  until  wanted  for  use.  In  beginning  the  work  a  sufficient 
quantity  is  first  made  into  a  ball  and  then  hollowed  out  with  the  fingers 
until  it  assumes  a  conventional  bowl  shape,  which  serves  as  the  founda- 
tion to  be  afterward  built  up  and  elaborated  into  any  desired  shape. 
The  vessel  is  then  formed  by  the  successive  additions  of  strips  of  the 
paste  long  enough  to  encircle  the  bowl,  each  layer  being  pressed  on 
the  brim  with  the  fingers  and  accurately  fitted,  the  trowel  being  then 
skillfully  used  to  finish  the  joining  and  to  remove  all  traces  of  the 
original  separation  of  the  strips.  Most  of  the  work  of  modeling  the 
vessel  into  its  final  shape  is  done  on  the  inside  with  a  trowel,  this 
implement  being  used  on  the  outside  chiefly  to  smooth  the  surface. 
The  clay,  if  it  has  been  properly  worked,  possesses  sufficient  tenacity 
and  plasticity  to  admit  of  being  pressed  and  scraped  without  cracking. 

The  completed  utensil  is  placed  in  the  sun  for  a  da}r  to  dry,  after 
which  it  must  be  handled  carefully  until  after  it  is  baked.  This  is 
nevertheless  the  state  of  manufacture  in  which  it  is  to  be  decorated. 
The  modern  ware  is  usually  painted  white,  except  the  cooking  vessels, 
which  are  unpainted.  A  white  clay  is  dissolved  in  water  and  then 
made  into  cones  which  are  dried  in  the  sun.  When  required  for  use 
these  cones  are  rubbed  to  powder  on  a  stone,  again  mixed  with  water, 
and  applied  in  the  liquid  state  to  the  object  with  a  rabbit-skin  mop. 
Polishing  stones  are  used  to  finish  the  surface.  After  a  thorough 
drying  of  this  foundation,  the  designs  are  painted  with  brushes  made 
of  yucca  needles,  the  pigments  having  been  ground  in  stone  mortars 
and  made  into  a  paste  with  water  to  which  a  sirup  of  j^ucca  fruit  is 
added.  "Water  from  boiled  Cleome  serrulata  (Mexican  name  waco) 
is  mixed  with  black  pigment  (a  manganiferons  clay  containing  organic 
matter)  in  decorating  pottery.  Ferruginous  cla3Ts  which  on  heating 
burn  to  yellow,  red,  or  brown  are  employed  for  decorating. 

These  potters  do  not  use  patterns  in  molding  or  decorating  their 
work.  In  many  of  the  pueblos  the  pottery  is  undecorated,  the  surface 
being  finished  in  plain  red  or  black.  The  ware  is  made  of  a  yellowish 
clay,  in  the  manner  heretofore  described,  and  the  vases  are  placed 
in  the  sun,  where  they  remain  for  some  hours.  They  are  then  washed 
with  a  solution  of  red  ocher,  and  while  wet  the  process  of  polishing 
begins,  the  woman  with  untiring  energy  going  over  the  surface  again 
and  again  with  her  polishing  stone,  every  little  while  passing  a  wet 
cloth  over  the  vessel  to  keep  the  surface  moist.  When  the  polishing  is 
completed,  the  vessel  is  again  placed  in  the  sun  for  a  short  time  before 
receiving  its  final  baking  in  the  oven.  When  the  baking  is  completed, 
the  vessels  that  are  to  retain  the  reddish  color  are  removed,  while  those 
that  are  to  Vie  black  remain  in  the  ovens,  which  are  then  covered  with 
a  quantity  of  loose  manure.  The  fire  is  so  smothered  b}r  this  process 
as  to  produce  a  dense  smoke,  and  it  is  this  smoke  absorbed  into  the 


37(3 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


pottery  that  produces  the  black  coloring-,  no  black  pigment  of  any  kind 
being  used.  While  there  is  no  attempt  at  .surface  decoration,  many 
pretty  and  curious  shapes  are  modeled  by  the  clever  potters.  There 
are  water  jars  and  bowls  with  fluted  edges,  imitations  of  birds  and 
beasts,  and  many  queer  figures. 

"When  the  Zuni  potter  has  completed  the  decoration,  the  articles  are 
ready  for  baking.  A  suitable  spot  out  of  doors  is  selected,  and  if 
possible  a  day  is  chosen  when  there  is  no  wind  to  interfere  with  the 


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Fig.  24 — Old  Zuiii  vase. 

process,  unless  it  be  the  regular  time  for  baking  pottery  during  the 
summer  solstice  ceremonies.  The  pieces  to  be  fired  are  placed  upon 
stones  to  raise  them  a  few  inches  from  the  ground,  and  an  oven  of 
dried  manure  from  the  sheep  and  goat  pens  is  built  around  and  over 
them.  The  lire  is  carefully  managed  in  order  to  produce  a  gradual 
heating,  after  which  the  entire  mass  is  subjected  to  an  intense  heat 
until  the  baking  is  completed,  the  process  usually  requiring  one  or  two 
hours.  A  bit  of  wafer  bread  is  deposited  in  each  vase,  so  that  the 
spirit  of  the  vase  may  be  fed  with  the  spiritual  essence  of  the  bread. 


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STEVENSON] 


ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES 


377 


It  is  believed  that  should  a  pregnant  woman  look  upon  a  piece  of  pot- 
tery while  in  process  of  tiring,  it  will  be  marred  with  a  black  spot. 
Thus  the  Zunis  account  for  the  blemishes  caused  by  the  smoking  of  the 
pottery. 

Much  of  the  modern  pottery  is  decorated  with  animal  forms,  with 
an  attempt  to  depict  them  as  such,  while  birds  and  animals  in  the 
ancient  ware  are  so  highly  conventionalized  that  onry  the  initiated  can 
determine  the  original  of  the  motive.  Figure  2-i  shows  a  very  old 
vase  decorated  with  conventionalized  butterfly  and  cloud  and  rain  sym- 
bols,  while  the  more  modern  style  of  vases0  are  presented  in  figure  25. 


Fig.  25 — Modern  Zurii  vases. 


SILVERSMITHIXG 

The  Mexican  dollar,  owing  to  its  purity,  is  employed  by  the  silver- 
smith in  preference  to  the  silver  dollar  of  the  United  States.  Native 
silver  is  not  known  to  the  Zunis,  at  least  at  the  present  time,  and  ZufTi 
sages  claim  that  their  people  never  worked  in  silver  or  copper  before 
the  presence  of  the  Spaniards.  With  crude  implements  are  manufac- 
tured elaborate  ornaments  for  bridles,  silver  belts,  and  buttons  for 
men,  and  silver  beads,  bangles,  and  rings  for  women.  The  furnace, 
bellows,  dies — everything  pertaining  to  the  workshop  of  the  silver- 
smith (see  plate  xcv) — are  of  home  manufacture,  except  the  files  and 
hammers,  and  these  are  carpenters'  tools.  The  silversmith  is  also  the 
blacksmith  and  general  utility  man  of  the  village. 

aSymbolism  will  be  described  in  a  later  paper  devoted  to  the  subject. 


MTS  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.js 

BEAD    MAKING 

The  more  precious  beads  of  the  Xufiis  of  shell,  black,  red,  and  white 
stone  are  antique,  and  are  not  manufactured  at  present.  They  still 
make  heads  of  turquoise,  white  shells,  preferably  the  olive-shell,  and 
spoudylus  princeps.  They  also  color  shells  red  in  imitation  of  the 
last-named  shell.  Though  the  turquoises  are  sometimes  ground  to 
correspond  to  the  white  shell  beads,  the  stones  are  usually  left  in  the 
form  in  which  they  are  secured.  Coral  heads  are  purchased  from 
traders  and  vary  somewhat  in  form,  though  they  are  generally  cylin- 
drical or  round.  The  ancient  stone  beads  are  as  a  rule  cylindrical; 
some  few  are  flat.     The  white  shell  beads  are  flat." 

The  process  of  bead  making  is  long  and  tedious.  Shells  are  broken 
into  bits  and  each  piece  is  rubbed  on  a  stone  slab  until  it  is  of  the 
desired  thinness.  The  more  delicate  the  bead  the  more  valuable  it  is. 
After  each  piece  has  passed  through  the  rubbing  process  it  is  laid  to 
one  side  until  there  are  enough  pieces  to  form  a  string  of  beads;  then 
the  boring  is  begun  (see  plate  xevi).  As  each  stone  is  pierced  it  is 
usually  slipped  on  a  string  for  safe-keeping  until  the  boring  is  com- 
pleted, when  the  irregular  pieces  are  rubbed  separately  on  the  stone 
to  form  them  into  symmetrical  disks  less  than  one-eighth  of  an  inch 
in  diameter.  From  four  to  six  strings  form  a  necklace.  The  coral 
beads  are  sprinkled  among  the  turquoise  and  the  more  numerous 
white  shell  beads.  The  beads  never  reach  the  end  of  the  string;  a 
ringers  length  is  left  bare  of  beads.  The  older  necklaces,  which  were 
more  carefully  made  than  the  modern  ones,  are  very  valuable,  a  single 
string  bringing  a  number  of  horses. 

WAGON     MAKING 

The  only  commercial  wagon  in  Zufii  is  owned  by  Mr  Graham,  the 
agent.  The  Indian  wagon  is  of  home  manufacture,  although  of  Spanish 
origin  (see  plate  xcvn).  The  wheels  are  heavy  blocks,  carved  in  the 
rudest  fashion;  the  bed  is  composed  of  beams  or  poles  and  the  sides 
of  slender  poles.  The  structure  is  lined,  when  necessary,  with  hide. 
It  is  drawn  by  oxen,  and  the  whole  is  of  the  most  primitive  character.* 

AlOTIOXEERING 

Auctioneering  with  the  Zunis  is  quite  as  much  of  a  feature  as  it  is 
with  civilized  people,  and  the  auctioneer  is  a  conspicuous  character. 
When  the  larder  becomes  overstocked  with  some  varieties  of  food  and 
is  deficient  in  others,  the  head  of  the  household  looks  anxiously  for 

a  \  i'uir  specimen  of  a  cylindrical  turquoise  bead  throe-fourths  inch  in  length,  found  at  a  ruin  near 
the  Zuili  salt  lake,  was  secured  lor  the  National  Museum. 

'■  Mr  Stevenson ured  one  of  these  wagons  from  a  Rio  Grande  pueblo  for  the  National  Museum 

at  Washington 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.   XCVI 


a     BEAD    MAKING 


'     ""      " 


b     BEAD-MAKER'S     FAMILY 


o 
< 


stevexsos]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  379 

the  announcement  that  the  auctioneer  is  to  give  his  services  to  those 
in  need  of  them.  The  time  being  arranged  for  the  sale,  the  auction 
occurs  in  the  great  plaza  (see  plate  xcvin).  The  following  is  a 
description  of  an  auction  which  lasted  three  days,  observed  by  the 
writer  in  1896:  Early  in  the  morningthe  auctioneer  placed  a  bunch  of 
yellow  blossoms  in  the  center  of  the  plaza  and  covered  it  with  a  conical 
cooking  vessels  no  one  being  present  but  the  auctioneer  and  the  writer. 
"What  was  under  the  vessel  was  a  secret,  and  the  flowers  were  not 
removed  until  everyone  had  left  the  plaza  in  the  evening.  At  10 
o'clock  in  the  morning  the  women  began  bringing  in  their  wares. 
Bowls  and  baskets  were  deposited  about  the  inverted  cooking  vessel. 
These  contained  wheat  flour,  dried  peaches,  beans,  squash  which  had 
been  cut  into  strips  and  dried,  and  other-  articles  of  food.  Burros 
sometimes  found  their  way  to  the  sale  and  got  their  noses  into  the 
baskets  before  they  could  be  driven  away.  Though  only  the  women 
were  supposed  to  be  interested  in  the  auction,  a  number  of  men  sat 
about  with  their  knitting.  The  auctioneer  set  forth  the  good  qualities 
of  the  article  for  sale,  stated  what  the  owner  wished  in  exchange  for 
it,  and  with  his  ready  tongue  soon  enticed  a  purchaser.  He  frequently 
sold  an  article  within  thirty  seconds  after  it  was  brought  to  the  plaza. 
Payment  was  made  at  once,  and  the  traders  left  the  plaza  to  return  in 
a  short  time  with  the  vessels,  which  go  back  to  their  owners. 

The  auctioneer,  an  aged  man  with  white  hair,  had  served  long  at  the 
business  and  would  have  been  considered  a  model  one  in  any  com- 
munity. He  was  kept  busy  on  this  occasion  from  morning  until  night. 
He  received  no  compensation  for  his  services  except  innumerable 
invitations  to  eat." 

RECENT    CHANGES   IN   ARTS   AND   INDUSTRIES 

Mr  Stevenson,  during  his  first  visit  to  the  Zunis  in  1879,  inaugurated 
many  changes  for  the  better.  Window  panes,  candles,  lamps,  and  silver- 
smiths" implements  were  introduced,  and  larger  doors  were  made. 
Each  Indian  who  aided  in  making  boxes  for  packing  the  Government 
collection  received  enough  lumber  to  make  a  door,  the  Indians  being 
taught  to  make  the  doors  and  hang  them.  Improvements  progressed 
slowly  from  that  time  to  1902,  since  which  date  great  strides  have  been 
made  in  certain  directions;  but  in  1904  the  people  were  found  to  be  in 
a  deplorable  condition  morally. 

While  the  ceilings  of  the  older  houses  are  low,  those  of  the  newer 
ones,  or  of  such  as  have  undergone  renovation,  are  high.  The  finer 
houses  are  now  built  entirely  of  stone,  quarried  a  few  miles  from 
Zufli.     An  ax  and  chisel  are  the  only  means  adopted  for  quarrying, 

?  This  system  of  trading  is  said  by  the  Zunis  to  have  existed  long  before  the  invasion  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  it  is  practiced  in  all  the  pueblos. 


.".St  I  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

sometimes  the  ax  alone  being'  used.  Shingles  made  by  the  Zufii  car- 
penter take  the  place  of  the  willow  boughs  across  the  beams  of  the 
ceiling,  and  the  rooms  are  much  larger.  The  women  still  do  much  of 
the  work  in  the  construction  of  houses. 

Large,  sometimes  double,  windows  with  curtains,  doors  with  locks, 
and  china  closets  are  much  in  fashion  at  present.  Enameled  iron  bed- 
steads are  to  be  found  in  a  few  houses,  while  a  number  of  families 
have  chairs  and  tables.  The  table  is  introduced  rather  as  an  ornament, 
as  they  prefer  to  serve  their  meals  in  the  old-fashioned  way  on  the 
floor.  The  writer  has  observed  but  two  families  eating  from  tables. 
A  number  of  small  heating  and  cooking  stoves  are  in  use,  and  yeast- 
powder  bread  baked  in  the  stove  is  fast  taking-  the  place  of  bread 
prepared  in  the  native  manner. 

Soap  was  introduced  in  1879  in  the  hope  that  the  Zunis  would  wash 
their  cotton  clothes,  and  the  writer  undertook  the  task  of  instruction. 
She  selected  as  a  pupil  a  man  who  had  adopted  woman's  dress  and  who 
was  known  to  be  the  strongest,  most  active,  and  most  progressive 
Indian  in  the  tribe;  but  he  was  averse  to  the  work,  and  at  first  refused 
to  wash.  He  looked  on  in  silence  for  a  time  while  the  writer  worked. 
Never  having  had  any  experience  in  that  work  herself,  she  soon  had 
most  of  the  water  from  the  tub  on  the  floor  and  was  drenched  to  the  skin. 
The  pupil  exclaimed:  "  You  do  not  understand  that  which  you  would 
teach.  You  do  not  understand  as  much  as  the  missionary's  wife;  she 
keeps  the  water  in  the  tub  and  does  not  make  a  river  on  the  floor.  Let 
me  take  your  place."  Ironing  time  came,  only  to  find  the  pupil  still 
more  averse.  He  declared  he  had  learned  enough  and  would  never 
learn  to  iron.  But  he  was  finally  persuaded  to  go  on  with  the  work. 
Many  weeks  passed,  however,  before  he  would  wash  and  iron  without 
constant  urging.  Finally  he  began  to  realize  that  he  was  accumulating 
silver  dollars  from  the  members  of  the  expedition.  Then  he  declared 
that  he  would  become  a  good  laundrvman  and  would  go  to  Fort  Win- 
gate  and  wash  for  the  captains'  families.  This  man  ultimately  became 
as  celebrated  as  a  Chinese  laundrvman,  his  own  cleanly  apparel  being 
his  advertising  card,  and  was  called  upon  not  only  by  the  officers' 
families  at  the  garrison,  but  by  the  white  settlers  near  and  far.  Others 
of  the  tribe  concluded  that  they,  too,  would  wash  their  clothes,  and 
consequently  a  great  change  for  the  better  took  place. 

Laundering,  which  is  carried  on  extensive^  at  the  present  time,  is 
not  confined  to  either  sex;  the  men  wash  their  own  clothes,  and  the 
women  launder  for  their  children  and  themselves.  Only  a  few  work 
for  the  whites,  the  men  wearing  female  attire  being  preferred  to  the 
women  on  account  of  their  strength  and  endurance. 

The  Zunis  sell  their  wool  and  buy  blankets  and  quilts,  so  that  the 
bed  blankets  so  extensively  woven  Iry  them  in  past  years  are  no  longer 
to  be  seen.  Weaving  needles  made  of  tin  cans  are  used  instead  of  the 
bone  needle  of  earlier  days. 


stevensos]  ARTS    AND    INDUSTRIES  381 

The  art  of  dyeing  is  virtually  lost.  Gussets  in  sleeves  and  trousers 
have  been  introduced,  and  whenever  the  men  can  raise  mone}'  for  the 
purpose,  they  have  come  to  wear  European  dress,  including  hats  and 
shoes.  Now  even  the  baby  boy  who  has  not  a  hat  is  quite  out  of  the 
fashion.  Aboriginal  women  are  much  slower  than  the  men  to  adopt 
new  styles,  hut  in  1902  many  of  the  Zuiii  women  were  to  be  seen 
wearing  a  full  cotton  skirt  and  blouse  waist,  such  as  the  Navaho  women 
have  worn  in  warm  weather  for  years.  The  women  now  do  much  of 
the  sewing,  and  some  few  are  the  happy  possessors  of  sewing  machines. 
The  artistic  pottery  is  supplanted  to  a  great  extent  by  stone  china 
washbowls,  used  for  serving  food  as  well  as  for  bathing,  and  by  cheap 
china  and  glass  dishes.  The  potteiy  made  at  present  is  very  inferior, 
and  is  ordered  in  large  quantities  b}T  traders  to  supply  the  demands  of 
trade.  The  modern  pottery  collected  by  Mr  Stevenson  in  previous 
years  for  the  National  Museum  can  well  be  regarded  as  belonging  to 
the  past.  In  addition  to  their  poor  pottery  the  Zuiiis  are  making 
baskets  colored  with  diamond  dyes  in  imitation  of  the  fine  basket 
work  of  the  Hopi  pueblo  of  Oraibi,  and  sad  to  relate-  the  beautiful 
coloring  of  the  Hopi  baskets  has  been  supplanted  by  diamond  dyes. 
No  one  in  Zuiii  who  can  buy  flour  now  grinds  wheat.  Lard,  yeast 
powder,  coffee,  and  white  sugar  have  become  staple  articles  with  the 
Zuiiis. 

While  the  people  themselves  are  slowl}r  but  gradually  improving 
their  condition  of  living,  they  are  having  a  hard  struggle  to  preserve 
the  live  stock  which  they  labored  so  industriously  to  secure.  The 
goodly  supply  of  horses  and  cattle  found  in  Zuiii  in  1879  dwindled 
to  a  small  number,  owing  to  the  deprepations  not  only  of  Navahos 
and  Mexicans,  but  also  of  some  of  the  white  settlers  in  the  country. 
They  have  been  more  fortunate  with  the  sheep  and  goats,  as  the  ever- 
watchful  eye  of  the  herder  has  prevented  inroads  upon  them  except 
from  time  to  time  by  the  Navahos.  More  recently  their  horses  and 
cattle  as  well  as  sheep  have  increased. 

The  wheat  fields  are  now  largely  protected  by  barbed-wire  fencing, 
and  when  the  dam  now  being  constructed  by  the  Government  is 
finished  the  Zuiii  problem  of  living  will  be  settled;  but  alas,  the 
Zuiii  as  a  man  and  good  citizen  has  fallen  far  below  what  he  was 
before  he  came  into  intimate  contact  with  civilized  man.  In  1879  no 
amount  of  money  could  have  purchased  a  genuine  Zuiii  mask,  and  not 
for  the  world  would  they  have  manufactured  a  bogus  specimen,  so 
great  was  their  dread  of  offending  their  gods.  It  was  not  until  1896 
that  the  writer  was  able  to  collect  any  of  the  masks  of  these  people. 
Through  her  long  acquaintance  with  the  priests  and  their  attachment 
to  her  she  then  succeeded  in  securing  nine  choice  specimens.  At 
present  the  less  orthodox  men  will  manufacture  almost  an}Tthing  a 
collector   ma}-  desire.     Spurious   ancient  fetishes  are  made  by  the 


382  THE    ZXTNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ask.  23 

sackful  and  passed  off  as  genuine.  So  it  is  also  with  masks  and  altars. 
Any  number  of  fraudulent  objects  may  be  obtained  at  the  prices  set 
by  the  clever  Indians. 

The  village  as  a  whole  has  undergone  considerable  change  since 
1879.  The  corrals  which  were  immediately  around  the  village,  almost 
at  the  doors,  have  been  removed  to  a  distance.  The  walls  of  the  old 
Spanish  church  are  nearly  gone.  In  1879  the  walls  of  this  church 
were  in  a  fair  state  of  preservation  and  parti}'  roofed.  The  two 
bells,  rune-  },y  striking  with  stone  hammers,  which  hung  in  the  bel- 
fry are  in  the  care  of  one  of  the  Zufii  theurgists.  The  lone  cotton- 
wood  tree  which  long  stood  in  the  village  has  disappeared.  The 
streets  are  now  kept  in  much  better  condition  than  formerly.  The  gen- 
eral improvement  in  living  is  due  principally  to  additional  trading- 
stations  scattered  through  the  country.  The  adoption  of  foreign 
ways,  however,  has  brought  with  it  the  evils  of  intoxication  and 
trickery  in  dealing  with  the  white  man,  whom  tbey  delight  to  lie  to 
and  cheat,  though  among  themselves  the  Zunis  are  still  honest.  They 
are  as  secretive  as  ever  concerning  their  religion  and  rituals,  and  they 
are  as  far  from  Christ ianization  as  before  the  Spaniard  set  foot  in 
their  land.  The  few  who  attend  the  Christian  services  do  so  with  no 
real  understanding  of  what  the  services  mean.  One  marriage  has  been 
solemnized  by  a  Protestant  minister.  The  girl  is  Nina,  the  grand- 
daughter of  Nai'uchi  formerly  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  Though 
Nina  at  one  time  showed  with  much  pride  her  marriage  certificate 
given  her  by  the  minister  who  performed  the  marriage  ceremony, 
realizing-  that  it  was  something  her  Zufii  sisters  did  not  possess, 
she  had  no  real  conception  of  Christianity.  In  1904  the  certificate 
was  destroyed,  that  both  Nina  and  her  husband  should  be  rid  of 
Christianity. 

The  writer  named  Nina  when  she  was  4  years  of  age,  and  started 
her  to  school,  exacting  a  promise  from  Nai'uchi  that  he  would  compel 
her  regular  attendance.  This  promise  was  solemnly  kept,  though 
Nina  many  times  begged  to  be  allowed  to  leave  school.  After  several 
years  of  regular  instruction  she  understood  considerable  English,  and 
later  grew  to  have  remarkable  command  of  the  language,  which  she 
still  retains,  though  she  has  come  in  contact  with  Americans  but  little 
since  she  left  school.  When  asked  by  the  writer  in  1902  how  she 
remembered  English  so  well  when  she  saw  so  few  Americans,  she 
replied:  "  I  make  two  people  of  myself  and  I  talk  to  myself."" 

Although  there  had  been  a  school  at  the  pueblo  since  1876,  the  few 
other  Zufiis  who  spoke  any  English  in  ISOti  were  men  who  had  acquired 
a  meager  knowledge  of  the  language  as  they  came  into  communication 
with  explorers  and  others,   and  the  adopted  child  of  a  teacher.     The 

«Tu'mnka.  a  man  who  was  taught  when  a  boy  by  Mr  Graham,  many  years  a  trader  at  Zulu,  and 
now  agent  to  these  people,  has  a  good  understanding  of  English. 


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stevensonI  PHYSICAL    CHARACTERISTICS  383 

writer  observed  a  great  improvement  in  1902.  .  Many  of  the  school 
children  could  make  themselves  understood  in  English,  and  the  men, 
from  more  frequent  association  with  the  whites,  had  made  sufficient 
progress  in  the  language  to  protect  to  some  extent,  their  rights  in 
trading.  In  1904  a  still  larger  number  of  Zuiiis  had  more  or  less 
command  of  English. 

PHYSICAL  CHARACTERS8 

As  a  rule  the  forms  of  the  Zuiiis  are  symmetrical  and  their  carriage 
graceful.  The  women  are  small,  with  shapely  limbs,  hands,  and 
feet.  Many  are  handsome  in  their  youth,  but  they  grow  corpulent 
at  an  early  age.  When  the  laughing  eyes  of  youth  become  somewhat 
dimmed  by  years,  they  acquire  a  kind,  mother^  expression.  In  1879 
seven  albinos  were  found  amond  the  Zunis.  Mr  Stevenson  with  diffi- 
culty gathered  six  of  the  albinos  in  a  group  and  secured  a  photograph 
of  them  (see  plate  xcix).  The  mother  of  an  infant  albino  could  not 
be  prevailed  upon  to  allow  her  child  to  be  photographed.  Indeed, 
these  people  are  so  sensitive  of  their  condition  that  they  avoid  the 
presence  of  strangers,  and  while  the  men  ma}^  stand  their  ground,  the 
women  and  children,  especially  the  latter,  flee  from  the  "Americano." 
The  writer  has  seen  several  of  the  children  grow  to  girlhood  and 
womanhood.  A  birth  of  an  albino  child  occurred  in  1896.  These 
people  have  light,  decidedly  yellowish  hair  and  complexions  of  decided 
delicacy.  They  all  have  weak  eyes,  and  their  vision  is  so  affected  by 
the  absence  of  choroid  pigment  that  they  are  obliged  to  protect  their 
eyes,  which  always  become  inflamed  from  ordinaiy  daylight.  When 
out  of  doors  the  albino  men  wear  hats,  when  they  can  be  secured,  and 
the  women  cover  their  faces  with  blankets  and  peep  through  the 
smallest  openings.  The  statement  that  albinos  are  compelled  to  live 
apart  from  the  others  of  the  tribe  is  erroneous,  and  none  of  them  are 
debarred  from  religious  or  social  privileges.  In  no  instance  has  an 
albino  parent  an  albino  child,  and  no  two  of  them  belong  to  the  same 
family.  The  adults  are  each  married  to  a  dark-haired  Indian,  and 
they  have  healthy  offspring. 

The  writer  is  under  obligations  to  Dr  Ales  Hrdlicka,  curator  of 
physical  anthropology  in  the  United  States  National  Museum,  who  in 
1900  visited  aud  examined  many  of  the  Zuiiis,  for  the  following  notes, 
in  the  proportions  and  features  of  the  peoples: 

The  Zuiiis  show  a  considerable  variation  in  stature,  but  maybe  described  as  below 
medium  height.  Among  60  adult  men,  5  per  cent  measured  150tol55  cm.  in  height; 
23.3  per  cent,  155  to  160  cm.;  26.7  per  cent,  160  to  165  cm.;  31.7  per  cent,  165  to 
170  cm.;  and  13.3  per  cent,  170  to  175  cm. 

Among  49  men  with  undeformed  heads  only  5  had  a  cephalic  index  below  77;  in 
12  it  was  between  77  and  80,  and  in  32,  or  65  per  cent,  it  was  above  80.  Thus  the 
tribe  maybe  considered  as  predominately  brachycephalic,  with  a  considerable  varia- 

aThe  extreme  isolation  oi  the  Zunis  has  preserved  a  strong  individuality. 


384  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [ETH.  ann.  23 

tion.  There  are  indications  that  this  variation  is  largely  due  to  an  early  admixture 
of  a  dolichocephalic  people. 

The  face  is  usually  of  moderate  dimensions,  with  more  less  prominent  cheek  bones. 
The  average  bizygomatic  breadth  in  the  men  is  14. 3  cm. ;  average  height  from  chin  to 
nasion,  11.5  cm.;  average  height  of  forehead  from  nasion  to  hairline,  7  em.  The 
nose  is  rather  short,  with  an  average  nasal  index  of  S2.  The  nasal  bridge  is  mostly 
moderately  convex  <>r  concavo-convex.  The  mouth  is  rather  large;  the  lips  vary 
from  medium  to  well-developed,  in  the  European  standard.  Alveolar  prognathism 
is  mostly  pronounced,  but  facial  prognathism  is  small.  The  angles  of  the  lower  jaw 
are  often  quite  prominent  in  the  male. 

The  body  is  generally  well  developed,  and  shows  more  uniformity  than  in  whites. 
In  :l  nut  ..f  the  60  men  examined  there  was  a  tendency  to  obesity.  In  women  this  is 
more  frequent,  but  the  corpulence  very  seldom  reaches  a  degree  at  which  it  would 
become  uncomfortable.  The  average  chest  diameters  in  men,  at  nipple  height,  are: 
Depth,  21.4  cm.;  breadth,  32.9  cm.  The  limbs  show  ordinary  muscularity.  The  arm 
expanse  in  men  exceeds  the  height  on  the  average  by  4.7  cm.  The  sitting  height  is, 
in  males,  on  the  average,  52.3  per  cent  of  the  stature.  The  calf  is  generally  smaller 
than  in  whites,  and  the  hands  and  feet  are  of  moderate  dimensions. 

The  physical  characteristics  of  the  Zunis  identify  this  tribe  closely  with  the  Hopis 
and  the  majority  of  the  other  Pueblos.  There  is  also  some  physical  relation  to  the 
Navahos,  and,  farther  south,  to  many  of  the  peoples  who  spoke  the  Nahuatlan 
language. 

The  several  albinos  who  were  examined  showed  nothing  abnormal  in  their  meas- 
urements. 

MEDICAL  PKACTICE 

The  belief  held  by  some  students  that  the  therapeutics  of  the  North 
American  Indians  is  associated  altogether  with  occultism  is  erroneous. 
Though  the  practice  of  the  Zunis  is  to  a  large  extent  fetishistic.  it 
is  rich  in  legitimate  drugs.  Some  of  these  drugs  are  employed  in 
conjunction  with  theurgism;  but  frequently  medicines  are  administered 
both  internally  and  externally  in  the  most  matter-of-fact  way  without 
prayers  or  incantations,  not  only  by  the  old  women,  who  know  various 
plant  medicines,  but  also  by  the  professional  man  or  woman,  who  is 
always  a  theurgist  of  some  esoteric  fraternity. 

Some  of  the  Zufii  medicines  are  administered  in  accordance  with  the 
doctrine  of  signatures,  in  conjunction  with  prayers  and  other  cere- 
monies. Others  are  the  medicines  of  the  Beast  Gods  of  the  six  regions, 
snake  medicine,  ant  medicine,  medicine  of  the  feathered  kingdom,  and 
te'nas'sali,  the  mythical  medicine  plant  which  is  said  to  bear  blossoms 
of  the  colors  of  the  six  regions.  While  these  medicines,  which  are 
mainly  plants,  are  used  in  conjunction  with  fetishes  of  the  animals  to 
which  they  belong,  they  are  generally  of  real  medicinal  value.  Mas- 
sage is  extensively  practiced,  and  the  masseur  or  masseuse  is  most 
proficient. 

For  any  complicated  or  mysterious  trouble,  or  one  which  does  not 
yield  readily  to  legitimate  medicine,  some  higher  power  than  man  must 
be  called  upon  to  eradicate  the  disease  "shot"  into  the  person  by 
witchcraft.     In  such  cases  the  Beast  Gods  act  through  their  agents,  the 


stevenson]  MEDICAL    PRACTICE  385 

theurgists,  who  have  great  influence,  the  patient  and  the  family  show- 
ing every  confidence  in  their  doctor,  who  selects  some  one  against  whom 
he  harbors  animosity  as  the  destroyer  of  the  health  of  his  patient. 
The  patient  also,  or  a  member  of  the  family,  may  accuse  some  man  or 
woman  as  the  witch  who  "shot"  the  medicine  into  him.  The  practices 
of  the  theurgists  are  fully  described  in  the  section  relating  to  witch- 
craft and  esoteric  fraternities. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  use  of  antiseptics  among  these  primitive 
people  antedating  the  modern  practice  of  surgery.  What  the  scien- 
tific man  learns  through  investigation  and  experiment,  aboriginal  man 
discovers  by  accident  and  chance  experience.  The  Indian's  treat- 
ment is  blindly  empiric.  He  does  not  understand  why  his  medicine 
cures:  he  simply  knows  that  it  does  cure,  and  he  attributes  the  cause 
to  some  divine  power.  He  applies  the  antiseptic  without  bathing  his 
hands  or  the  parts  affected,  and  the  wound  is  usuallj  covered  with  a 
soiled  cloth.    He  does  a  part,  however,  and  nature  completes  the  work. 

Bacteriology  teaches  that  disease  is  to  a  large  extent  the  result  of 
microbes:  the  Zuni  theurgists  declare  disease  generally  to  be  caused 
by  foreign  life  "'shot"  into  the  body  by  witches.  Roentgen  learned 
to  illuminate  the  bones  and  viscera  with  X  raj's;  the  Zuni  theurgist 
holds  a  crystal  in  the  light  immediatehT  before  his  patient  that  he  may 
see  into  the  flesh  and  locate  the  disease.  It  can  not  be  said  whether 
the  Zuni  women  ever  had  a  struggle  to  enter  the  field  of  medicine,  but 
to-day  some  of  the  most  successful  practitioners,  both  in  legitimate 
medicine  and  in  theurgy,  are  women,  though  the}7  are  much  fewer 
than  the  men.  Some  of  the  male  theurgists  are  successful  in  certain 
kinds  of  surgery,  especially  in  the  treatment  of  fractures  and  disloca- 
tions. 

In  1S79  the  writer  discovered  that  the  Zufiis  employed  a  narcotic, 
but  she  failed  to  secure  specimens  of  the  drug  until  1902,  which  was 
then  found  to  be  Datura  stramonium,  jimson  weed.  The  mention  of 
the  original  discovery  caused  remark  at  the  time,  some  ethnologists 
declaring  that  though  the  North  American  Indians  had  intoxicants, 
they  were  entirely  ignorant  of  narcotics.  Mr  James  Mooney,  of  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  who  observed  the  use  of  the  pej'ote 
plant  with  ceremonial  forms  among  the  Kiovvas  and  other  tribes  of 
the  southern  plains  southward  into  Mexico,  was  the  first  to  bring,  in 
1891,  the  plant  and  ceremony  to  scientific  attention.  He  supplied  the 
late  Dr  D.  W.  Prentiss  with  a  quantity  of  this  plant,  and  after  manjr 
careful  experiments  with  it  Doctor  Prentiss  administered  it  to  his 
patients  as  an  anesthetic  with  most  favorable  results.  The  Zufiis  do 
not  know  the  peyote,  but  they  use  the  jimson  weed,  which  the}' 
call  a'neglakya,  both  as  a  narcotic  and  externally  for  wounds  and 
bruises.  The  blossoms  and  root  ground  to  a  powder  are  applied 
externally.  This  plant  is  of  still  further  value  to  the  Zufiis,  for  when 
23  eth— 04 25 


380  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.-J3 

the  rain  priests  go  out  at  night  to  commune  with  the  feathered 
kingdom  they  put  a  1  >i t  of  this  powdered  root  into  their  eyes, 
ears,  and  mouth  that  the  birds  may  not  lie  afraid  and  will  listen  to 
them  when  they  pray  to  the  birds  to  sing-  for  the  rains  to  come.  A 
small  piece  of  the  root  is  chewed  when  one  wishes  to  commune  with  the 
spirits  of  the  dead  that  rains  may  come.  The  following  is  the  legend 
associated  with  this  plant:  "  In  the  olden  time  when  the  A'shiwi  were 
near  Ko'thluwala'wa  (abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods)  a 
brother  and  sister — the  boy's  name  was  A'neglakya,  and  the  girl's 
name  was  A'neglakya'si'sa. — were  always  walking  about  the  country 
and  looking  everywhere  and  seeing  everything,  and  wTere  always  tell- 
ing their  mother  what  they  saw.  This  was  not  pleasing  to  Kow'wi- 
tuina  and  AYats'usi,  the  Divine  Ones,  and  the  two  were  banished  into 
the  earth  and  they  became  the  plant  which  bears  their  name.  They 
have  many  plant  children.  Some  of  the  blossoms  are  all  white,  others 
are  tinted  with  blue,  while  others  are  edged  with  yellow,  blue,  or  red."' 

A'neglakya  belongs  to  all  of  the  rain  priests  and  to  the  directors  of 
the  Little  Fire  and  Cimex  fraternities.  Only  those  to  whom  the  plant 
belongs  are  privileged  to  collect  it.  Four  prayer  plumes  are  made  by 
one  who  is  to  gather  the  plants.  One  offering  is  to  A'neglakya,  one 
to  A'neglakya'si'sa.  and  two  to  ancestors.  The  four  prayer  plumes  are 
planted  the  depth  of  the  arm  in  an  excavation  made  with  an  ancient 
bean  planter  at  daylight  on  the  morning  the  plant  is  to  be  collected. 

The  writer  observed  Nai'uchi,  the  celebrated  theurgist  of  the  Little 
Fire  fraternity,  administer  the  narcotic  previous  to  operating  upon  a 
woman's  breast.  The  abscess  was  cut  with  a  flint  lancet,  the  wound 
was  probed  with  the  index  finger  and  the  pus  forced  out.  The  patient 
slept  placidly  through  the  operation,  which  would  otherwise  have  been 
most  painful,  and  when  she  awoke  there  was  no  evidence  that  she  had 
been  under  the  influence  of  a  drug. 

A'neglakya  is  sometimes  administered  by  a  rain  priest  when  one 
wishes  to  recover  stolen  property.  The  rain  priest  is  received  at  night 
in  an  inner  room  in  the  house  of  the  man  who  lost  his  property.  He 
sits  alone  without  lire  or  light,  and  the  room  is  dark.  The  man  wears 
a  new  white  cotton  shirt  and  trousers  and  new  blue  knitted  leggings. 
No  head-kerchief  or  moccasins  are  worn.  His  hair  is  done  in  the 
usual  style.  A  pallet  is  spread  on  the  floor.  The  rain  priest  sits 
before  the  man,  and  taking  a  bit  of  the  root  of  a'neglakya  from  the 
palm  of  his  left  hand  places  it  in  the  man's  mouth  with  the  words:  "'I 
give  this  medicine  to  my  child  that  he  may  become  hiili'shoti  (intoxi- 
cated)" and  see  the  one  who  has  robbed  him."  The  man  then  lies  on  the 
pullet,  and  the  rain  priest  retires  to  a  front  room  and  sits  by  the  com- 
municating door,  which  he  closes,  and  continues  to  listen  attentively 
during  the  night.     He  does  not  smoke,  as  A'neglakya  does  not  like 

a  The  Ziniis  use  the  same  word  for  insanity. 


stevensox]  MEDICAL    PRACTICE  387 

smoking  at  this  time,  and  he  is  all  alone.  He  hears  the  man  walking 
about  at  intervals  and  is  careful  to  catch  every  word  he  utters.  The 
name  which  the  man  calls  during  the  time  he  is  under  the  influence  of 
the  medicine  is  that  of  the  thief.  At  daylight  the  rain  priest  returns 
to  the  inner  room  to  find  the  man  either  lying  down  or  walking  about. 
He  wakens  the  man  by  grabbing  his  arm  and  leads  him  into  the  front 
room,  where  they  sit  side  by  side  facing  east,  and  the  rain  priest 
relates  what  he  heard  during  the  night  and  tells  the  man  that  the 
name  he  called  is  that  of  the  thief.  The  man  denies  all  recollection  of 
what  passed  during  the  night.  He  is  instructed  by  the  rain  priest  to 
call  upon  the  rogue  and  demand  his  property.  The  rain  priest  then 
makes  a  tire  and  heats  water  and  has  the  man  drink  a  quantity,  which 
induces  vomiting.  The  dose  of  warm  water  is  repeated  four  times 
with  the  same  results,  that  all  the  a'neglakya  taken  the  previous  night 
may  be  thrown  up.  The  rain  priest  then  leaves  the  man  alone,  but 
returns  in  a  short  time  with  his  wife  and  other  female  members  of 
the  family  who  prepare  \"ucca  suds  and  wash  the  man's  head,  while 
he  kneels  on  a  blanket,  and  the  rain  priest  sits  behind  him  with  a 
hand  on  either  shoulder.  The  man's  family  may  be  present  at  this 
ceremony,  but  the}'  take  no  part  in  it.  After  the  head  is  washed,  the 
rain  priest  gives  four  ears  of  corn  tied  together,  calico,  and  other 
presents,  according  to  his  wealth  or  generosity.  The  corn  is  planted 
the  coming  season  separateby  from  other  corn.  The  women  return  to 
their  house  and  bring  food  which  they  prepared  during  the  night, 
which  is  eaten  by  all  present.  After  the  repast,  the  loser  of  the  prop- 
erty goes  to  the  house  of  the  person  whom  he  named  when  intoxicated 
and  demands  his  property,  saying:  "I  saw  you  when  I  was  drunk 
with  a'neglakya."  If  the  accused  is  guilty,  he  returns  the  property, 
for  he  would  be  afraid  to  keep  it  and  thus  offend  A'neglakva. 

For  treating  a  patient  outside  the  ceremonial  chamber  the  Zuiii 
doctor  is  paid  according  to  his  reputation,  but  there  is  no  charge  when 
the  patient  is  treated  during  a  meeting  of  an  esoteric  fraternity. 
Like  the  civilized  physician,  the  Zuni  doctor  does  not  practice  in  his 
own  family,  except  in  rare  instances  when  the  theurgist  has  great 
faith  in  his  ability  and  feels  that  he  can  save  the  life  of  the  dear  one. 

A  case  of  pneumonia  developed  on  October  20,  1895,  and  continued 
six  weeks,  with  severe  fever,  leaving  the  man  very  weak,  and  with  an 
ugly  cough.  He  was  anxious  to  be  placed  in  the  care  of  the  writer, 
but  the  jealousy  of  the  officiating  theurgist  prevented  any  other  treat- 
ment than  his  own.  The  theurgist,  on  his  arrival,  took  a  seat  by  the 
patient  and  requested  that  a  basket  tray  be  brought  to  him.  He  then 
took  the  hand  of  the  patient  and  made  inquiries  regarding  his  condi- 
tion. He  removed  a  cougar  fetish  and  several  small  bags  of  medicine 
from  his  pouch  and  deposited  them  in  the  basket;  then,  holding  the 
fetish  between  his  hands,  which  he  carried  close  to  his  lips,  he  made  a 


.'iSS  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

long  prayer,  so  low  us  not  to  be  heard.  Laying  the  fetish  in  the 
basket,  he  took  a  minute  quantity  of  medicine  from  two  of  the  bags 
and  deposited  it  in  a  bowl  of  cold  water,  stirring  the  water  with  a 
hollow  reed;  then  he  held  the  bowl  close  to  the  patient,  who  took  six 
swallows  of  the  medicine  through  the  reed.  The  blanket  covering 
was  then  turned  down,  exposing  the  chest  of  the  patient.  A  small 
quantity  of  the  medicine  was  again  taken  from  each  bag  and  this  was 
run  in  four  perpendicular  lines  over  the  chest  and  down  the  lym- 
phatics; then  both  cars  were  touched  with  the  medicine.  The  the- 
urgist  did  not  cease  praying  while  handling  the  medicine.  Contin- 
uing to  pray  for  power  to  restore  his  patient  to  health,  he  took  the 
fetish  and  medicine  bags  into  his  right  hand  and  touched  them  to 
the  right  shoulder,  the  head,  and  the  left  shoulder  of  the  patient. 
The  diet  was  confined  to  a  small  quantity  of  bread  and  commercial  tea 
without  sugar  for  the  first  four  da}Ts,  during  which  time  the  Beast 
Gods  of  the  four  regions  were  appealed  to  and  the  fetish  medicines 
were  used.  After  this  the  patient  was  permitted  to  eat  as  he  chose. 
For  the  first  ten  days  the  pulse  was  120;  and  afterward  it  was  never 
less  than  110  during  the  six  weeks  of  the  fever,  and  the  cough  with 
constant  expectoration  caused  the  patient  great  suffering  and  almost 
reduced  him  to  a  skeleton. 

The  bod}''  was  usually  exposed  to  the  waist,  as  it  is  not  considered 
well  to  be  covered  when  the  skin  is  hot.  During  rainy  and  cold 
weather  the  sick  man  was  often  left  without  fire,  especially  at  night, 
when  the  room,  which  was  small,  became  intenseby  cold.  On  Novem- 
ber 2  the  patient  was  carried  in  a  blanket  through  the  snow  to  his 
mother's  house,  where  he  could  have  a  larger  and  more  comfortable 
room;  and  the  mother  had  Na'iuchi  and  others  of  the  Little  Fire 
fraternity  called  in  to  use  their  efforts  in  curing  her  son.  The  cere- 
mony was  similar  to  that  held  by  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  other  members 
of  the  U'huhukwe  fraternity  over  a  smallpox  patient."  The  day  fol- 
lowing the  fourth  and  last  night  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  members  of 
the  Little  Fire  fraternity  the  patient  claimed  to  feel  much  improved, 
though  the  pulse  was  105;  eight  days  later  the  pulse  was  90,  the  cough 
slightly  better.  After  six  weeks  of  this  low  condition  the  patient 
began  to  mend,  and  at  the  end  of  the  eighth  week  he  was  able  to  be 
about,  but  the  cough  remained  when  the  writer  left  in  January. 

A  most  distressing  case  of  lvysteria  was  witnessed  bvv  the  writer.  A 
beautiful  .young  girl,  about  12  years  of  age,  had  suffered  for  five 
weeks,  the  cause  being  suppression  of  the  menses.  Her  family  attrib- 
uted the  trouble  to  witchcraft,  and  no  sooner  was  the  girl  brought 
from  her  mother's  farm  at  Ojo  Caliente  to  Zufii  than  a  prominent 
theurgist  was  summoned,  and  no  time  was  lost  in  bringing  the  accused 


"Seep.  527. 


stevenson]  MEDICAL    PRACTICE  389 

wizard  to  trial.  The  tribunal  met  on  the  night  of  the  arrival  of  the 
child.  This  trial  is  full}-  described  in  the  section  on  witchcraft.  The 
writer,  who  was  called  to  the  house  of  the  invalid  soon  after  her 
arrival,  endeavored  to  take  the  pulse,  but  found  this  impossible, 
though  the  little  sufferer,  who  was  rational  and  deeply  attached  to 
the  writer,  made  every  effort  to  keep  the  emaciated  arm  quiet.  She 
rolled  and  tossed,  pulled  at  her  hair  and  throat,  and  threw  her  arms 
wildly  about,  her  legs  moving  as  violently  as  her  arms.  Her  head 
was  never  quiet  for  a  moment.  The  loving  family  took  turns  in 
gently  holding  her  on  the  pallet.  First  the  mother,  then  the  father 
at  intervals  appealed  to  the  writer  to  help  their  poor  child.  After 
many  efforts  the  writer  succeeded  in  taking  the  pulse  of  the  girl  on 
the  third  evening  after  her  return  to  Zuni,  and  found  it  to  be  110.  It 
was  still  necessary  for  her  to  be  held  on  the  bed.  She  slept  but  little, 
and  the  liquid  nourishment  prepared  by  the  writer  was  given  to  her 
from  the  mouth  of  her  mother  in  small  quantities  until  the  eleventh 
day.  when  there  was  a  slight  change  for  the  better.  The  pulse  was 
now  90,  but  on  the  twelfth  day  it  rose  to  100.  On  the  night  of  that 
day  the  writer  found  the  patient  eating  cold  boiled  potatoes,  and  on 
the  following  day  she  was  indulged  with  unripe  watermelon,  which 
she  seemed  to  enjoy  greatly.  The  menses  appeared  on  the  thirteenth 
day.  and  the  pulse  was  reduced  to  80.  The  patient  continued  gradu- 
ally to  improve  until  her  health  was  fully  restored.  The  writer  could 
not  discover  that  any  other  than  fetishistic  medicines  were  adminis- 
tered to  this  girl. 

Ouce,  while  the  writer  was  deep  in  the  mysteries  of  theurgism  with 
Na'iuchi,  an  elderly  woman  hurried  into  the  room  and  with  streaming 
eyes  and  trembling  voice  urged  the  great  theurgist  to  come  to  the 
bedside  of  her  dying  grandchild.  Not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost  if  the 
life  of  this  wee  one,  so  precious  to  the  parents  and  grandparents,  was 
to  be  saved.  The  writer  accompanied  Na'iuchi,  who  closely  followed 
the  grandmother,  and  thejr  found  the  infant,  who  was  18  months  old, 
lying  on  a  pallet  in  a  comatose  condition.  The  fond  mother,  half 
reclining  by  its  side,  looked  the  picture  of  despair.  With  tears  rolling 
down  her  face  she  greeted  the  doctor  and  implored  him  to  save  the 
life  of  her  child.  Na'iuchi  at  once  began  his  work.  Taking  his  seat 
at  the  left  of  the  child,  he  manipulated  the  entire  body  in  the  most 
heroic  manner,  giving  special  attention  to  the  stomach  and  abdomen. 
The  infant  was  not  exposed  to  the  air,  as  is  usually  the  case  during 
such  treatment,  Na'iuchi  seeming  to  understand  that  the  body  must 
be  kept  warm  with  the  blanket  covering.  In  a  few  seconds  after  he 
began  his  treatment  a  faint  wail  from  the  child  was  heard,  and  later  the 
groans  from  the  little  one  were  distressing  to  listen  to;  yet  the  mother 


390  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

sat  by  without  saving-  one  word  to  the  theurgist,"  and  there  was  not 
even  an  expression  of  concern  on  his  face  for  the  pain  he  was  inflicting 
upon  the  child.  No  medicine  was  used  in  this  case,  which  appeared 
to  the  writer,  on  entering  the  room,  to  be  an  entirely  hopeless  one. 
Within  an  hour  the  patient  was  restored  to  its  normal  condition  of 
health,  and  on  the  following  morning  the  writer  observed  the  infant 
on  the  back  of  its  mother  eating  green  watermelon,  which  seems  not 
to  have  induced  a  return  of  cholera  infantum. 

In  another  case  treated  by  Na'iuchi  the  child,  though  very  low,  was 
not  in  a  comatose  state.  He  remained  but  a  short  time  with  the  little 
one.  manipulating  it  as  described  above,  and  then  left,  saying:  ';I 
must  go  now  to  my  fraternity,  but  will  soon  return."  After  an  hour 
he  went  to  his  home,  and  securing  medicine,  made  another  visit  to  the 
infant.  He  mixed  the  medicine,  which  wa-  an  emetic,  with  warm 
water  and  administered  a  small  quantity  at  a  time  by  dipping  a  reed 
into  the  water  and  putting  it  to  the  child's  mouth.  After  doing  thus 
.several  times,  Na'iuchi  again  left,  giving  instructions  to  the  mother 
about  repeating  the  dose.  About  two  hours  after  the  doctor  departed, 
the  infant,  after  copious  vomiting,  was  found  much  improved  and 
enjoying  nourishment  from  the  mother's  breast. 

Massage  is  the  treatment  for  rheumatism,  and  sheep  chips  heated 
before  the  tire  and  sprinkled  with  water,  which  are  used  for  any  trouble 
that  may  be  relieved  by  steady  heat,  are  applied  externally,  one  cake 
of  the  manure  being  kept  by  the  fire  while  another  is  in  use. 

In  1896  the  writer  became  interested  in  a  child  of  9  years  afflicted 
with  curvature  of  the  spine.  This  child  fell  from  a  ladder  when  she 
was  5  years  old,  injuring  her  back,  and  she  had  been  growing  worse 
since  the  accident.  ■  She  had  a  beautiful  face  and  was  so  patient  and 
gentle  that  she  won  the  heart  of  the  writer,  and  the  two  became  fast 
friends.  At  this  time  there  was  no  appearance  of  abscess.  In  1902 
the  writer  returned  to  Zuiii  and  found  her  little  friend,  who  was  then 
15,  suffering  from  a  large  lumbar  abscess  with  probable  caries  of  the 
vertebrae.  The  girl's  face,  though  still  beautiful,  bore  evidence  of 
great  suffering.  She  was  colorless  and  emaciated,  but  with  it  all  a 
most  patient  little  sufferer.  Her  sad  face  and  ever  gentle  bearing 
were  profoundly  touching.  An  incision  had  been  made  for  the  pur- 
pose of  drainage,  beginning  in  the  lumbar  region  about  1$  inches 
above  the  crest  of  the  pelvis  at  the  outer  side  of  the  spinal  column  and 
running  diagonally  downward  and  forward  to  the  inner  side  of  the 
anterior  superior  spine  of  the  ilium  and  continuing  forward  along  the 
groin  for  nearly  its  entire  extent.     The  wound  was  packed  with  a  mix- 

"  The  writer  lias  never  known  a  member  of  a  family  to  interfere  in  the  slightest  degree  with  the 
treatment  of  the  theurgist.  It  may  be  here  stated  that  no  preeaution  whatever  is  taken  to  prevent 
cholera  infantum  anions  the  Zufii  children.  As  soon  as  an  infant  is  able  to  hold  anything  in  its 
hand  the  probability  is  that  it  will  be  sucking  or  biting  on  something  not  less  harmful,  perhaps,  than 
a  piece  of  unripe  watermelon. 


steven- v;  MEDICAL    PRACTICE  391 

tare  of  pifion  gum.  Iwmel-  of  <i|iui-li  seeds,  and  mutton  grease,  and  a 
cotton  bandage  of  many  thicknesses  was  wrapped  around  the  body. 
The  writer,  wishing  to  render  such  relief  as  was  possible,  railed  upon 
Doctor  Wood,  of  the  Indian  Service,  who  had  been  sent  from  the 
Indian  school  at  Albuquerque  to  treat  diphtheria." 

After  a  >hort  call  upon  the  child  the  doctor  left  her  to  visit  the  diph- 
theria patients  while  the  writer  attended  to  having  the  wound  cleansed 
for  his  inspection.  The  work  assigned  her  w;b  not  an  easy  task.  The 
parents  of  the  child,  who  were  in  great  distress  over  her  suffering, 
^ere  ready  to  obey  instructions,  but  other  members  of  the  farnily 
feared  to  give  offense  to  the  doctor  who  was  treating  her.  Their 
opposition  was  finally  overcome  by  the  suggestion  that  the  Zufii  and 
American  doctors  meet  and  discuss  the  case.  The  father  of  the  inva- 
lid at  once  hastened  for  the  medicine  man.  who.  on  his  arrival,  made 
positive  objection  to  any  interference  on  the  part  of  the  American 
doctor.  His  scruples  were  overcome,  however,  and  he  placed  the 
little  sufferer  over  hi-  knee,  face  downward.  A  doctress  who  was 
present  heated  water,  and  the  process  of  cleansing  the  wound  began. 
After  applying  the  crushed  kernels  of  squash  seeds  moistened  in  the 
mouth  to  soften  the  pifion  gum.  the  doctor  inserted  his  forefinger  into 
the  wound  and  drew  out  the  gum.  Some  time  was  required  to  remove 
all  of  the  packing,  and  a  heart  of  stone  would  have  been  touched  at 
the  sound  of  the  feeble  moans  and  cries  of  the  child.  It  seemed  as 
if  she  must  succumb  to  the  supreme  agony.  Doctor  Wood  on  his 
return  found  that  the  wound  had  been  thoroughly  freed  of  the  gum 
and  bathed  with  warm  water  and  soap.  He  knew  that  the  patient 
-  oeyond  even  temporary  improvement  and  that  all  he  could 
hope  to  do  was  to  make  the  remaining  hours  as  comfortable  as  j 
ble.  He  sprinkled  the  wound  with  boracic  acid  and  wrapped  it  with 
tic  gauze.  After  a  time  a  faint  smile  brightened  the  face  of  the 
sufferer  as  she  whispered  to  the  writer:  "  I  feel  as  if  I  had  never  been 
sick,  the  pain  is  so  little  now."  And  so  this  little  soldier,  who  had 
endured  so  much,  lay  in  comparative  comfort  and  peace  for  two  days. 
when  she  fell  into  her  everlasting  sleep,  leaving  her  ""Washington 
mother  "  to  tell  of  her  beauty  of  person  and  soul. 

Another  interesting  case  of  primitive  surgery  was  that  of  a  Hopi 
Indian  who  had  been  married  many  years  to  a  Zufii  woman.  He  fell 
from  a  wagon  and  broke  his  left  jaw.  The  inferior  maxillary  hone 
was  removed,  leaving  a  fistular  opening  in  the  cheek  opposite  the  lobe 
of  the  ear.  the  rim  of  the  opening  having  completely  cicatrized  when 

a  Doc-. :  - 

■  ring 

msrxoctioos.    As  the  medicine  man  il 

Baienproiesse?  tofcncni  -  i  ine  tnrtfaTm 

-    „  :  _     r  -     .  l~  — _-_i  ::: 


392  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

seen  by  the  writer.  The  niiiii  in  conversation  or  when  eating  pressed 
his  band  against  the  opening. 

The  writer  has  observed  one  case  of  dislocated  kneecap  for  which 
splints  and  bandages  were  used — that  of  a  child  6  years  of  age.  In 
plate  c  a  mother  and  two  children  are  shown.  The  elder  child  with 
the  right  leg  in  splints  is  the  one  suffering  from  dislocated  kneecap. 

The  Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy)  fraternity  are  famous  for  curing  the  bite  of 
the  rattlesnake.  A  man  suffering  from  a  wound  must  remain  alone 
in  a  room,  for  should  he  chance  to  see  a  woman  nourishing  her  infant 
he  would  surely  die.  A  combination  of  three  roots  is  chewed  by  the 
medicine  man  and  applied  to  the  wound.  The  patient  also  chews  the 
roots.  It  is  believed  that  if  clouds  gather  after  one  is  bitten,  he  is 
more  likely  to  die,  for  then  the  snakes  go  about  vigorously  and  the 
limbs  swell  to  the  heart;  but  if  the  sun  shines  hot,  the  snakes  are  lazy, 
and  in  four  davs  the  one  bitten  will  be  well. 


WITCHCRAFT 

Belief  in  witchcraft  seems  to  be  universal  among  the  Indian  tribes, 
and  no  great  advance  in  civilization  can  be  made  among  them  until 
the  beliefs  and  the  accompanying  practices  are  rooted  out.  It  can  not 
be  hoped  that  this  will  be  accomplished  at  once,  at  least  if  strangers 
to  the  religion  and  social  customs  of  the  people  undertake  the  task. 
When  it  is  remembered  how  recentby  reputed  witches  were  put  to 
death  among  our  own  people,  and  how  persistently  the  negroes  and 
the  more  ignorant  whites  still  cling  to  the  belief,  what  can  be  expected 
from  peoples  in  that  stage  of  culture  where  superstition  is  the  prime 
factor  in  their  lives? 

Primitive  man  is  less  happy  in  his  philosophy  than  enlightened  man, 
because  the  latter  has  left  behind  many  of  his  superstitions.  The 
primitive  man's  world  abounds  in  perplexing  mysteries.  All  that  his 
untutored  mind  fails  to  comprehend  is  associated  with  some  occult 
power.  This  is  the  condition  in  which  we  find  the  North  American 
Indians.  These  people  are  in  constant  terror  of  being  conjured. 
Young  mothers  especially  are  solicitous  for  their  infants,  since  these 
are  the  targets  for  the  venom  of  diabolical  beings.  The  child's  head 
and  face  are  always  covered  when  a  supposed  witch  approaches. 
Again,  no  man  or  woman  who  is  reduced  to  poverty  or  has  some  phys- 
ical deformity,  especially  any  peculiarity  that  might  be  taken  for  the 
evil  eye,  or  has  made  an  enemy  of  a  prominent  member  of  the  tribe, 
feels  safe  from  accusation.  The  owner  of  fine  beads  and  other  adorn- 
ments experiences  much  bitter  with  the  sweet  of  possession  because 
of  the  fear  that  some  witch,  prompted  by  jealousy,  will  strike  him 
with  disease.  Moonlight  is  a  great  boon  to  those  who  must  go  about 
at  night,  for  it  enables  them  to  identify  suspicious  objects.     They  say 


stevenson]  WITCHCRAFT  393 

that  witches  love  the  night  and  lurk  in  shadows  and  darkness.  Witches 
are  believed  to  be  able  to  assume  the  shape  of  beasts,  and  the  domestic 
cat,  on  account  of  its  stealthy  habits  and  its  ability  to  pass  through 
small  openings,  is  a  favorite  form. 

The  philosophy  of  these  people  is  such  that  though  the  witch  may 
be  regarded  as  all  powerful,  none  but  the  poor  and  unfortunate  are 
condemned.  Few  others  are  even  brought  to  trial,  for  although  it 
may  be  whispered  about  that  certain  ones  are  witches,  their  promi- 
nence prevents  public  accusation.  Several  years  ago  the  droughts  were 
very  serious,  and  a  retired  sun  priest  was  suspected  and  impeached, 
and  his  place  was  filled  by  another.  The  people  whispered  among 
themselves.  ""He  is  a  sorcerer."  This  man  was  in  fact  far  superior  in 
intelligence  to  his  successor,  who  miscalculated  altogether  the  winter 
solstice  in  1894,  and  consequent!}*  threw  the  winter  ceremonies  out  of 
time,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  wiser  heads  in  Zuni,  who,  in  spite  of 
the  assumed  infallibility  of  a  sun  priest,  felt  sure  that  this  one  had 
made  a  mistake.  The  previous  incumbent,  who  had  filled  the  office 
for  many  years,  never  miscalculated  so  far  as  the  writer  ever  knew 
or  heard. 

While  there  are  always  among  these  people  certain  despised  crea- 
tures who  are  referred  to  as  witches  or  wizards,  it  remains  for  some 
direct  cause,  such  as  the  illness  or  death  of  some  resident  of  the  vil- 
lage, to  bring  the  supposed  witch  to  trial.  The  attendant  theurgist  or 
some  member  of  the  invalid's  family  makes  search  for  the  person  who 
has  caused  trouble,  and  alas  for  the  poor  creature  who  has  offended 
the  theurgist  or  who  has  an  erienry  in  the  house  of  the  invalid,  for  he 
is  sure  to  he  pounced  upon.  In  rare  instances  a  member  of  the  family 
of  a  deceased  person  takes  the  matter  into  his  own  hands.  Such  a 
case  occurred  some  years  ago,  and  was  witnessed  bj'  Mr  D.  D.  Graham, 
at  that  time  trader  at  Zufii.  A  man  shot  and  killed  a  woman  whom  he 
accused  of  having  bewitched  his  child  and  caused  it  to  die.  The  man 
was  not  brought  to  trial,  the  court  being  satisfied  with  the  declara- 
tion of  the  murderer  that  the  woman  was  a  witch.  As  witches  are 
believed  to  be  the  direct  cause  of  death,  on  conviction  they  suffer 
capital  punishment. 

The  usual  procedure  is  for  a  member  of  the  family  to  make  known 
his  suspicion  to  the  attendant  theurgist,  or  for  the  theurgist  himself 
to  decide  upon  the  person  to  be  accused.  One  is  seldom  brought  to 
trial  unless  death  has  actually  taken  place  or  the  patient  is  near  death. 
The  theurgist  must  account  for  his  inability  to  cure  the  patient,  and 
this  he  does  by  bringing  to  trial  the  supposed  guilty  person  whose 
malevolence  defies  the  powers  of  the  theurgist.  In  ordinary  cases  of 
.sickness  patients  are  relieved  by  the  theurgist,  who  pretends  to  extract 
foreign  matter  -i  shot"  into  the  body,  and  the  sorcerer  or  witch  is  thus 
left  unmolested,  with  only  whispers  against  him. 


3'd4  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

Tbc  following  stories  of  witchcraft  were  told  by  a  prominent  mem- 
ber of  the  Badger  clan: 

I  spent  some  days  with  the  missionary's  wife.  She  gave  me  a  good  bed  to  sleep 
in  and  blankets  t"  keep  me  warm.  She  was  very  kind  to  me,  and  I  was  happy  in 
her  house,  but  after  a  time  I  grew  very  ill  and  had  to  return  to  my  mother's  home. 
A  shaman «  was  sent  for  and,  through  the  power  of  the  Beast  Gods,  he  was  enabled 
to  discover  the  cause  of  my  illness  by  placing  pinches  of  sacred  meal  upon  me,  wdiich 
"piiied  to  him  the  windows  of  my  body,  lie  discovered  the  disease  and  declared 
that  I  had  been  bewitched,  and  commanded  the  material  which  had  been  thrust 
into  my  body  to  come  forth.  lie  said  he  saw  within  me  bits  of  the  blankets  I  had 
slept  between  during  my  stay  in  the  missionary's  house,  and  bits  of  yarn  and  calico 
which  the  missionary's  wife  had  given  me.  All  this  he  commanded  to  come  up 
through  my  mouth.  The  material  ejected  by  me  was  so  putrid  that  my  mother  and 
I  could  nnt  distinguish  the  bits  of  blanket,  yarn,  and  calico,  but  they  were  apparent 
to  the  all-powerful  eye  of  the  shaman.  I  do  not  know,  but  I  think  it  was  the  old 
one-eyed  woman  who  bewitched  me.  She  was  jealous  of  the  good  times  I  had  at 
the  mission. 

At  one  time  I  had  a  very  bad  throat,  wdiich  was  much  swollen  and  very  painful. 
The  theurgist  came  and  soon  discovered  the  cause  of  my  suffering.  A  witch  had 
shot  a  stone  into  my  throat.  The  theurgist  had  to  repeat  many  prayers  to  the  Beast 
Gods  before  power  was  given  him  to  extract  the  stone.  He  had  to  place  his  hands 
hard  upon  my  throat  and  cali  with  great  power;  but,  obedient  to  his  command,  the 
foreign  matter  finally  appeared.  It  was,  he  averred,  a  large,  ugly  stone,  and  he 
immediately  cast  it  into  the  fire,  as  unfit  for  my  mother  and  me  to  see. 

A  certain  wizard  painted  his  body  red,  and  the  scalp  knot  was  painted  in  white  on 
his  breasts  and  knees.  He  placed  wreathes  of  yucca  around  his  wrists  and  ankles, 
and  then  entered  the  whirlwind,  which  is  the  friend  of  witches,  headforemost.  He 
traveled  to  the  great  river  of  the  west  and  returned  to  Zufii  in  one  day.  He  went  to 
the  great  river  to  steal  the  plume  offerings  deposited  by  the  rain  priests  near  Zufii 
and  carried  by  the  butterflies  attached  to  the  plume  sticks  to  the  great  river.  [The 
spirit  of  the  butterfly  is  supposed  to  carry  the  spirit  of  the  plume  offering.] 

The  whirlwind  becoming  weary  dropped  the  wizard  a  short  distance  from  Zufii, 
and  as  he  fell,  a  youth  passing  by  exclaimed:  "Aha,  where  have  you  been?  Man, 
you  are  a  sorcerer  or  you  would  not  be  traveling  in  the  whirlwind."  And  the  youth 
followed  the  wizard  to  the  village  and  told  his  story,  and  it  was  discovered  that  the 
man  was  a  wizard  and  had  stolen  the  plume  offerings  of  the  rain  priests.  This 
wizard  belonged  to  the  Dogwood  clan.  He  was  tried  by  the  Bow  priesthood  and 
was  convicted  and  hung  by  the  arms.  No  food  was  given  him,  and  at  the  end  of 
one  night  and  a  day  he  died. '' 

A  wizard  attached  crow  and  owl  plumes  to  his  head  that  he  might  have  the  eyes 
of  the  crow  to  see  quickly  the  approach  of  man  and  the  eyes  of  the  owd  to  travel  by 
night.  He  flapped  his  arms  and  left  Zufii  after  the  people  were  asleep.  He  visited 
the  Apaches  and  told  them  to  come  in  four  days  and  destroy  the  Zufiis.  At  daylight 
a  Zufii  man  was  on  his  way  to  gather  wood;  hearing  a  cry  like  an  owd,  yet  human, 
he  looked  about  him  and  found  a  man  whom  he  recognized  as  a  Zufii.  "Aha!" 
said  he,  "Why  have  you  those  plumes  upon  your  head?  Aha,  you  are  a  sorcerer." 
"Do  not  betray  me,"  said  the  sorcerer,  "and  I  will  give  you  many  blankets  and  all 
ray  precious  beads,  and  in  four  days,  when  the  Apaches  come,  as  I  have  told  them 
to  do,  1  will  go  out  and  have  them  kill  me."     "No,"  was  the  reply,  "I  do  not  wish 

"  See  p.  "16". 

'•Accused  witches  are  hanged  by  suspending  them  by  the  elbows,  which  are  brought  back  as  faras 
possible,  from  a  beam  of  the  old  church  built  several  centuries  ago  by  the  Spaniards.  If  death  does 
not  occur  at  the  time  desired  by  the  Bow  priesthood,  the  unfortunate  is  struck  on  the  head  with  a 
war  club  and  so  relieved  ol  prolonged  suffering. 


stevenson]  "WITCHCKAFT  395 

your  things;  but  if  you  will  allow  the  Apaches  to  take  your  life  when  they  come,  I 
will  not  tell."  The  man,  thinking  that  perhaps  the  sorcerer  had  lied  and  that  the 
Apaches  were  already  on  their  way  to  Zufii,  hastened  to  a  place  near  by,  gathered 
such  wood  as  he  could,  and  returned  home.  His  wife  chided  him  for  the  poor  qual- 
ity of  the  wood:  "You  always  bring  good  wood  and  a  large  back  load;  now  you 
bring  but  little,  and  that  very  poor."  But  he  did  not  betray  the  secret;  and  on  the 
fourth  morning  he  listened  attentively,  and  when  he  heard  the  ax  striking  upon 
the  rock,  which  was  the  signal  given  by  the  witch,  he  hurried  from  the  village  and 
found  that  the  Apaches  had  indeed  been  met  by  this  man  and  that  they  had  killed 
him,  not  knowing  him  to  be  a  sorcerer  and  their  friend.  The  Apaches  had  gone, 
leaving  the  body  of  the  sorcerer  lying  upon  crossed  arrows.  A  Navaho,  whom  the 
Zufii  met  on  the  road,  and  who  accompanied  him  to  where  the  body  lay,  exclaimed: 
"The  Apaches  have  killed  a  friend."  "How  do  you  know?"  inquired  the  Zufii. 
'"Because,"  said  the  Navaho,  "it  is  their  custom  and  ours  when  we  kill  a  friend 
through  mistake  to  place  the  body  upon  crossed  arrows  that  all  may  know  that  a 
friend  and  not  an  enemy  has  been  killed."  "But  how  is  it  the  Apaches  value 
this  man,  who  is  one  of  your  people?"  asked  the  Navaho;  and  the  Zufii  replied,  "He 
was  a  sorcerer." 

All  the  crops  of  the  Zufii  farming  district  of  Pescado  were  destroyed  one  year  by 
grasshoppers,  which  came  so  thick  that  they  made  the  air  black.  It  was  discovered 
by  a  man  digging  in  the  field  that  this  misfortune  was  brought  upon  them  by  a 
witch  or  wizard,  who  hail  mixed  together  some  blue  and  red  beans,  a  grasshopper, 
finely  ground  corn  meal,  some  wheat,  and  other  varieties  of  seeds.  These  he  wrapped 
first  in  a  piece  of  white  cotton  cloth,  afterward  in  red  calico  and  buckskin,  and  buried 
3  feet  in  the  ground. 

The  following  story  was  related  by  a  young  mother: 

1  was  sleeping  alone  in  the  large  upper  room.  My  brother  slept  on  the  roof  near 
by.  I  was  awakened  by  the  approach  of  a  creature  like  a  large  cat;  but  it  was  not  a 
eat:  I  knew  at  once  that  it  was  a  witch.  It  came  close  to  my  bed  and  looked  at  my 
little  one,  and  then  hastened  from  the  room.  It  went  out  through  the  broken  win- 
dow pane.     In  a  short  time  my  baby  died. 

A  young  man  came  to  the  writer's  camp  one  morning  in  a  state  of 
great  excitement.  He  had  a  very  sick  wife  and  related  that  upon 
leaving  his  house  on  the  previous  night  to  attend  a  meeting  of  his  fra- 
ternity he  noticed  a  queer  looking  burro  lurking  before  the  house. 
Upon  his  return  he  was  told  by  those  who  sat  with  his  wife  that  a  large 
cat  had  entered  the  house,  and  he  knew  at  once  that  a  witch  or  wizard 
had  been  there.  He  hastened  from  the  house  to  discover  a  man 
wrapped  in  a  blanket,  but  not  in  the  Zufii  fashion;  his  head  was  sunk 
low  in  the  blanket.  Accosting  this  creature,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a 
wizard,  he  told  him  that  if  his  wife  died,  he  should  inform  Nai'uchi, 
the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  and  have  him  hanged.  Fortunately  for 
the  accused  the  wife  soon  recovered  her  health. 

The  vice  pa'mosono'"kia  (female  assistant  to  the  scalp  custodian)  was 
debailred  from  office  in  1889  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who 
declared  her  to  be  a  witch.  Her  son  was  first  brought  to  trial  as  a 
wizard  upon  the  ground  that  he  had  caused  the  death  of  many  children, 
and  while  he  hung  by  the  arms  from  a  beam  in  the  old  church 
he  declared  that  his  mother  knew  more  than  he  and  that  he  acted 


39(5  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ank.23 

only  under  her  influence.  The  vice  pa'mosono'ivia  was  then  sum- 
moned and  hung  by  the  anus.  At  first  she  asserted  her  innocence, 
but  finally  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  declared  that  her  only 
chance  for  life  was  in  divulging  the  secrets  of  her  craft  by  producing 
medicine  and  showing  how  it  was  obtained.  One  of  this  woman's 
accusers  was  a  neighbor,  who  stated  that  she  had  stolen  a  buckskin 
sack  from  his  house,  had  killed  his  mi'li  (see  page  416),  and  had  deposited 
excrement  in  his  house.  Her  only  protection  being  the  ready  inven- 
tion of  falsehoods,  she  told  how  she  had  sent  her  son  to  the  neighbor's 
house  to  steal  the  sack,  cut  the  heart  (the  various  seeds)  of  the  mi'li, 
and  deposit  the  excrement.  All  this  was  intended  to  lend  efficacy  to 
her  medicine  and  bring  death  to  the  people  of  the  house.  She  com- 
bined the  heart  of  the  mi'li  with  the  hearts  of  the  rattlesnake  and 
toad,  and  this  mixture  she  shot  into  the  children.  Her  stoiy  had  its 
effect  upon  the  warriors,  who  listened  attentively.  They  concluded 
that  she  must  indeed  know  much  of  medicine,  and  upon  her  promise 
that  she  would  never  again  destroy  the  life  of  another,  they  released 
her,  but  the  son  was  killed. 

Hundreds  of  times  the  writer  has  observed  the  theurgist  working 
over  his  patient,  pretending  to  extract  substances  "  shot"  into  the  body 
by  witches.  Objects  of  great  variety,  such  as  bits  of  yarn,  a  charred 
goat's  horn,  etc.,  were  produced,  and  though  the  observer  -was  usually 
by  the  side  of  the  theurgist  or  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  patient  from 
him,  she  was  never  able  to  discover  where  or  how  the  object  supposed 
to  be  taken  from  the  body  of  the  patient  had  been  secreted  and 
produced  until,  in  1904,  she  observed  Nai'uchi  practice  (for  sore  eyes) 
upon  his  last  patient.  The  old  man  was  led  to  the  invalid's  house  by 
his  granddaughter,  Nina.  There  he  pretended  to  extract  pebbles  from 
the  eyes  of  his  patient,  but  his  hands  were  feeble,  and  he  was  so 
awkward  that  it  was  readily  seen  that  he  carried  the  pebbles  in  his 
mouth  and  dropped  them  into  the  palm  of  his  hand  while  pretending 
to  breathe  upon  it. 

A  singular  feature  associated  with  witchcraft  is  that  accused  persons 
are  permitted  to  be  conspicuous  in  religious  entertainments  and  some- 
times to  aid  in  religious  festivals.  A  man  belonging  to  the  'Hle'wekwe 
(Wood)  fraternity  or  Sword  swallowers,  which  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant in  Zuni,  was  regarded  by  a  majority  of  the  people  as  a  wizard, 
yet  he  was  not  debarred  from  membership  in  his  fraternity.  During 
the  last  visit  of  the  writer  to  Zuni  this  man  entertained  one  of  the  Sha'- 
liiko  (giant  gods)  at  the  annual  ceremonial,  at  which  six  of  these  gods 
are  personated,  though  it  is  regarded  as  a  high  privilege  to  prepare 
one's  house,  which  must  be  thoroughly  renovated  for  the  reception  of 
the  Sha'lako.  This  poor  fellow,  who  was  poor  also  in  worldly  goods, 
after  having  the  honor  accorded  to  him,  made  every  effort  at  his 
meager  command  to  have  his  house  suitable  for  the  reception  of  the 


stevensonJ  WITCHCRAFT  397 

god  he  was  to  entertain.  He  labored  hard  and  long  each  day,  for  he 
was  so  much  despised  for  his  poverty  that  few  would  aid  him.  During 
his  labors  upon  the  improvement  of  his  house,  a  favorite  patient  of 
Nai'uchi's  died;  but  he  was  not  allowed  to  die  in  peace.  He  was  inter- 
rogated regarding  the  cause  of  his  trouble  and  implicated  the  member 
of  the  Sword  swallowers  above  referred  to,  and  while  the  invalid  lay 
dying,  the  accused  man  was  summoned  and  tried  by  the  Bow  priest- 
hood in  his  presence.  The  accused  declared  he  knew  nothing  of 
witchcraft,  but  his  judges  pressed  him  to  tell  what  he  had  done  to 
the  sufferer.  Finally,  realizing  that  pleading  innocence  would  be  of 
no  avail,  he  declared  that  he  injured  the  man  by  touching  his  throat 
with  the  tips  of  his  lingers,  hoping  by  this  statement  to  inspire  the 
jurors  with  his  supernatural  power  and  thus  save  himself  from  torture; 
but  he  was  condemned,  and  returned  to  his  home  to  await  the  hour 
of  execution. 

Near  midnight  the  writer  was  notified  that  this  man  was  to  be  put 
to  death.  It  seemed  too  terrible  to  believe,  and  hastening  from  her 
camp  to  the  village  she  met  Nai'uchi  as  he  was  returning  from  the 
deathbed  of  his  patient.  The  great  theurgist  and  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  was  urged  to  withdraw  his  verdict  on  the  ground  that  he  might 
be  mistaken.  Since  he  was  obdurate,  he  was  told  that  the  United 
States  Government  would  certainty  punish  him.  He  retorted:  "  I  am 
your  friend.  Friends  do  not  betray  one  another.  Would  you  betray 
me  to  the  soldiers?*'  "1  have  not  said  I  would  inform  upon  you," 
was  the  reply;  '*  I  am  too  much  j'our  friend  to  wish  to  see  you  suffer." 
"I  shall  hang  this  wizard,  even  though  I  displease  you,"  he  declared. 
"I  shall  hang  him  though  the  United  States  Government  put  me  in 
prison  for  one  month,  six  months,  a  year,  or  forever.  He  has  killed 
my  child,  and  he  must  die."  The  writer  and  the  theurgist  soon  reached 
the  house  of  the  latter  and  stood  by  a  lamp  attached  to  the  wall  of 
the  large  living  room.  The  light  fell  upon  Nai'uchi's  face  and  the 
expression,  usually  so  kind,  was  now  set  and  stern.  There  was  nothing 
of  rage  expressed,  only  the  firm  determination  of  a  man  bent  upon 
doing  his  duty  though  he  lost  his  life  by  the  act.  "Do  you  care  for 
me  at  all?"  asked  the  writer.  "1  have  told  you  I  am  your  friend." 
"Will  you  do  one  thing  for  me?"  "Anything  but  what  you  have 
just  asked."  "Iwish  that  you  would  delay  hanging  the  man  until 
to-morrow  night."  "  So  that  you  can  send  to  Fort  Wingate  and  have 
the  soldiers  come  for  me?"  "No,  I  will  not  send  for  the  soldiers,  nor 
will  I  inform  anyone  upon  j-'ou."  "Then,  I  will  wait  until  to-morrow 
night;  but  the  wizard  shall  then  be  hanged."  The  position  of  the 
writer  was  a  delicate  one.  The  man  must  be  saved,  but  she  must  not 
make  an  enemy  of  a  tried  friend  and  one  of  the  men  most  important 
to  her  in  her  studies.  All  work  was  suspended  on  the  improvement 
of  the  house  of  the  accused.    On  entering  a  miserable  apartment  on  an 


398  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.asn.23 

upper  floor  of  his  house  early  on  the  mommy  following  the  writer's  con- 
versation with  Nai'uchi,  a  sad  scene  was  presented.  The  accused  sat 
upon  the  floor,  leaning  against  the  wall,  a  picture  of  abject  despair, 
though  perfectly  calm.  His  wife,  who  was  ill,  sat  on  one  side  and  his 
young  daughter,  ready  to  become  a  mother,  on  the  other.  The  eyes 
of  both  women  were  swollen  and  inflamed  from  weeping,  and  they  con- 
tinued to  weep  as  they  clung  to  the  man  they  loved.  It  would  not  do 
for  the  writer's  presence  in  this  house  to  become  known.  Taking  the 
man's  hand  she  said:  "  Have  faith  in  me;  I  will  save  von."  His  face 
became  radiant  for  a  moment;  then  the  stoical  sadness  returned,  and, 
smiling  faintly  as  he  thanked  her,  he  said:  "No,  mother;  you  wish  to 
save  me,  but  you  can  not.  Nai'uchi  has  spoken."  Adding  another  word 
of  assurance  the  writer  hurriedly  left  the  house  without  being  dis- 
covered. Before  night  came  she  held  a  court  of  her  own,  Nai'uchi, 
the  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  and  the  accused  being  present,  and 
the  result  was  that  the  unfortunate  was  released.  This  was  brought 
about  by  a  declaration  on  the  part  of  the  writer  that  she  had  deprived 
the  man  of  his  power  of  sorcery;  and  he  was  soon  at  work  upon  his 
house,  fitting  it  for  the  reception  of  a  Sha'lako  god. 

One  must  witness  a  trial  for  witchcraft  to  appreciate  all  the  horrors 
associated  with  this  superstition.  The  writer  has  never  seen  anything 
else  in  aboriginal  life  which  so  thoroughly  aroused  her  indignation  as 
did  a  trial  for  witchcraft  in  which  a  child  of  12  years,  the  girl 
previously  referred  to  as  suffering  from  a  severe  case  of  hysteria, 
and  a  youth  of  not  more  than  17  were  involved.  She  had  been 
brought  from  a  farming  district  to  Zuni  to  be  placed  under  the  care 
of  a  theurgist.  Her  illness  must  be  accounted  for,  and  upon  inquiry 
it  was  learned  that  on  the  morning  before  the  attack  she  was  seen 
romping  with  a  young  man,  who  held  her  hands,  and  this  was  sufficient 
evidence  to  bring  him  before  the  court  for  trial.  The  grandfather  of 
the  girl,  himself  a  member  of  the  Bow  priesthood,  went  to  inform 
Nai'uchi,  but  he  was  then  with  a  very  sick  patient  and  must  not  be 
disturbed,  so  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  was  notified,  and  he 
called  together  such  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood  as  were  in  Zuni. 
Then  the  old  grandfather  came  for  the  writer,  who  was  engaged  in 
important  work  with  a  rain  priest.  The  hour  was  late,  the  night  cold, 
and  they  seemed  quite  safe  from  intrusion,  but  one  should  never  be 
surprised  however  sudden  the  appearance  of  an  Indian  in  Zuni  or 
in  any  other  Indian  land.  Often  the}'  seem  to  rise  from  the  earth  or 
to  drop  from  the  clouds.  On  hearing  approaching  footsteps,  the  rain 
priest  declared  he  must  not  be  caught  talking,  and  disappeared  be- 
hind a  portiere  just  as  the  grandfather  of  the  sick  girl  stepped  into 
the  camp.  He  had  come  to  ask  his  mother  to  go  with  him  to  his 
house  that  he  might  prove  to  her  that  his  granddaughter  had  been 


Stevenson)  WITCHCRAFT  399 

bewitched.  They  hud  the  culprit  in  custody  and  the  court  was  assem- 
bled to  try  him.  There  was  nothing  left  for  the  writer  to  do  but  to 
leave  the  priest  without  formality  and  accompany  the  grandfather. 
Not  a  word  was  spoken  when  the  house  was  entered.  The  members 
of  the  court  and  the  others  bowed  their  heads  in  greeting-.  Near 
the  east  end  of  the  long  room  five  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood 
formed  a  semicircle.  The  accused,  a  handsome  youth,  sat  slightly 
back  with  a  warrior  on  either  side  of  him.  The  patient  lay  on  a 
pallet  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  room,  every  member  of  her  body  in 
violent  motion.  Her  mother  attempted  to  keep  the  head  quiet,  while 
the  brother  clung  to  her  legs.  The  poor  little  arms  were  thrown 
wildly  about  until  an  aunt  essayed  to  control  them.  The  writer 
passed  to  the  pallet  and  sat  by  the  sufferer.  The  custom  of  trying  the 
accused  in  the  presence  of  the  afflicted  is  barbarous,  and  is  likely  to 
have  a  most  unhappy  effect  on  the  patient.  In  the  present  case  the 
result  was  most  disastrous.  A  theurgist  of  the  Galaxy  fraternity  sat 
on  a  low  stool,  some  15  feet  west  of  the  group  of  warriors,  and  faced 
east.  He  sprinkled  a  line  of  meal  3  feet  in  length  before  him,  then 
placed  his  mi'li  (see  page  416)  at  the  east  end  of  the  line,  and  deposited  a 
crystal  about  2  inches  high  midway  down  the  line.  A  medicine  bowl  and 
a  basket  of  sacred  meal  were  b}T  his  side.  A  woman  of  the  household 
deposited  a  vase  of  water  and  a  gourd  at  the  right  of  the  theurgist,  who 
lifted  a  gourd  of  water  as  he  began  his  pikers,  in  scarcely  audible 
tones,  and  emptied  it  into  the  medicine  bowl.  Six  gourds  of  water 
were  poured  into  the  bowl  as  prayers  were  addressed  to  the  Beast  Gods 
of  the  six  regions  to  give  the  theurgist,  who  is  simply  the  agent  of  these 
gods,  power  to  see  the  disease  and  heal  the  patient.  Medicine  was  after- 
wards sprinkled  into  the  water,  six  fetishes  were  dropped  in,  and  a 
cross,  signifying  the  four  regions,  and  a  circle,  the  world  S3Tmbol, 
were  formed  on  the  surface  of  the  water  with  sacred  meal.  After 
the  water  had  been  consecrated,  the  theurgist  rose  and  dipped  ashes 
from  the  fireplace  with  the  eagle  plumes  and  deposited  them  near 
the  meal  line  and  north  of  it.  In  a  moment  he  lifted  some  of  the 
ashes  with  the  two  plumes  and  sprinkled  them  to  the  north;  again 
dipping  ashes,  he  sprinkled  them  to  the  west;  and  then  continued  the 
sprinkling  to  the  four  regions  for  physical  purification.  Then  he 
dipped  the  feather  ends  of  his  eagle  plumes  into  the  medicine  water 
and  put  them  to  his  lips.  Again  dipping  them  into  the  water,  he 
sprinkled  the  invalid,  who  was  held  in  sitting  posture  by  her  father, 
whom  she  had  asked  to  stay  by  her  in  this  trying  ordeal.  The  ten- 
derness of  those  about  the  little  sufferer  was  most  pathetic.  The 
faces  of  both  parents  bore  evidence  of  intense  mental  suffering.  The 
theurgist  rubbed  the  girl's  body  with  the  medicine  water  and  prayed. 
He  then  placed  his  lips  to  her  breast,  pretending  to  draw  material  from 
her  heart;  this  he  deposited  on  the  floor  and  covered  with  the  meal. 


400  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

Again  he  took  ashes  from  the  fireplace  and  deposited  them  as  before 
by  the  meal  line:  and  again  he  sprinkled  them  to  the  four  regions. 
After  the  sprinkling  of  the  ashes,  he  compelled  the  girl  to  drink  four 
times  from  the  medicine  bowl,  though  she  almost  strangled  in  the 
effort.  At  other  times  the  mother  took  a  mouthful  of  water  and 
placed  her  lips  to  those  of  the  child,  thus  relieving  her  feverish 
thirst.  The  theurgist,  having  completed  the  treatment  of  the  patient, 
lifted  the  material  supposed  to  have  been  extracted  from  her  heart 
with  his  two  eagle  plumes,  deposited  it  in  a  corn  husk,  and  carried 
it  from  the  room.  As  soon  as  the  theurgist  left,  the  accused  was 
made  to  sit  closer  to  the  group  of  warriors,  and  the  trial  began.  The 
first  accuser  was  the  grandfather  of  the  invalid,  who  declared  that  the 
boy  accosted  the  child  a  short  distance  from  her  house  and  that  she 
returned  in  a  demented  condition.  The  boy  most  earnestly  denied 
the  accusation,  declaring  that  he  knew  nothing  of  witchcraft.  The 
grandfather  appealed  to  the  invalid,  begging  her  to  tell  all  she 
knew,  to  talk  without  fear:  "Hota  (granddaughter),  tell  us."  The 
child,  held  up  by  her  grandfather,  told  her  story  with  great  difficulty 
in  broken  sentences.  The  spasms  made  it  almost  impossible  for  her 
to  articulate,  and  her  head  was  not  still  for  an  instant.  Her  story 
was  soon  told:  "When  a  short  distance  from  my  house  this  boy 
wanted  me  to  go  with  him,  and  when  I  refused,  he  grabbed  my  hand. 
As  soon  as  he  touched  me,  I  began  to  tremble,  and  1  ran  home."  The 
parents  added:  "And  in  a  short  time  our  child  was  crazy,  as  you  see 
her  now."  The  fact  is,  the  child  was  perfectby  rational,  but  her  nervous 
condition  induced  them  to  think  her  mind  was  not  right.  Again  the 
grandfather  sat  before  the  accused  and  demanded  that  he  tell  what 
medicine  he  used  on  the  girl.  The  boy  made  no  response.  Others  of 
the  court  commanded  him  to  speak,  threatening  him  with  punishment 
if  he  remained  silent.  One  who  wras  a  theurgist  of  the  fraternity 
to  which  the  boy  belonged  drew  near  and  urged  him  to  speak,  using 
persuasion  rather  than  threats.  Again  and  again  he  was  menaced, 
but  for  half  an  hour  no  word  escaped  his  lips,  and  his  head  was 
bowed.  The  writer  observed  that  he  was  closely  watching  every 
movement  of  the  girl.  Finally  he  spoke  in  low  and  measured  words: 
"Once,  when  I  visited  the  pueblo  of  Santo  Domingo,  I  was  asked 
by  the  mo'sona  (director)  of  the  Galaxy  fraternity  of  that  place 
if  I  wished  to  learn  the  secrets  of  witchcraft.  Then  he  asked  the 
same  of  my  companion,  a  Santo  Domingo  boj'.  We  told  him  we 
should  like  to  know  his  secrets.  We  followed  him  at  midnight,  when 
all  slept,  to  his  house  and  to  an  inner  room.  The  director  placed 
two  round  cases  of  hide  beside  him,  and  from  these  he  took  manjr 
medicines.  He  had  every  kind  of  medicine.  He  asked  me  what  I 
most  desired.  I  told  him  love  philters,  that  I  might  captivate  girls 
as  I  wished.     Then  the  director  asked  my  companion,  and  he  chose 


stbvenson]  WITCHCRAFT  401 

the  same.  The  director  deposited  root  medicine  in  two  bowls;  the 
medicine  in  one  was  for  me  and  that  in  the  other  for  my  companion. 
He  directed  us  when  intending  to  use  it  to  bite  off  the  smallest 
quantity,  chew  it.  and  spit  it  into  our  hands,  then  to  rub  them  together 
and  shake  hands  with  the  girl  we  wished  to  control.  He  also  gave 
us  a  root  medicine  to  counteract  the  effect  of  the  other.  He  prepared 
two  plume  offerings  for  each  of  us.  At  daybreak  he  placed  a  root 
medicine  in  a  bowl  and  poured  water  over  it,  and  as  he  stirred  the 
water  with  his  reed,  suds  rose  high,  like  a'mountain.  He  did  not  sing, 
but  talked  low  while  he  made  the  suds.  He  then  bathed  our  heads 
and  entire  bodies  in  the  medicine  suds,  and  directed  us  to  take  our 
plume  offerings  to  the  fields  and  plant  them  under  a  ledge  of  rock,  so 
that  the  eyes  of  the  plume  sticks  should  look  west,  not  to  the  sun,  as 
that  would  offend  the  Sun  Father.  Returning  to  the  village  and  see- 
ing two  maidens  bearing  water  vases  upon  their  heads,  we  chewed  our 
medicine,  rubbed  our  hands  together  and  approached  them.  We/ 
shook  hands  with  the  girls  and  they  went  on  to  their  homes,  and  after 
depositing  the  water  vases,  seated  themselves,  for  they  felt  their 
hearts  flying  around.  Each  girl  sat  still  a  minute,  then  jumped  up 
and  turned  around  like  a  top,  then  slept  a  moment,  and  then  threW 
her  arms  wildly  about.  They  could  not  keep  their  heads  or  legs 
still.  They  jumped  up  and  ran  about  the  streets.  We  did  not  make 
these  girls  our  wives.  The}'  were  too  crazy.  In  a  short  time  the}r 
died."  It  was  evident  to  the  writer  that  the  boy  had  made  use  of 
his  observations  of  the  girl  in  weaving  his  story,  and  it  was  a  clever 
thought  which  prompted  him  to  claim  to  possess  a  medicine  which 
would  counteract  the  effect  of  the  other.  His  tale  was  no  sooner  told 
than  the  warriors  declared  in  one  voice  that  they  must  have  proof  of 
what  the}- had  heard:  "We  must  see  the  medicine.  You  must  pro- 
duce it."  Whereupon  the  grandfather  of  the  girl  was  detailed  to 
accompany  the  accused  to  his  home  for  the  medicine.  On  his  return 
he  drew  two  kinds  of  roots  from  his  pocket.  That  which  would  pro- 
duce insanity  was  in  one  piece;  that  capable  of  counteracting  its  effect 
was  in  three  pieces.  He  claimed  he  could  make  himself  crazy  and 
well  again  at  will,  according  to  the  root  he  used.  His  description  of 
these  roots  as  he  presented  them  for  the  inspection  of  his  judges  was 
dramatic.  The  warriors  had  become  so  absorbed  by  their  interest  in 
the  narrative  of  the  boy  that  they  seemed  entirely  to  have  forgotten 
the  cause  of  his  appearance  before  them.  In  one  voice  they  demanded 
a  manifestation.  The  boy  removed  his  head-kerchief  and  trousers, 
leaving  on  only  his  beads.and  breechcloth,  the  moccasins  having  been 
removed  on  entering  the  room.  He  asked  for  a  basket  of  sacred  meal 
and  sprinkling  some  on  the  floor,  covering  a  space  about  4  inches 
square,  he  examined  the  roots:  first  the  piece  that  would  produce 
23  Era— 04 26 


402  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [bth.ann.23 

insanity,  which  he  laid  south  of  the  meal,  then  the  three  hits  of 
good  medicine,  which  he  deposited  north  of  the  meal.  He  now  sang 
in  so  low  a  voice  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  writer  to  understand 
what  he  was  saying.  Taking  a  bite  from  the  root  south  of  the 
meal,  he  chewed  it.  ejected  it  upon  his  hands,  and  rubbed  his  body. 
In  a  moment  he  distorted  his  face,  spun  around,  and  jumped  about; 
then,  shaking  his  body  violently,  rushed  to  the  invalid,  pulling  at 
her  arms  and  running  his  hands  over  them.  The  spectacle  was  so 
harassing  that  it  was  with  difficulty  the  writer  retained  her  compo- 
sure. The  child's  efforts  to  scream  as  she  endeavored  to  release 
herself  from  the  grasp  of  her  father  and  brother  who  held  her,  her 
terror  each  time  the  boj"  approached  her,  the  cries  of  the  women,  and 
the  tears  of  the  men,  except  the  warriors,  who  were  absorbed  in 
what  was  going  on  before  them,  presented  a  scene  never  to  be  for- 
gotten. When  the  boy  had  preyed  upon  the  credulity  of  the  war- 
riors as  long  as  he.  deemed  wise,  he  swallowed  a  small  quantity  of 
the  other  medicine  and  became  perfectly  rational  in  his  demeanor. 
He  now  touched  the  girl's  lips  with  his  own  and  pretended  to  draw 
disease  from  her  heart,  while  she  was  almost  thrown  into  convulsions 
by  his  touch.  He  ejected  into  his  hand  what  he  pretended  to  have 
drawn  from  her  heart,  and  deposited  it  upon  the  meal;  he  then  com- 
pelled the  girl  to  swallow  three  bits  of  the  good  root  medicine.  She 
nearly  strangled  in  the  effort,  but  the  parents  insisted  that  she  swallow 
it.  in  hopes  of  her  restoration.  After  this  the  boy  coolly  took  meal 
from  the  basket,  stood  and  offered  a  long  prayer,  sprinkled  meal  upon 
the  material  supposed  to  have  been  extracted  from  the  girl,  asked  for 
a  corn  husk,  gathered  the  meal  together  into  his  hands  and  deposited 
it  in  the  husk,  and  left  the  chamber,  accompanied  by  the  grand- 
father of  the  girl.  The}'  went  west  of  the  village,  where  the  boy 
buried  the  husk,  and  returned  within  thirty  minutes;  then  the 
two  occupied  their  former  seats  and  the  warriors  interrogated  the 
boy  until  2  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  child  was  in  such  an 
alarming  condition  of  nervousness  that  the  writer  decided  that  the 
farce  must  end.  After  a  few  words  with  the  warriors,  they  agreed  to 
retire  and  release  the  boy,  with  the  understanding  that  he  should 
accompany  two  of  them  to  the  writer's  camp  later  in  the  morning. 
While  the  writer  was  breakfasting,  the  grandfather  of  the  little  invalid 
appeared  and  informed  her  that  the  boy  had  escaped,  news  which  was 
most  gratifying  to  her.  but  which  enraged  the  Bow  priests.  The  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  at  once  ordered  the  grandfather  of  the  girl 
to  mount  his  horse  and  capture  the  boy.  After  some  miles  of  hard 
riding  the  boy  was  overtaken  and  brought  back  to  Zufii  and  to  the 
house  of  the  poor  little  sufferer,  who  was  subjected  to  another  ordeal, 
while  Nai'uchi  gratified  his  thirst  for  the  marvelous  by  subjecting  the 
boy  to  a  second  trial,  himself  now  acting  as  chief  justice  of  the  court. 


stevenson]  WITCHCRAFT  403 

When  the  boy  repeated  his  story,  Nai'uchi  declared  it  to  be  a  lie:  "You 
did  not  get  your  knowledge  of  witchcraft  from  Santo  Domingo,  and  I 
am  here  to  see  that  you  speak  the  truth.  I  shall  keep  you  talking  until 
you  dospeak  the  truth."  Losing  all  faith  in  winningbelief  for  his  story, 
the  wretched  boy  invented  another,  which  he  hoped  would  satisfy  his 
judge:  "Yes:  I  lied.  I  lied  because  I  loved  my  father  and  mother  and 
sister,  and  did  not  wish  to  speak  of  them.  They  are  witches.  1  belong 
to  the  family  of  original  witches.  All  my  grandfathers  were  wizards. 
I  have  the  plume  offerings  brought  to  this  world  by  my  witch  ances- 
tors." "Where?  Where?"  exclaimed  the  warriors  in  one  breath,  as 
they  bent  eagerly  forward,  so  as  not  to  lose  one  word.  "In  my 
mother's  house.  There  at  the  winter  solstice  witches  gather  from  all 
over  the  country  to  prevent  the  rains  and  snows."  "You  lie,"  cried 
one  of  the  warriors.  "We  would  know  of  this  if  it  were  true." 
"How?"  inquired  the  boy.  "Some  one  would  see  the  strangers 
come."  "No;  they  would  not.  Ancient  plume  offerings  held  to  our 
hearts  and  }-ucca  strings  crossed  over  our  breasts,  while  we  jump 
through  a  hoop  made  of  }rucca,  empower  us  to  make  ourselves  into 
dogs,  cats,  coyotes,  hawks,  crows,  and  owls,  so  that  we  pass  quickly 
and  unknown  about  the  country.  We  gather  in  an  inner  room  of  my 
mother's  house  where  four  ancient  lamps  hang,  one  on  each  wall,  and 
by  this  light  we  sit  and  talk  and  make  the  rain-makers  angry,  so  that 
they  will  not  work.  I  can  assume  the  form  of  a  cat  and  pass  through 
the  smallest  hole  to  enter  a  house.  I  can  fill  my  mouth  with  cactus 
needles  and  shoot  them  through  windows  and  destroy  life.  I  have 
killed  two  infants,  three  girls,  and  two  boys.  I  have  packages  of 
ancient  prayer  plumes,  and  I  have  two  others  that  are  used  to  convert 
us  into  other  forms  than  our  own."  "  We  will  see  them!  We  will  see 
them!"  exclaimed  the  warriors.  The  boy  had  not  anticipated  this  in 
weaving  a  story  which  he  thought  might  make  his  accusers  fear  to 
take  his  life.  "Alas!  I  can  not  show  them;  they  are  in  my  mother's 
ancestral  house,  and  she  is  absent  at  the  farming  district  and  has  the 
keys."  Nai'uchi,  not  to  be  thwarted,  exclaimed:  "1  have  keys!"  He 
left  the  house  to  procure  them,  and  in  a  short  time  returned  with  a 
bunch  of  keys  and  commanded  the  accused  to  proceed  to  his  mother's 
house. 

The  assembled  warriors  and  the  writer,  who  was  always  provided 
with  candles  and  matches,  accompanied  Nai'uchi  and  the  boy.  Ascend- 
ing a  ladder  from  a  court  the  party,  led  by  the  accused,  climbed  over 
several  roofs  to  reach  the  house.  The  door  was  locked,  but  it  yielded 
to  the  first  key.  The  warriors  have  great  authority  and  are  not  deli- 
cate about  using  or  abusing  it,  and  it  ma}-  be  presumed  that  if  the 
keys  had  failed,  the  doors  would  have  been  forced.  The  bo}'  main- 
tained remarkable  composure  as  he  entered  the  house.  He  declared 
that  the  prayer  plumes  were  secreted  in  the  wall  of  the  adjoining  room, 


404  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

and  that  he  feared  his  mother's  anger  should  he  break  the  plaster. 
The  warriors  cried  "Expose  them!  Expose  them!"  One  handed  an 
ax  to  the  boy  and  commanded  him  to  go  to  work.  With  the  first 
stroke  a  large  quantity  of  plaster  fell  crumbling  to  the  floor.  The 
room  was  almost  dark,  the  faintest  light  penetrating  through  the 
door.  The  writer  lighted  a  candle  and  held  it  so  as  to  throw  the  best 
possible  light  upon  the  worker.  After  a  quantity  of  plaster  had  fallen 
the  boy  stooped  to  examine  it.  Again  he  used  the  ax  and  more  plaster 
fell,  and  again  he  stooped  and  looked  for  the  prayer  plumes,  while  the 
warriors  watched  eagerly  to  see  that  nothing  escaped  them.  The 
scene  was  weird  in  the  extreme.  The  handsome  youth  was  clearly 
visible  by  the  candle  held  near  him  as  he  worked,  apparently  calmly 
and  leisurely,  stopping  to  examine  the  plaster  each  time  it  fell,  think- 
ing to  weary  the  watchers  and  accusers.  When  the  west  wall  was 
half  robbed  of  its  plaster  and  the  prayer  plumes  were  not  found,  the 
warriors  became  impatient.  The  dust  in  the  room  was  stilling,  and 
when  the  warriors  accused  the  boy  of  having  deceived  them  he  declared 
that  the  plume  sticks  were  deposited  two  years  before  and  that  he  could 
not  remember  the  exact  Iocatiou  of  them.  The  impatience  of  the 
accusers  becoming  greater,  they  said:  "You  have  lied!  You  have 
lied!"  The  boy  made  no  reply,  but  led  them  into  an  adjoining  room, 
thence  through  a  hatchway  so  small  that  all  passed  through  with  diffi- 
culty into  a  room  below.  This  room  was  very  small  and  low,  and 
would  have  been  absolutely  dark  but  for  the  candle.  After  passing 
on  into  a  room  still  deeper  in  the  heart  of  the  great  beehive,  a  strange 
scene  occurred.  The  youth  was  closely  followed  by  the  writer,  and 
when  he  stooped  in  the  dungeon-like  room  all  gathered  about  him  and 
discovered  two  packages  of  old  prayer  plumes  on  the  floor  beside  a 
concretion  fetish  that  was  some  6  inches  in  diameter.  There  was  con- 
sternation among  the  warriors,  who  exclaimed  in  one  voice:  "  What 
does  this  mean  ? "  Now  they  felt  assured  that  the  youth  had  spoken  the 
truth.  The  accused  separated  the  packages  and  explained  each  prayer 
plume.  The  concretion  is  a  fetish  for  corn,  and  was  placed  here  by  the 
witches,  declared  the  boy,  that  the  crops  might  be  destroyed.  The 
examination  of  the  prayer  plumes  by  the  warriors  was  thorough  and 
the  explanation  by  the  accused  deemed  most  complete.  But  the  war- 
riors were  not  to  be  satisfied  until  the  prayer  plumes  used  to  transform 
the  witch  into  beast  form  were  produced.  In  despair,  the  boy  declared 
they  must  be  in  a  room  below,  but  as  there  w7as  no  ladder  it  would  be 
impossible  for  him  to  descend.  The  warriors  decided  to  let  one  of  two 
young  men  who  followed  the  party  to  the  house  descend  into  the  lower 
chamlier.  He  was  held  by  the  arms  and  lowered.  The  candle  was  then 
reached  to  him  by  his  companion,  who  went  headforemost  through  the 
hatchway  and  was  held  by  his  feet.  A  diligent  search  was  not  rewarded 
with  success,  and  the  man  was  with  dilhcultv  dragged  back  through  the 


stevenson]  WITCHCRAFT  405 

hatchway.  Again  the  warrior.'?  gathered  about  the  two  packages  and 
listened  to  the  marvelous  tales  told  by  the  accused;  then  Na'iuchi  took 
possession  of  them  and  the  party  ascended  to  the  upper  floor,  where  the 
boy  was  set  to  work  to  remove  more  plaster,  in  the  hope  that  the  much- 
coveted  prayer  plumes  might  be  found.  After  another  hour's  work  an 
old  prayer  plume  appeared  among  the  plaster,  which  the  boy  declared 
to  be  one  of  those  he  was  looking  for.  This  plume  stick,  he  asserted, 
when  planted  in  the  ground  the  top  down,  or  when  worn  in  the  belt 
in  the  same  position,  so  offended  the  rain-makers  that  they  refused  to 
water  the  earth.  It  must  be  worn  over  the  heart  to  convert  one  into 
animal  form.  If  the  boy  tricked  the  warriors  with  the  plume  stick,  sup- 
posed to  be  found  in  the  plaster,  the  deception  was  well  done.  There 
was  great  rejoicing  among  them,  but  they  were  not  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  one  prayer  plume;  they  must  have  the  other,  and  they  did  not  leave 
the  room  until  driven  out  late  in  the  day  by  the  intense  cold  and  the 
dust  from  the  plaster.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  writer,  the  accused 
now  accompanied  her  to  her  camp  under  guard  of  Na'iuchi  and  the 
grandfather  of  the  girl.  She  was  not  sure  what  Na'iuchi  intended  to 
do  with  the  boy,  but  was  determined  that  the  poor  fellow  should  not 
be  hanged.  The  boy  was  seated  with  a  warrior  on  either  side  of  him, 
and  the  writer  talked  to  him  and  doctored  him  a  little,  and  finally  con- 
vinced Na'iuchi  that  the  boy  would  never  again  be  able  to  practice  his 
diabolical  art,  and  that  therefore  it  was  not  necessary  to  hang  him.  He 
was  not  yet  freed,  however,  but  was  conducted  to  the  large  plaza,  where 
Na'iuchi  called  the  warriors  to  assemble.  The  populace,  in  the  mean- 
time, crowded  into  the  place,  people  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages.  When 
the  warriors  did  not  respond  promptly,  Na'iuchi  called  in  loud  and  angry 
tones  for  their  immediate  presence.  They  were  not  long  in  obeying  the 
second  command  of  their  chief.  A  wagon  in  the  plaza  was  filled  with 
women  and  children,  who  took  advantage  of  the  elevated  position.  The 
sun  had  set  and  the  shadows  of  night  were  gathering.  The  accused 
looked  weary  and  he  leaned  against  the  wagon,  as  if  sadly  in  need  of 
support.  The  warriors  gathered  closel}'  about  him,  and  the  writer 
stood  by  the  side  of  Na'iuchi.  The  eager  spectators  apparently  under- 
stood that  the  boy  was  about  to  speak,  and  there  was  a  profound 
silence.  As  the  night  advanced  several  lanterns  were  brought  forth, 
the  writer  placing  hers  in  the  hand  of  a  warrior  who  stood  by  her  side  so 
that  she  could  direct  the  light  as  she  chose.  The  appetite  of  the  warriors 
for  marvels  was  not  yet  satisfied.  Na'iuchi  called  upon  the  ahead}' 
exhausted  youth  to  confess  his  crimes  before  the  people.  He  was 
kept  talking  until  midnight,  when  the  prayer  plumes  and  medicines 
produced  by  the  accused  earlier  in  the  clay  were  placed  by  Na'iuchi 
upon  the  ground  immediately  before  the  youth,  whereupon  the  people 
moved  in  a  great  wave  toward  the  spot  to  peer  at 'the  mysteries. 


406  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

The  longer  the  boy  talked  the  more  absorbed  he  became  in  his  sub- 
ject. He  added  many  wonderful  statements  to  those  made  during  the 
day.  At  times  his  face  became  radiant  with  satisfaction  at  his  power 
over  his  listeners.  His  final  stroke  made  it  evident  that  he  intended 
to  protect  himself  against  all  further  persecution,  for  he  closed  with 
the  remark:  "I  did  possess  all  the  power  of  my  wizard  forefathers. 
It  came  to  me  through  many  generations.  I  have  been  all-powerful  in 
witchcraft.  But  since  visiting  my  mother's  camp  this  evening  I  have 
lost  all  power.  While  with  my  mother,  and  while  she  talked  to  me,  1 
felt  my  eyes  change  from  black  to  blue,  and  then  turn  from  blue  to 
black,  and  then  I  felt  that  all  my  power  of  witchcraft  was  gone,  not 
only  for  a  little  while,  but  for  all  time.  Alas!  No  more  shall  I  be 
great  among  my  people.  1  shall  be  one  of  them  no  more.  My  power 
is  all  gone!  all  gone  forever!"  Hundreds  cried  out:  "Good!  Good! 
Thanks,  mother!  Thanks!"  Na'iuchi  took  the  writer's  hand  and 
expressed  his  gratitude  and  that  of  his  people,  with  regrets  that  she 
could  not  remain  among  them  and  rob  all  witches  of  their  power  to 
destroy.  This  incident  is  mentioned  simply  to  show  that  it  is  possible, 
if  these  people  are  managed  in  the  right  way,  to  overcome  their  miser- 
able superstitions. 

Na'iuchi  presented  the  complete  set  of  prayer  plumes  and  medicines 
to  the  writer,  requesting  her  to  show  them  to  the  President  as  proof 
that  witches  do  exist  in  Zufii;  for  these  people  had  had  threats  from 
the  United  States  Government  regarding  their  practice  of  hanging 
persons  accused  of  witchcraft.  These  threats,  however,  were  never 
carried  into  execution  until  after  the  writer  had  left  Zufii  in  1S96, 
when  Na'iuchi  and  several  others  were  arrested  for  hanging  a  woman 
they  had  accused  of  witchcraft.  Help  came  in  time  to  save  the  woman, 
and  troops  were  stationed  in  Zufii  to  protect  the  Government  teachers 
while  Na'iuchi  and  others  were  in  prison  in  Albuquerque,  awaiting 
their  trial.  During  this  period  the  words  of  the  writer's  poor  mis- 
guided, but  dear  and  tried,  friend,  Na'iuchi,  came  often  to  her:  "They 
may  imprison  me  for  one  month,  six  months,  a  j'ear,  or  forever,  but 
I  shall  hang  the  witch  who  destro}Ts  the  life  of  my  child." 

Primitive  man  must  be  approached  according  to  his  understanding; 
thus  the  prime  requisite  for  improving  the  conditions  of  the  Indian  is 
familiarity  with  Indian  thought  and  customs.  Those  possessing  supe- 
rior intelligence  and  a  love  for  humanity,  and  only  such,  may  lead  our 
Indians  from  darkness  into  light.     The  Indian  will  never  be  driven. 


steyenson]  ORIGIN    OF    THE   FRATERNITIES  407 

ESOTERIC  FRATERNITIES 
Origin  and  Functions  of  the  Fraternities 

Previous  to  the  coming  of  the  A'shiwi  (Zufiis)  to  this  world  through 
Ji'mi'klanapklatea,  certain  others  appeared  coming  through  the  same 
place,  which  the  Zufiis  locate  in  the  far  northwest;  and  these  others, 
by  direction  of  the  Sun  Father,  traveled  eastward,  crossing  the  country 
by  a  northern  route  to  Shi'papolima™  (place  of  mist). 

After  remaining  four  years  (time  periods)  at  Shi'papolima,  this 
party  of  gods — for  such  the3r  were  or  became — moved  eastward  and 
southward  a  short  distance,  aud  made  their  home  at  Chi'pia,  located 
by  the  Zunis  in  Sandia  (watermelon)  mountain,  New  Mexico.  This 
mountain  is  believed  by  the  Sia  to  be  the  home  of  their  gods  of  war, 
who  bear  the  same  names  as  the  Zuiii  gods — U'y uy e wi  and  Ma'sai'lema. b 

The  gods  of  Chi'pia  compose  the  group  known  to  the  Zunis  as 
Kok'ko'hlan'na  (great  God):  Shits' ukia,  Kwe'lele,  and  six  Shumai'koli 
for  the  six  regions,  with  their  Sai'apa  (warriors). 

Just  four  years  after  these  gods  came  to  this  world  another  party 
appeared  through  Ji'mi'kianapkiatea,  consisting  of  Po'shaiyanki,  his 
associates,  aud  the  possessors  of  the  secret  of  O'naya'nakia  (Mystery 
medicine),  Po'shaiyanki,  who  figures  as  the  culture  hero  of  the  Zuiiis, 
being  the  leader.  These  also  followed  a  northern  route  to  Shi'papolima, 
where  they  remained.  This  place  is;  held  sacred  by  the  Zunis  as  the 
home  of  their  culture  hero  and  of  the  Beast  Gods.  The  Zuiiis  believe 
the  entrance  to  Shi'papolima  to  be  on  the  summit  of  a  mountain  about 
10  miles  from  the  pueblo  of  Cochiti,  N.  Mex.  Two  crouching  lions, 
or  cougars,  of  massive  stone  in  bas-relief  upon  the  solid  formation  of 
the  mountain  top  guard  the  sacred  spot.  The  heads  of  the.  animals  are 
to  the  east,  A  stone  wall  some  ±  feet  high  forms  an  inclosure  18  feet 
in  diameter  for  the  cougars.  Additional  stone  walls,  also  about  4  feet 
in  height  and  14  feet  in  length,  mark  a  passageway  3  feet  wide  from 
the  inclosure.  A  monument  of  stones  stands  12  feet  before  the  middle 
of  the  entrance,  which  faces  east  or  a  little  south  of  east.  It  is  remark- 
able that  these  wonderful  pieces  of  aboriginal  sculpture  should  have  no 
legends  associated  with  them  by  the  Indians  who  live  in  comparatively 
close  proximity.  The  Jemez,  Sia,  San  Juan,  Santa  Clara,  San  Ilde- 
fonso,  and  Cochiti   Indians   have  been  closely  questioned  regarding 

a  Dr  Fewkes  gives  the  Hopi  name  as  Si'papu,  which  is,  according  to  Hopi  lore,  their  place  of  nativ- 
ity, or  coming  through  to  this  world.  Bandelier  gives  the  Keres  name  as  Shi'papu,  the  place  of 
nativity  of  that  people.  The  writer  found  the  Sia  Indians,  who  are  Keres,  using  the  form  Shi'papo. 
Among  the  Zunis  the  name  is  Shi'papolima  and  its  signification  is  quite  different;  Shi'papolima  is 
not  the  place  of  their  nativity,  but  the  home  chosen  by  Po'shaiyanki  (Zuni  culture  hero)  and  his 
followers. 

6  Ma'sai'lema  is  the  term  used  in  ceremonials  for  the  younger  God  of  War,  but  in  common  parlance 
he  is  called  Ma'asewe.  These  names  are  used  only  in  reference  to  war  or  combat;  at  other  times 
both  the  elder  and  younger  Gods  of  War  are  referred  to  as  A'hayuta. 


•408  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eih.akn.23 

these  carvings,  and  while  the}'  have  no  history  associated  with  them 
other  than  that  the  lions  were  converted  into  stone  at  the  time  the 
great  fire  spread  over  the  earth,  the  Zuiiis  believe  them  to  be  the 
guardians  of  the  place  chosen  by  Po'shaiyanki  as  a  home  for  himself 
and  his  followers.  The  writer  visited  this  spot  in  190i  and  found 
these  carvings  to  be  just  as  the  Zuiii  theurgists  had  described  them  to 
her.  other  than  that  the  heads  of  the  lions  had  been  defaced  by  the 
vandalism  of  sheep  herders.  When  Mr  Stevenson  visited  Shi'papo- 
linia  in  1880  these  carvings  were  in  perfect  condition. 

In  four  years  from  Po'shaiyanki's  nativity  the  A'shiwi  came  through 
Ji'mi'kianapkiatea,  and  soon  after  their  reaching  this  world  the  Divine 
Ones  organized  four  fraternities. 

The  following  account  was  given  to  the  writer  by  the  mo'sona 
(director)  of  the  Ne'wekwe  ti'kili  (Galaxy  fraternity)  and  verified  by 
a  number  of  other  priests  and  theurgists: 

While  the  A'shiwi  were  yet  in  the  undermost  world,  two  men  and  two  women, 
married  couples,  rubbed  the  epidermis  from  their  bodies  and,  rolling  it  into  a  ball, 
placed  it  on  the  ground ;  and  the  four  sat  around  it  and  sang,  each  one  shaking  a 
rattle.  After  a  time  a  youth  appeared  dancing  in  place  of  the  ball,  and  this  youth, 
who  was  named  Bi'"si'si,  was  held  in  high  regard  by  the  people.  Soon  after  the 
creation  of  Bi'"sitsi  the  A'shiwi  began  their  ascent  to  the  outer  world.  ° 

The  first  organization  was  composed  of  one  of  the  couples  who  created 
Bi^'si'si,  these  two  being  the  original  members  of  the  fraternity  which 
the  Divine  Ones  named  Shi'wannakwe.6  The  membership  of  ■  the 
Shi'wannakwe  was  immediately  increased  bjr  the  original  male  mem- 
ber selecting  a  pe'kwln  (deputjT),  aPi'aliishiwanni  (warrior),  and  others, 
and  initiating  them  into  the  secrets  which  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi 
had  intrusted  to  him  and  his  wife.  The  songs  for  rain  given  to  the 
Shi'wannakwe  at  that  time  have  special  influence  upon  the  Council 
of  the  Gods,  who  direct  the  rain-makers. 

The  second  fraternity  organized  b}r  the  Divine  Ones  was  the  Ne'- 
wekwe, the  original  members  being  the  other  couple  who  assisted 
at  the  creation  of  Bi'"sitsi;  of  whom  this  man  too  initiated  others. 
Bi'^si'si,  owing  to  his  special  qualifications,  was  chosen  to  be  musi- 
cian and  entertainer,  or  harlequin,  to  the  fraternity,  bearing  the  name 

"  The  following  is  a  bit  of  Sia  cosmogony: 

He,  Sus'slstinnako  (creator),  drew  a  line  of  meal  from  north  to  south,  and  crossed  it  midway  with 
one  from  east  to  west,  and  he  placed  two  little  parcels  north  of  the  cross  line,  one  on  each  side  of  the 
line  running  north  and  south.  These  parcels  are  very  valuable  and  precious,  but  the  people  do  not 
know  to  this  day  of  what  they  consist;  no  one  ever  knew  but  the  creator  Sus'slstinnako.  After 
placing  the  parcels  in  position,  Sus'slstinnako  sat  down  on  the  west  side  of  the  line  running  north 
and  south,  south  of  the  cross  line,  and  began  to  sing,  and  in  a  little  while  the  two  parcels  accom- 
panied him  in  the  song  by  shaking  like  rattles.  The  music  was  low  and  sweet,  and  after  a  while  two 
women  appeared,  one  evolving  from  each  parcel.  (The  Sia,  Eleventh  Annual  Report  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  1894.) 

bShi  from  shi'li;  plural,  shi'we,  meat.  Kwe  isa  plural  termination  referring  to  people,  the  word 
ti'kili  (fraternity)  being  seldom  used  nt  referring  to  a  fraternity.  Kwa  tesh'kwi  (not  forbidden), 
ihouu'li  mil  cxjir.'ssfil  in  words  is  understood,  and  the  full  meaning  of  Shi'wannakwe  is,  people  who 
do  not  fast  from  animal  food. 


stevenson!  ORIGIN    OF    THE    FRATERNITIES  409 

Pa'yatamu."  The  Shi'vvannakwe  and  Ne'wekwe,  owing  to  the  close 
relation  of  the  two  original  couples,  are  allied  to  one  another,  the 
Shi'wannakwe  being  regarded  as  the  elder  brother  of  the  Ne'wekwe. 
The  Divine  Ones  named  the  third  fraternity  they  organized  'Siin'ia- 
kiakwe  (Hunters).  This  fraternity  is  also  called  Sus'kikwe  (Coyote). 
The  fourth  fraternity  they  named  'Hle'wekwe  (Wood  people).  The 
Divine  Ones  gave  medicines  and  songs  to  each  fraternity. 

After  the  A'shiwi  had  settled  at  Hal'ona  (Ant  place),  the  Divine  Ones 
visited  Sbi'papolima  and  there  met  Po'shaiyanki,  his  associates,  and  the 
body  of  men  holding  the  secrets  of  Mystery  medicine.  Po'shaiyanki 
and  his  associates  were  already  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  O'naya'- 
nakia  before  the  arrival  of  the  Divine  Ones,  who  declared  to  him 
that  they  must  have  guardians  for  the  six  regions  of  the  world  and 
for  the  whole  world,  but  that  man  could  not  fill  these  places;  they  must 
have  some  one  with  cunning  of  scent  and  sight.  The}''  thereupon 
changed  the  men  possessing  the  secrets  of  Mystery  medicine  into 
beasts.  One,  becoming  the  cougar,  was  dispatched  to  the  North  to 
guard  that  region;  another  was  changed  into  the  bear  and  made  guard- 
ian of'  the  West;  another,  changed  into  the  badger,  was  sent  to  the 
South;  another,  transformed  to  the  white  (gray)  wolf,  was  sent  to  the 
East :  another,  made  into  the  eagle,  was  sent  to  the  Zenith ;  still  another, 
converted  into  the  shrew,  was  sent  to  the  Nadir.  Others  were  con- 
verted into  rattlesnakes  that  the}7  might  preside  with  wisdom  over  the 
six  regions;  others  into  ants  that  they  might  scatter  their  houses  over 
the  earth,  these  becoming  the  zoic  gods  of  the  A'shiwi. 

The  Divine  Ones,  when  leaving  Shi'papolima,  requested  Po'shai- 
yanki with  his  associate  Na'ke'e  and  others  to  accompany  them  to 
HaTona  and  initiate  the  A'shiwi  into  the  mysteries  of  O'naya'nakia 
(Mystery  medicine).  On  reaching  Hal'ona,  the  A'kwa  a'mosi  (makers 
of  medicine  water)  of  the  Shi'wannakwe  and  Ne'wekwe  fraternities 
were  initiated  into  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine,  and  these  afterward 
initiated  the  others  of  their  fraternities.  The  Divine  Ones  wishing 
more  fraternities,  formed  one  composed  of  Na'ke'e  and  his  wife  and 
another  man.  These  initiated  others  into  the  mysteries  of  O'nay- 
a'nakia and  also  of  eating  large  coals  of  fire.  This  organization  the 
Divine  Ones  named  Ma"ke  'Hlan'nakwe  (Great  Fire  fraternity), 
Na'ke'e  becoming  the  original  director.  Having  received  the  knowl- 
edge of  sword  swallowing  from  A'chiyala'topa  (a  being  with  wings 

a  Pa'yatamu  of  the  Ne'wekwe  fraternity  must  not  be  confounded  with  Pa'yatamu,  the  god  of  music, 
flowers,  and  butterflies,  who  lives  in  the  spring  Shun'te'klaya,  and  is  conspicuous  in  the  myth  of  the 
Com  maidens.  The  flute  of  the  former  is  unlike  that  of  the  latter.  Pa'yatamu  of  the  Ne'wekwe  plays 
the  part  of  jester  as  wellas  that  of  musician,  and  he  is  represented  on  the  altar  in  a  dress  of  stripes  in 
party-color.  Baubles  ringed  in  party-color  are  the  insignia  of  membership  in  the  Ne'wekwe.  The 
earliest  published  mention  of  the  harlequin  that  the  writer  has  found  is  in  "Sakuntala,"  an  Indian 
drama  by  Kalidasa,  translated  into  English  by  Monier  Williams.  Organizations  similar  to  the  Ne'- 
wekwe exist  in  the  other  pueblos.  The  Keres  name  is  Ko'shairi,  which  Bandelier  translates  delight- 
makers. 


410  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ahn.23 

and  tail  of  knives)  at  Shi'papolima,  Na'ke'e  initiated  members  of  his 
fraternity  into  the  secrets  of  sword  swallowing,  which  order  he  named 
'Hle'wekwe  (Wood  people),  the  swords  being  fashioned  of  wood. 

The  'Hle'wekwe.  one  of  the  original  fraternities,  traveled  north- 
ward, then  eastward,  finally  reaching  the  home  of  Po'shaiyanki." 
While  there  the  'Hle'wekwe  were  initiated  into  the  secret  of  sword 
swallowing  by  A/chiyala'topa.6 

After  the  'Hle'wekwe  had  remained  four  years  at  Shi'papolima  they 
started  to  return  to  their  people,  not,  however,  until  those  possessing 
the  secrets  of  Mystery  medicine  had  been  converted  by  the  Divine 
Ones  into  beasts.  The  details  of  the  migration  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  will 
be  given  in  the  account  of  the  ceremonies  of  this  fraternity. 

Another  man  was  called  by  the  Divine  Ones,  and  he  was  initiated 
into  Mystery  medicine  and  into  the  mystery  of  playing  with  fire,  but 
not  that  of  eating  it;  and  he  in  turn  initiated  others,  forming  a  frater- 
nity which  the  Divine  Ones  named  U'huhukwe  (from  u'kia,  down,'  in 
reference  to  eagle  down). 

Again,  Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi  desiring  to  increase  the  .number 
of  fraternities  chose  two  men,  whom  Po'shaiyiinki  initiated  not  only 
into  the  mystery  of  medicine  which  cures  disease  caused  by  witch- 
craft of  man,  but  also  into  the  secrets  of  healing  disease  caused  by 
angry  ants;  and  these  two  initiated  others.  This  fraternity  was  named 
Ha'lo'kwe,  but  it  is  also  called  A'chiya  (Stone  Knife),  from  the  order 
of  this  name.     The  secrets  of  fire  were  not  given  to  the  Ha'lo'kwe. 

Some  of  the  officers  of  this  fraternity  declare  that  the  Knife  order  originated  in  this 
wise:  A  stone  knife,  descending  from  the  gods  above  into  the  ceremonial  chamber 
through  the  hatchway,  indicated  that  such  an  order  should  be  created.  This  order 
does  not  swallow  the  knife,  but  the  knife  is  passed  before  the  lips  at  initiation.  In 
old  times  this  order  had  many  stone  knives  which  they  used  in  the  ceremonials,  much 
as  eagle-wing  plumes  are  used  at  the  present  time. 

Po'shaiyanki  distributed  the  beast  god  medicines,  also  the  tablet 
altars  and  sand  or  dry  paintings  to  the  fraternities.  One  night,  while 
a  man  of  Po'yi'kwe  (Chaparral  cock)  clan  sat  in  his  house,  one  of  the 
Shumai'koli  gods  and  his  sai'apa  (warrior)  appeared  to  him  without 
masks.  They  told  the  man  that  their  present  home  was  Chi'pia,  which 
is  near  Shi'papolima,  but  that  they  originally  came  from  the  under- 
most world;  that,  traveling  by  the  northern  route  eastward,  the}7 
reached  Shi'papolima.  afterward  going  to  Chi'pia.  The  gods  remained 
but  a  short  time  with  the  man  and  returned  to  their  home. 

The  pe'kwin  (sun  priest)  was  notified  on  the  following  morning  of 

"The  *Hle'wekwe  insist  that  their  fraternity  started  for  the  north  from  the  vicinity  of  Ko'thluwa- 
la'wa,  while  all  other  priests  and  theurgists  declare  that  this  fraternity  started  from  Han'tliplnkla 
after  receiving  their  totems.  All  agree,  however,  that  the 'Hle'wekwe  had  departed  before  the  engage- 
ment of  the  A'shiwi  with  the  Kla'nakwe  (see  p.  3G). 

>'  The  'Hle'wekwe  insist  that  their  initiation  into  the  swallowing  of  the  sword  occurred  previous 
to  that  of  the  wood  order  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity. 

o  U'klu  means  also  down  of  other  birds,  and  of  cotton. 


stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF    THE    FRATERNITIES  411 

the  visit  of  these  gods  and  he  was  so  anxious  to  see  them  that  he 
visited  Chi'pia.  He  invited  the  six  Shumai'koli,  with  their  warriors, 
to  Hal'ona.  The  invitation  was  accepted,  and  on  the  occasion  of  the 
second  visit  the  gods  wore  their  masks.  During  their  stay  they 
initiated  the  man  of  the  Po'yi'kwe  clan  whom  they  first  visited  into  the 
secrets  of  their  medicine,  which  is  the  panacea  for  convulsions  and 
cramps  in  the  limbs,"  and  they  taught  him  the  songs  given  them  by 
the  Sun  Father.  These  gods  left  their  masks  with  the  man,  and  he 
initiated  others,  forming  a  fraternity,  which  was  named  Shu'maakwe. 

A  short  time  afterward,  when  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  were  assem- 
bled in  their  ceremonial  chamber,  the  three  gods,  Kok'ko'hlan'na  (great 
god — that  is,  of  this  particular  group  of  gods),  Shits'ukia,  and  Kwe'lele, 
appeared  from  Chi'pia.  Each  god  initiated  a  man  of  the  fraternity 
into  the  secret  of  his  medicine,  which  is  the  specific  for  swellings  of 
the  throat,  body,  or  limbs.  The  gods  left  their  masks  with  those  they 
initiated,  and  these  men  in  turn  initiated  others. 

The  Ma"ke  lSan'nakwe  (Little  Fire  fraternity),  though  one  of  the 
important  fraternities,  was  not  embraced  in  those  organized  at  Hal'ona 
or  I'tiwanna,  and  it  is  generally  believed  b}T  the  sages  of  Zuni  that 
this  fraternity  was  adopted  bjr  them  from  the  Hopi  Indians.5 

The  main  bodj'  of  Mu"kwe  (Hopis)  left  the  Corn  clan  and,  after 
various  vicissitudes,  settled  on  three  mesas.  The  Corn  clan  remained 
for  a  long  period  where  they  first  settled,  and  while  at  this  first  village 
they  were  visited  by  two  A'shiwi  (Zunis),  one  a  member  of  the  Badger 
clan,  the  other  belonging  to  the  Frog  clan,  whose  members  could  kill 
deer  and  antelope  by  simply  throwing  the  medicine  of  the  "San'iakia- 
kwe  fraternity  upon  the  game.  The  A'shiwi  at  this  time  were  living 
at  Han'lipinkia.  and  they  had  not  as  yet  learned  the  secrets  of  Mystery 
medicine  from  Po'shaiyanki.  The  two  A'shiwi  were  warmly  welcomed 
by  the  Mu';kwe  of  the  Corn  clan  and  were  permitted  to  observe  the 
marvelous  feats  of  the  members  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity.  They 
had  never  before  seen  anything  like  it,  and  said:  "We  wish  to  be 
initiated  into  your  fraternity.''  The  mo'sona  replied:  "Very  well;  if 
you  wish  it  so.v  He  received  them  into  the  order  of  It'sepcho  (Jug- 
glery). This  fraternity  was  too  covetous  to  divulge  the  secrets  of  more 
than  one  order,  for  which  the  two  A'shiwi  paid  nothing.  On  their 
return  to  Han'lipinkia  eight  others  were  initiated  into  the  secrets  of 
It'sepcho,  making  ten  members  in  all.  This  order,  transmitted  from 
the  Hopi  Indians,  existed,  according  to  Zuni  belief,  among  the  A'shiwi 
before  the  organization  of  the  fraternities  by  the  Divine  Ones  at  Hal'ona. 

a  The  limbs  are  rubbed  with  one  kind  of  medicine  and  another  medicine  is  drunk. 

b  After  long  and  careful  investigation  it  was  found  that  the  sages  are  correct;  that  the  members  of 
this  fraternity  were  among  those  Zufiis  wbo  separated  at  a  remote  period  from  their  people,  going  to 
live  with  the  Hopis.  This  separation  may  have  taken  place  previous  to  the  occupation  of  Hal'ona  by 
the  Zunis.  During  Mr  Stevenson's  first  visit  to  Zuni  he  was  informed  by  many  of  the  priests  of  the 
pueblo  that  the  middle  village  on  the  first  mesa  of  the  Hopis  was  known  as  a  Zuni  settlement.  This 
was  subsequently  confirmed  by  information  from  the  people  of  this  Hopi  village. 


412  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

When  certain  of  the  A'shiwi  removed  from  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn 
mountain)  to  Shun'te'kiaya.  situated  near  by,  those  who  had  been 
initiated  by  the  Corn  clan  of  the  Mu"kwe  into  It'sepcho  danced  in  the 
plaza  in  Shun'te'kiaya  in  the  presence  of  all  their  people. 

The  director  of  the  order  held  an  unlighted  torch  and  four  red- 
colored  fluffy  eagle  plumes  while  he  danced  and  called  for  the  presence 
of  the  Cougar  of  the  North.     Looking  in  that  direction,  he  cried: 

"Hai i.  hai  i,  hai i,  hai i,  hai i;"andthe 

cougar,  hearing,  obeyed  the  call.  The  director  then  tied  one  of  the 
plumes  he  held  to  the  back  of  the  cougar's  neck,  saying:  "I  give  you  a 
plume,  and  I  pray  you  will  make  intercession  with  the  u'wannami  (rain- 
makers) for  rain."  Then  the  cougar  returned  whence  he  came.  The 
director  called  in  like  manner  for  the  Bear  of  the  AY  est,  and  when  the 
bear  appeared,  he  attached  a  plume  to  the  back  of  his  neck,  begging 
that  he  would  intercede  with  the  rain-makers  for  rain.  Again  he 
danced  and  called  upon  the  Badger  of  the  South,  and  when  the  badger 
appeared,  he  tied  a  plume  to  the  back  of  his  neck,  asking  that  he  would 
intercede  with  the  rain-makers.  And  on  the  badger's  return  to  his 
home  the  director  called  upon  the  White  Wolf  of  the  East,  and 
attaching  a  plume  to  the  wolf's  neck,  asked  that  he  would  make  inter- 
cession with  the  rain-makers  for  rain.  When  the  wolf  returned  to  his 
home  the  director  transferred  the  unlighted  torch  from  his  left  to  his 
right  hand  and  danced.  After  a  time  he  chewed  some  of  the  Corn 
clan's  medicine  and  lighted  his  torch  by  blowing  a  strong  breath  of 
medicine  upon  it.  Extending  the  blazing  brand  toward  the  north, 
he  lighted  a  tire  at  a  great  distance,  and  a  fire  was  made  in  the  same 
manner  in  the  three  other  regions.  The  people,  looking  on,  were 
greatly  annoyed,  and  after  much  discussion  they  decided  that  this  man 
and  his  followers  were  sorcerers.  The  director  of  the  order  of  It'sep- 
cho with  his  fellows  wei-e  indignant  at  the  accusation,  and  declared: 
"We  are  not  sorcerers;  our  Mu"kwe  fathers  of  the  Corn  clan  taught 
us  this."  These  A'shiwi  were  so  offended  that  they  left  their  people 
and  joined  the  Corn  clan  of  the  Alu'kwe.  After  the  A'shiwi  and  the 
Mu"kwe  of  the  Corn  clan  had  been  together  four  yeais  (time  periods) 
they  traveled  to  where. the  other  Mu"kwe  had  settled  and  built  a  vil- 
lage on  the  most  eastern  of  the  three  mesas,  by  the  side  of  the  pueblo 
of  Walpi.  The  A'shiwi  named  this  village  Shi'wona,  after  the  village 
of  their  own  people  that  was  built  in  the  Middle  place  of  the  world.0 
During  their  stay  with  the  people  of  the  Corn  clan  the  A'shiwi  were 
initiated  further  into  the  rites  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity.  When  the 
A'shiwi  returned  to  their  people  after  their  long  absence  they  were 
received  with  great  ceremony,  and  the  ceremonials  of  the  Little  Fire 
fraternity  were  observed  with  the  greatest  interest.  The  above  account 
is  generally  believed,  though  a  different  version  is  given  by  some.     It 

'i  rtiwannu  was  also  called  Shi'wona. 


stevesson]  ORIGIN    OF    THE    FRATERNITIES  413 

is  ;is  follows:  A  party  of  Mu"kwe  came  to  the  A'shiwi  country  in 
search  of  their  god  Le'lentu."  This  long-looked-for  god  was  found  at 
the  spring  Shun'te'kiava.  at  the  base  of  the  mesa  bearing  the  same 
name,  and  near  Corn  mountain.  The  A'shiwi  Gods  of  War  also 
discovered  lVyatamu  at  this  place.  The  music  which  the  Mu"kwe 
beard  before  reaching  the  spring  guided  them  to  their  god  Le'lentu. 
This  god  of  the  Hopis  and  A'shiwi  is  supposed  to  be  short  in  stature, 
his  head  crowned  with  the  flowers  of  the  te'nas'siili  (mythical  plant 
which  bears  six-colored  blossoms).  While  these  Mu'iiwe,  who  were 
members  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  were  with  the  A'shiwi  they 
initiated  some  of  the  latter  into  their  secrets,  thus  organizing  a  Little 
File  fraternity  at  Hal'ona  as  at  Shi'wona.  The  Mii"kwe  having 
brought  cotton  with  them,  the  A'shiwi  women  spun  it  and  wove  it  into 
shirts,  which  were  presented  by  the  novices  to  the  Mu"kwe. 

Chi'klalikwe  (Rattlesnake)  fraternity  is  a  branch  of  the  U'huhukwe. 
Pe'shii'silo'kwe  (Cimex)  is  a  branch  of  the  Ma"ke  'San'nakwe.  'Ko'- 
shi"kwe  (Cactus  fraternity)  is  declared  by  theurgists  and  others  to 
have  been  adopted  long  since  from  the  Hopi  Indians. 

The  A'pi''lashiwanni  (Bow  priesthood)  was  created  by  the  Gods  of 
War  at  Hal'ona,  the}'  becoming  the  original  directors;  and  the  elder 
and  younger  brother  Bow  priests,  who  fill  the  places  of  the  Gods  of 
War  in  this  fraternity,  having  followed  them  in  direct  succession,  are 
supposed  to  be  as  infallible  through  their  initiation  as  were  the  gods 
who  preceded  them. 

Membership  in  the  fraternities  mentioned,  except  the  'Ko'shi'kwe 
and  A'pi'lashiwanni,  is  open  to  Zunis  of  both  sexes  and  of  all  ages 
above  4  or  5  years.  Besides  the  fraternities  mentioned,  there  is  the 
Ko'tikili  (Mythologie  fraternity). 

Though  the  fraternity  of  Sho'wekwe  (see  Games,  page  329)  still 
exists,  it  is  now  not  considered  worttrv  of  mention  by  the  Zunis.  Men 
make  use  of  it  to  waste  their  lives  in  casting  lots  instead  of  working. 

There  is  still  another  organization,  the  Struck-by -lightning  frater- 
nity. This  fraternity  has  its  standing  among  the  others,  and  no  less  a 
personage  than  Nai'uchi,  the  greatest  of  the  Zuiii  theurgists,  was 
treated  by  a  woman  of  the  fraternity  just  previous  to  his  death.  It  is 
interesting  to  the  writer  on  account  of  its  very  recent  origin,  giving 
her  an  insight  into  the  manner  of  creating  a  Zuiii  fraternity.  The 
following  was  the  story  related  by  the  director  of  the  Struck-by-light- 
ning  fraternity: 

In  the  summer  of  1891,  at  the  village  of  Xivtria,  five  men,  one  a  Navaho,  and  two 
women,  all  in  one  house,  were  made  senseless  by  lightning.  The  first  to  recover 
was  a  man,  the  husband  of  Catalina,  one  of  the  women  present.  He  thought  his 
companions  were  dead,  and  at  first  could  not  inquire  into  the  circumstances  of  this 
catastrophe.     Presently  one  of  the  women,  this  man's  sister,  began  crying,  and  then 

a  Le'lentu  of  the  Hopis  is  the  same  as  Pa'yatamu  of  the  Zunis.  The  description  by  both  peoples  of 
their  god  of  music,  butterflies,  and  flowers,  is  the  same. 


41-1  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

one  after  another  returned  to  consciousness  without  medical  aid,  except  Catalina 
an<l  the  Navaho  guest.  This  man's  body  had  been  badly  burned,  and,  though  he 
lived,  his  reason  was  gone.  They  all  agreed  that  the  shock  was  like  a  severe  stroke 
on  the  head  with  a  club.  The  news  was  at  once  dispatched  to  Zufii,  and  a  man  who 
bad  been  struck  by  lightning  in  the  previous  year  hastened  to  Xutria.  He  adminis- 
tered medicine  to  all  who  had  been  stunned.  Catalina  was  restored  by  a  piece  of 
wood  from  a  tree  which  had  been  struck  by  lightning.  The  charred  wood  was 
powdered  ami  applied  to  the  affected  part,  and  an  arrow  point  was  then  bound  over 
the  charred  wood  powder.  They  all  returned  to  Zufii  and  remained  four  days  in 
the  lower  room  of  the  house  of  Catalina,  observing  a  strict  fast,  taking  nothing  but  a 
little  prayer  meal  in  water.  After  the  heads  of  the  afflicted  were  washed  in  yucca 
suds,  te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes)  were  made  and  deposited  in  the  fields  to  the  light- 
ning-makers on  the  morning  after  the  fourth  night;  and  so  the  Struck-by-lightning 
fraternity  was  organized." 

It  is  a  natural  impulse  of  the  human  mind  to  seek  for  truth  and  to 
endeavor  to  account  for  the  phenomena  of  nature,  and  thus  philosophy 
grows.  Mythologic  philosophy  is  the  fruit  of  the  search  for  the 
knowledge  of  causes.  The  reasoning  of  aboriginal  peoples  is  by  anal- 
ogy, for  at  this  stage  of  culture  science  is  yet  unborn.  So  the  philos- 
opher of  early  times  is  the  myth-maker.  The  philosophy  of  primitive 
peoples  is  the  progenitor  of  natural  religion.  Religion  was  invented 
through  long  processes  of  analogic  reasoning.  The  Zufii  is  in  this 
stage  of  culture.  He  is  conscious  of  the  earth,  but  he  does  not  know 
its  form;  he  knows  something  of  what  the  earth  contains  beneath  its 
surface,  of  its  rivers  and  mountains,  and  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  all 
celestial  bodies  which  can  be  seen  without  optical  instruments;  he 
sees  the  lightning,  hears  the  thunder,  feels  the  winds,  and  knows  the 
value  of  rains  and  snows;  he  is  acquainted  with  the  beasts  of  the  for- 
ests, the  birds  and  insects  of  the  air,  the  fishes  of  the  rivers,  and 
knows  that  these  living  things  possess  attributes  not  attainable  by 
himself,  so  he  endows  these  animals  with  superior  or  supernatural 
qualities.  When  one  becomes  ill  from  any  other  cause  than  that  of 
a  wound,  he  may  be  treated  in  a  most  practical  manner  with  legiti- 
mate drugs,  but  if  the  disease  does  not  yield  readily  to  treatment, 
then  it  is  attributed  to  some  foreign  element  thrust  into  the  body  and 
beyond  the  power  of  man  to  overcome.  Nothing  is  left  but  to  appeal 
to  the  creatures  of  superior  qualities,  and  thus  a  system  of  theurgism 
develops.  Religion  and  medicine  become  a  dual  system.  The  animals 
that  are  worshiped  become  healers,  acting  through  the  agency  of  the 
theurgists.  These  theurgists  have  no  power  in  themselves  to  avert  the 
evil  of  sorcery;  they  must  first  pass  entirely  under  the  influence  of 
the  Beast  Gods.''     In  order  that  the  theurgist  should  heal  his  patient, 

"Though  this  fraternity  had  developed  into  a  well-recognized  organization  in  1904,  it  is  doubtful, 
owing  to  the  rapidly  changing  environment,  whether  the  Struck-by-lightning  fraternity  will  ever 
be  classed  with  the  older  esoteric  fraternities. 

''The  belief  that  beasts  of  prey  employ  human  agents  is  not  confined  totheZufiis;  it  seems  that 
the  sane  belief  i-  held  by  the  t'uur  d'Alcnc  Indians.  "The  medicine  man  was  considered  a  very 
powerful  being  by  Ids  tribe.  He  could  take  away  the  life  of  a  man  at  his  word  or  cure  a  sick  or 
dying  person.  His  power  depended  on  the  wild  beasts  that  are  fierce  and  powerful."  (Extract  from 
a   biter  written   by  Lieutenant  Campbell    E.  Babeock,  I'.  S.  Army,  to  the  United  States  National 

Museum.) 


stevensox]  ORIGIN    OF    THE    FRATERNITIES  415 

this  foreign  object  in  the  body  must  be  extracted,  and  the  method 
usually  adopted  is  curious.  Extravaganza  before  the  altar  and  the 
animal  fetishes  induces  the  spirit  of  the  animal  to  enter  the  body  of 
the  theurgist,  giving  him  the  power  to  discover  the  afflicted  part,  which 
is  often  done  by  holding  a  quartz  crystal  before  the  patient;  the  lips 
are  then  applied  to  the  flesh,  and  the  disease  is  drawn  out  by  suck- 
ing.'  A  theurgist  may  be  of  either  sex,  but  must  be  a  person  regu- 
larly initiated  into  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine.  Though  young 
children  of  both  sexes  enter  this  order,  they  do  not  practice  healing 
until,  in  the  opinion  of  elder  theurgists,  they  have  reached  years  of 
discretion,  when  they  become  members  of  the  first  degree.  A  dry 
painting  is  one  of  the  prominent  features  at  the  ceremony  of  initiation. 
A  ground  color  in  sand  is  laid  on  the  floor  before  the  tablet  altar  and 
made  perfectly  smooth,  and  upon  this  figures  are  delineated  by  sprink- 
ling powdered  pigment  with  the  thumb  and  index  finger.  These  paint- 
ings, of  more  or  less  elaborateness,  are  common  among  all  the  pueblo 
Indians,  the  Navahos,  the  Mission  Indians  of  California,  and  tribes  of 
the  north,  and  are  all  used  in  connection  with  medicine  practices.'' 

The  mode  of  joining  the  different  esoteric  fraternities  in  which  the 
sick  are  healed  through  Mystery  medicine  is  substantially  the  same. 
Although  those  restored  to  health  usually  join  the  fraternit}'  to  which 
the  theurgist  called  upon  belongs,  to  do  so  is  not  obligatory.  The  aim 
of  the  one  restored  to  health  is  to  become  a  member  of  the  Mj^stery 
medicine  order,  but  the  expense  of  the  necessary  gift  to  the  fraternity 
father  often  deprives  the  person  of  his  heart's  desire,  and  so  another 
order  is  joined  until  such  time  as  the  requisite  gift  is  secured.  When 
a  restored  patient  desires  to  join  the  order,  a  small  quantity  of  sacred 
meal,  composed  of  white  corn,  turquoise,  and  micaceous  hematite, 
coarsely  ground,  the  last  being  specially  acceptable  to  the  Beast  Gods, 
is  deposited  in  a  corn  husk.  It  is  then  folded  in  rectangular  form, 
tied  with  the  greatest  care,  and  carried  in  the  right  hand  of  the  restored 
invalid  to  the  theurgist  who  effected  the  cui'e.  In  case  the  patient  is  a 
young  child  the  offering  is  carried  by  a  parent.  A  similar  offering 
is  made  when  the  theurgist  is  called  upon  to  visit  the  sick.  It  is  also 
made  by  those  desiring  to  join  the  Sword  and  Fire  orders  of  a  frater- 
nity. The  theurgist  carries  the  package  at  night  to  one  of  the  points 
of  the  compass,  makes  an  excavation,  and  sprinkles  the  contents  of  the 
husk  into  it  as  an  offering  to  the  Beast  Gods. 

«This  process  of  sucking  to  cure  disease  is  not  confined  to  the  Zufiis,  but  is  common  among  the 
aboriginal  peoples  of  the  world,  differing  only  in  minor  details. 

&The  writer  can  not  say  how  widespread  is  the  observance  of  sand  painting,  but  the  low-caste  peo- 
ple of  India  design  their  gods  in  sand  on  the  ground  by  sprinkling  in  the  manner  described,  and  they 
also  have  sprinkling  cups  for  this  purpose.  Dr  Fewkes  has  several  interesting  specimens  of  sprink- 
ling cups,  supposed  to  have  been  used  in  the  dry  paintings,  in  his  collection  of  ancient  ceramics 
from  Arizona.  The  writer  has  never  observed  the  use  of  the  cups  among  the  Indians  of  the  Southwest. 
Unlike  our  Indians,  the  natives  of  India  do  not  have  a  ground  color  of  sand,  but  spread  the  surface 
with  diluted  chips  of  the  sacred  cow.  The  high  castes  have  greatly  elaborated  the  sand  paintings, 
which  are  used  by  them  purely  for  decoration.  This  same  feature  is  to  be  found  in  the  Renaissance, 
when  the  tables  of  the  French  were  bordered  in  elaborate  designs  with  powdered  marble. 


416  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  akn.  23 

Anyone  acceptable  to  the  fraternity  may  join  the  Fire  and  Sword 
orders,  whose  ceremonials  are  for  rains  and  .snows  and  have  nothing  to 
do  with  healing  the  sick.  The  father  of  the  chosen  fraternity  presents 
a  gift  of  a  blanket  to  a  male  and  of  a  woven  dress  to  a  female  novice. 
A  member  of  the  Mystery  medicine  order  may  ask  his  fraternity  father 
in  this  order  to  act  for  him  in  the  other  orders,  but  it  is  not  uncommon 
for  the  fraternity  father  to  reply:  "It  will  be  well  for  you  to  choose 
another  father,  as  I  have  no  gift  to  make  to  you." 

The  order  of  It'sepcho,  the  ceremonies  of  which  are  also  for  rains, 
can  be  joined  only  after  membership  has  been  gained  in  the  Fire  and 
Sword  orders,  unless  one  is  already  a  member  of  Mystery  medicine. 
The  fraternity  father  gives  to  the  novice  a  woman's  belt,  which  is 
worn  by  men  during  ceremonials.  The  order  of  Pa'yatamu  exists  onry 
in  the  Little  Fire  and  Cimex  fraternities  and  may  be  joined  only  by 
male  members  of  the  Mystery  medicine  order. 

For  four  days  previous  to  initiation  each  novice  of  a  fraternity  wears 
a  fluffy  eagle  plume  attached  to  the  hair,  and  if  a  man,  woman,  or 
child  accidentally  touch  a  member  of  the  Fire  and  Sword  orders  of 
a  fraternity  when  that  person  is  wearing  a  plume,  the  one  commit- 
ting this  offense  must  join  the  order;  or  if  one  step  upon  or  within 
the  meal  lines  which  are  drawn  at  ceremonial  times  on  the  roof  of  the 
ceremonial  chamber,  the  offender  must  join  the  Fire  or  Sword  order. 
If  the  wearer  of  a  plume  of  the  Mystery  medicine  order  of  the 
Ne'wekwe  be  touched  on  the  no'line  (penis)  or  breast,  the  offender  is 
compelled  to  join  the  order.  This  rule  is  also  observed  in  relation  to 
the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity,  which,  however,  does  not  practice  M}rs- 
tery  medicine,  their  medicine  having  come  to  them  from  the  Shumai'- 
koli  (certain  anthropic  gods)  and  not  from  the  Beast  Gods.  The  novice 
of  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  presents  his  fraternity  father  with 
a  finely  dressed  deerskin,  and  the  fraternity  father  in  turn  gives  a 
mi'li"  to  the  novice. 

AVhile  the  fetish  et'tone,  a  most  sacred  object  of  the  A'shiwanni, 
symbolizes  Earth  Mother,  rains,  and  vegetation,  including  all  that  sup- 
plies physical  nourishment  to  man,  the  mi'li  symbolizes  the  life-giving 
or  soul  power  which  comes  from  A'wonawil'ona,  the  supreme  bisex- 
ual power,  who  is  the  breath  of  life  and  life  itself.  And  when  the 
breath  of  the  plumes,  which  are  a  part  of  A'wonawil'ona,  is  inhaled, 
one  receives  that  life  which  is  the  great  mystery  and  which  when 
given  by  the  Supreme  Power  defies  all  life-destroying  agencies. 
Beneath  the  plumes  of  the  mi'li  are  an  ear  of  corn  and  other  seeds,* 
symbolizing  the  widespread  power  of  A'wonawil'ona.  The  Earth 
Mother,  even  though  she  be  embraced  by  the  rains  of  the  u'wannami 
(rain-makers),  could  not  yield  to  the  people  the  fruits  of  her  being  for 
physical    nourishment  without  the  all-pervading  power  of    A'wona- 

oSeep.  41C.  bSeep.  22. 


Stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF    THE    FRATERNITIES  417 

wil'ona.  The  healing  of  the  body  also  must  come  by  the  will  of  the 
Supreme  Power.  All  the  medicine  of  the  Beast  Gods  would  be  of  no 
value  unless  blessed  by  the  mysterious  life-giving  power  of  A'wona- 
wil'ona.  Therefore  each  person  initiated  into  the  order  of  Mystery 
medicine,  or  the  mystery  of  healing  through  the  Beast  Gods,  possesses 
a  mi'li,  which  is  constructed  by  the  fraternity  father  in  the  ceremonial 
chamber  while  singing  five  songs  in  the  presence  of  members  of  the 
order.  The  songs  are  addressed  to  A'wonawil'ona,  the  Sun  Father,  the 
Moon  Mother,  the  Beast  Gods  of  the  six  regions,  and  A'ehiyala'topa 
(being  with  wings  and  a  tail  of  knives).  When  completed,  the  mi'li  is 
placed  by  the  altar,  where  it  remains  until  given  to  the  novice. 

There  are  several  fraternities  to  which  the  preceding  rules  do  not 
apply.  The  'Hle'wekwe  has  a  Sword  order,  but  it  has  no  order 
of  Mystery  medicine.  It  has  one  mi'li,  composed  of  an  ear  of  corn, 
eight  turkey-tail  plumes,  with  a  few  smaller  bird  feathers,  and  a 
po'nepoyanne,"  and  it  possesses  an  et'tone.  The  manner  of  joining 
this  fraternity  is  given  in  the  ceremonial  of  the  'Hle'wekwe. 

'San'iakiakwe  has  no  order  of  Mystery  medicine,  but  each  member 
has  a  mi'li,  composed  of  an  ear  of  corn  surrounded  by  eight  turkey  tail 
plumes.  Though  this  fraternity  was  organized  specially  for  the  chase, 
it  was  initiated  into  the  mystery  of  playing  with  tire. 

Shu'maakwe  has  no  order  of  Mystery  medicine,  but  such  members 
as  have  the  septum  of  the  nose  pierced  possess  a  mi'li,  though  this  is 
quite  different  from  that  of  Mystery  medicine.  It  is  built  up  over  an 
ear  of  corn,  which  is  also  coinpletel}-  covered  with  plumes;  but  these 
plumes,  which  are  elaborate,  are  first  attached  to  four  slender  sticks, 
each  one  constituting  a  te'likinane  (pra}'er  plume),  this  having  a 
la'showanne  (one  or  more  plumes  attached  to  cotton  cord)  hanging 
from  its  tip.  A  stick  with  zigzag  marking,  symbolic  of  lightning, 
some  -±  inches  higher  than  the  prayer  plume,  its  upper  portion  colored 
blue  and  tipped  with  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  attached  with  a  cotton 
cord,  stands  in  the  center.  These  mi'wachi  (plural  for  mi'li)  are  not 
so  high  as  those  associated  with  Mystery  medicine.  All  mi'wachi  are 
associated  with  A'wonawil'ona.  The  base  of  the  Shu'maakwe  mi'li  is 
heavily  wrapped  for  4  inches  or  more  with  white  cotton  cord.  The 
one  which  the  writer  examined  had  two  spiral  shells  over  1  inch  long, 
with  a  piece  of  abalone  shell  the  size  of  a  silver  quarter  between  them, 
strung  on  the  cord  at  the  upper  portion  of  the  wrapping.  These 
adornments  are  referred  to  as  the  necklaces  of  the  mi'wachi. 

aThe  po'nepoyanne  (from  po'ne,  to  place;  poyanne,  bundle)  is  composed  of  an  ear  of  corn  sur- 
rounded by  a  number  of  reeds  tbe  length  of  the  middle  finger.  Each  reed  contains  pellets  of  the  epi- 
dermis secured  by  persistent  rubbing  of  the  body.  The  reeds  are  closed  at  the  ends  with  raw  cotton. 
They  are  securely  wrapped  together  with  cotton  cord  and  are  surrounded  with  eagles'  wing  feathers. 
These  plumes  must  be  dropped  by  wild  eagles  and  found  by  members  of  the  fraternity.  They  are 
given  to  the  director  of  the  fraternity,  who  attaches  the  plumes  to  the  fetish,  which  gradually 
becomes  larger  by  the  addition  of  the  plumes  as  they  are  found  from  time  to  time. 

23  eth— 04 27 


418  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  28 

On  the  fourth  morning  after  the  death  of  a  member  of  the  Mystery 
medicine  order,  the  director  having  taken  the  mi'li  of  the  deceased 
apart,  each  member  of  the  order  prepares  a  prayer  plume  from  the 
plumes  of  the  mi'li.  As  each  prayer  plume  is  completed,  the  maker 
prays  to  the  Beast  Gods  to  intercede  with  the  rain-makers  for  rains. 
and  draws  from  the  plumes  the  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona,  the  breath  of 
life.  He  also  prays  for  happiness  for  all,  and  that  they  may  not  die, 
but  live  to  old  age,  and  that  they  may  sleep  to  awake  in  Ko'thluwa- 
la'wa.  The  prayer  plumes  are  handed  to  the  director,  who,  after 
receiving  them,  makes  them  into  a  kia'etchine  (a  group  of  plumes 
wrapped  together  at  the  base)  and  deposits  it  in  the  river  that  the  spir- 
itual essence  of  the  plumes  and  prayers  may  be  carried  to  the  gods. 
The  same  process  is  observed  with  the  mi'li  of  a  deceased  Shu'maakwe, 
the  prayers  being  offered  to  the  Shumai'koli  gods  for  rains,  happi- 
ness, and  long  life. 

When  a  mi'li  is  disintegrated,  the  seeds  are  taken  from  the  cavity 
-of  the  corn  cob  and  the  grains  from  off  the  cob,  and  the}'  are  distrib- 
uted among  members  of  the  order,  who  plant  them  in  their  fields  in 
the  coming  year. 

The  Shi'wannakwe  do  not  destroy  their  mi'wachi.  The  mi'li  of  the 
deceased  is  kept  in  his  house  until  his  son  is  old  enough  to  join  the 
fraternity,  when  it  is  presented  to  him.  If  there  is  no  son,  or  should 
the  son  not  wish  to  join  the  fraternity,  the  director  of  the  fraternity 
presents  the  mi'li  to  whomever  he  chooses.  Although  the  writer  has 
never  allied  herself  with  an}'  of  the  fraternities,  several  of  them  have 
presented  to  her  sacred  objects  of  their  organizations;  among  these  is 
a  mi'li"  of  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  (see  plate  ci)  prepared  by 
Nai'uchi,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  warrior  of  the  Little  Fire 
fraternity,  which  was  presented  with  the  same  prayer  and  ceremony 
as  over  a  novice.  Nai'uchi  also  allowed  her  to  have  his  own  mi'li  for 
a  few  days,  with  the  promise  that  no  one,  unless  it  be  his  own  son, 
should  see  it. 

The  ear  of  corn  for  the  fetish  must  be  perfect  in  form  and  every 
portion  of  the  cob  must  be  covered.  Should  the  ear  be  irregular,  and 
it  often  occurs  that  a  straight  ear  can  not  be  found,  it  is  held  by  the 
fire  for  a  while,  the  breath  is  blown  on  it  for  a  few  minutes,  and  then 
it  is  securely  bound  to  a  rod  and  left  for  a  couple  of  days.  When 
removed  from  the  rod  the  ear  of  corn  is  straight.  Should  one  or 
more  grains  be  lacking  to  make  the  ear  a  ya'pota  (perfect  ear),  grains 
are  taken  from  another  ear  of  corn  and  attached  by  the  use  of  cement. 
After  the  portion  repaired  is  dampened  with  the  mouth,  several 
mouthfuls  of  water  are  thrown  over  the  ear  to  cleanse  it  thoroughly. 

The  son,  an  associate  shi'wanni  and  a  theurgist  of  no  mean  standing  in  the  Little 
Fire  fraternity,  who,  being  fraternity  father  to  several  persons,  had  constructed 

"This  fetish  was  deposited  in  the  United  States  National  Museum. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT.     PL.  CI 


1\ 


\    B 


*YH» 


EAR  OF  CORN  COVERED  WITH  PLUMES'  INSIGNIA  OF 
THE  ORDER  OF  O'NAYA'NA'KIA  (LIFE  GIVERS) 


■     .     '     ' 


Stevenson]  ORIGIJS    OF   THE    FRATERNITIES  419 

nii'waehi.  was  induced,  after  long  persuasion  extending  through  several  days,  to  take 
the  mi'li  of  his  father  and  that  of  the  writer  apart  and  reconstruct  them.  Great 
secrecy  was  observed  in  this  work.  When  he  sot  about  removing  the  seeds,  which 
were  in  a  cavity  in  the  corn  cob,  he  brought  an  ancient  pot  containing  a  paste  of 
blackish  earth  that  is  supposed  to  have  been  brought  from  the  undermost  world. 
With  this  earth  and  a  cement  of  pifion  gum  and  yucca  fruit  lie  closed  the  cavity 
upon  returning  the  seeds  to  their  place.  Depositing  the  jar  and  cement  before  him, 
he  removed  his  head-kerchief  and  moccasins  and  silently  prayed  to  A'wonawil'ona 
and  the  Beast  Gods  that  he  should  not  be  punished  for  desecrating  the  sacred 
nii'waehi.  To  prepare  a  mi'li  without  the  appropriate  ceremony  is  sacrilege.  This 
devotee  to  his  ritual  shed  tears  while  he  clandestinely  pulled  apart  and  repaired  the 
nii'waehi. 

His  father's  mi'li  wasfirst  handled.  The  string  containing  the  beads  was  removed, 
then  the  straw  covering  at  the  base,  after  which  the  plumes,  one  by  one,  were  dis- 
placed and  laid  on  the  floor  beside  the  worker.  The  earof  corn  was  now  taken  from 
the  buckskin  cup  which  held  it;  the  cotton  cloth  was  loosened  from  the  base  of  the 
corn;  the  clay  which  sealed  the  cavity  in  the  cob  was  broken  from  the  base  of  the 
corn,  and  the  seeds  were  removed.  Other  seeds  were  emptied  from  the  buckskin 
cup.  All  these  objects  were  laid  down  in  order  with  the  tenderest care.  The  writer's 
mi'li  passed  through  the  same  form  of  disintegration,  and  the  objects  were  laid  a 
little  apart  from  the  others. 

In  the  reconstruction  the  theurgist  worked  first  on  the  writer's  mi'li.  He  ran 
four  fresh  lines  of  paint,  made  by  diluting  some  of  the  earth  paste,  lengthwise  over 
the  lines  which  were  made  when  the  mi'li  was  originally  fashioned.  These  are  sym- 
bolic of  the  four  regions.  He  then  refilled  the  cavity  in  the  heart  of  the  cob  with 
the  seeds,  which  include  corn  grains  of  the  six  colors — wheat,  squash,  watermelon, 
ami  nmsknielon  seeds,  beans,  and  pifion  nuts.  When  the  cavity  was  closed  with 
the  earth  paste,  the  cotton  cloth  was  tied  over  the  base  of  the  cob,  symbolic  of  the 
apparel  of  the  Mother  Corn.  The  theurgist  showed  how'  the  buckskin  cup  in  which 
the  base  of  the  ear  rested  was  made,  placing  it,  after  removing  the  thong  lacing,  in 
a  small  bowl  of  warm  water,  and  leaving  it  there  until  it  was  thoroughly  pliable. 
This  piece  of  dressed  buckskin,  which  was  dyed  black  ami  rectangular  in  form,  was 
laid  on  the  floor  while  wet.  A  disk  of  raw  deer  hide  was  held  at  the  base  of  the  ear 
of  corn  as  it  stood  in  the  center  of  the  piece  of  buckskin.  It  seemed  difficult  to 
form  this  rectangular  piece  of  leather  into  the  desired  shape.  The  left  hand  held  the 
corn  in  place  while  the  real  work  was  performed  with  the  right  hand.  The  moist 
leather  was  pulled  and  fitted  to  the  corn,  the  left  thumb  doing  its  share  in  the  way 
of  pressing  the  leather  into  shape.  Holes  were  punched  in  the  laps  of  the  leather, 
and  moist  thongs  were  used  to  lace  the  laps  together.  Various  seeds  w:ere  dropped 
into  the  cup  before  the  lacings  were  tightened,  after  which  the  cup  was  securely 
wrapped  with  the  thong  and  tied.  At  the  present  time  some  of  the  cups  used  for 
nii'waehi  are  cut  from  blocks  of  wood,  this  process  being  much  easier  than  the  shap- 
ing of  the  leather;  but  the  leather  cup  is  the  genuine  and  original  kind.  The  cup 
containing  the  ear  of  corn  was  set  aside  while  the  plumes  were  being  arranged  in 
proper  order,  each  variety  of  feathers  being  placed  in  a  separate  row.  Each  of  the 
lour  long  parrot,  or  macaw,  plumes  was  first  attached  to  a  slender  stick,  and  after- 
ward cotton  cord  was  tied  to  the  ear  of  corn  and  held  in  the  mouth  two  fingers'  length 
from  the  corn.  One  of  the. macaw  plumes  was  now  attached  to  the  ear  by  binding 
to  it  the  end  of  the  slender  stick  to  which  the  plume  was  attached,  the  plume  extend- 
ing far  above  the  top  of  the  corn.  A  similar  plume  was  bound  at  the  opposite  side 
of  the  corn  by  wrapping  the  end  of  the  stick.  A  third  was  placed  between  the  two, 
and  a  fourth  opposite  the  third,  thus  symbolizing  the  four  quarters.  The  four  sticks 
were  now  wrapped  together  where  they  were  attached  to  the  plumes,  which  drew 
the  four  plumes  close  together.    Figure  26  shows  the  mi'li  at  this  stage  of  reconstruc- 


420 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


tion.     Six  white  o'wa  (dove)  plumes  from  the  tail  of  the  male  bird  followed  next, 
each  one  being  wrapped  on  separately. 

The  mi'li  was  now  placed  for  a  few  minutes  beside  the  low  fire,  while  the  theur- 
gist sat  in  silence,  his  lips  moving  in  prayer.  Then  six  mai'ya  (Cyanocitta  macro- 
lopha)  tail  plumes,  representing  eyes,  were  added.  Three  green  macaw  plumes 
followed  these;  next  twelve  wing  feathers  from  the  male  duck's  shoulder;  then  six 
male  dove  wing  plumes;  following  these  fifteen  duck  feathers  from  under  the  wing; 
after  these  twenty  small  red  parrot  feathers;  and  then  three  white  fluffy  eagle 
plumes  were  attached,  representing  the  feather  adornment  on  the  head  of  the  Corn 
Mother.  A  band  of  fourteen  small  turkey  feathers,  from  the  top  of  the  neck  of  the 
male  bird,  completed  the  plumes  of  the  mi'li.  The  plumes  were  arranged  with  the 
greatest  precision.  The  cord,  still  held  in  the  mouth,  was  wrapped  loosely  around 
the  feathers  to  the  tip  of  the  long  macaw  plumes,  where  it  was  secured,  and  the 
mi'li  was  stood  on  the  floor  while  the  ease  for  the  base,  which  was  made  of  wheat 
straw,  was  moistened  aiid  delicately  manipulated  into  shape.    It  was  set  aside  for  a 


Fig.  26— Theurgrist  reconstructing  the  mi'li. 

few  moments  and  then  drawn  over  the  mi'li  from  the  top;  hence  the  extra  wrap- 
pin<_'  of  the  plumes  with  the  cord.  The  case  was  carefully  fitted  to  the  base,  and 
the  outer  wrapping  of  cord,  being  now  removed  from  the  plumes,  was  used  to  secure 
the  top  edge  of  the  straw.  After  the  cord  was  wound  many  times  around,  it  was 
carefully  fastened  by  tucking  it  under  the  wrapping.  Bits  of  shell  and  beads  tied 
around  the  top  of  the  straw  with  a  cotton  cord  completed  the  mi'li  of  the  order  of 
Mystery  medicine.  The  theurgist  repeated  a  long  prayer  while  he  held  the  mi'li; 
then,  after  passing  it  four  times  over  the  writer's  mouth,  that  she  might  draw  in  the 
sacred  breatb  from  the  fetish,  he  handed  it  to  her,  saying,  "  Receive  your  father." 
To  a  male  he  would  say,  "  Receive  your  mother."  The  same  procedure  was 
observed  in  rebuilding  the  father's  mi'li,  except  that  the  buckskin  cup  was  not  dis- 
turbed. When  the  father's  fetish  was  completed  the  young  theurgist,  with  tears  on 
his  cheeks  and  with  a  deep  sigh,  said,  "  I  have  pleased  my  mother,  but  I  have 
offended  mv  gods." 


stevesson]  ORIGIN    OF   THE    FRATERNITIES  421 

The  'Ko'shi'kwe  and  A'pi"lashiwanni  are  not  divided  into  orders 
like  the  other  fraternities.  Those  who  have  performed  valorous  deeds, 
such  as  killing-  an  enemy,  may  join  the  'Ko'shi'kwe;  one  must  not 
only  have  killed  the  enemy,  but  must  have  brought  in  the  scalp,  to 
entitle  him  to  membership  in  the  A'pi''lashiwanni — at  least  such  was 
the  custom  until  more  recent  years.  The  cessation  of  intertribal  wars, 
with  the  consequent  absence  of  scalps,  has  so  depleted  this  organiza- 
tion, in  many  respects  the  most  powerful  in  Zuiii,  that  men  who  have 
never  been  in  an  engagement  with  the  enemy  are  received  into  the 
fraternity,  and  the  ceremony  of  initiation  occurs  exactly  as  if  they 
were  genuine  victors,  an  old  scalp  from  the  scalp  house,  without  a 
vestige  of  hair,  being  used  in  place  of  the  fresh  scalp. 

All  the  fraternities  except  the  'Hle'wekwe,  'Ko'shi'kwe,  and  A'pi"- 
lashiwanni  hold  synchronal  meetings  for  eight  dajrs  and  nights  at  the 
winter  solstice  (see  page  112),  when  the  sick  are  healed,  swords  are 
swallowed  by  those  belonging  to  the  Sword  order  of  the  Great  Fire 
fraternity,  and  playing  with  tire  and  jugglery  are  practiced.  There  is 
no  initiation  at  this  time.  Suds  to  symbolize  snow  clouds  are  made  by 
the  deputy  a'kwamosi  (maker  of  medicine  water),  who  whips  in  a  bowl 
of  water  witli  a  reed,  such  as  arrow  shafts  are  made  of,  a  crushed  or 
broken  root,  praying  meantime  for  cold  rains  and  snows.  At  other 
times  meetings  of  these  fraternities  do  not  continue  longer  than  one 
day  and  a  night  unless  there  is  to  be  an  initiation,  when  the  fraterni- 
ties must  convene  during-  four  days — for  three  nights  until  midnight, 
for  the  fourth  until  sunrise. 

The  'Ko'shi'kwe  meets  on  the  first  day  and  night  only  of  the  festival 
of  the  winter  solstice.  The  members  of  the  A'pi"lashiwanni  meet 
separately  at  this  time  with  the  fraternities  to  which  they  are  allied  as 
warriors  or  guardians  of  the  altars  and  fetishes.  The  fraternities 
having  the  order  of  jVTvstery  medicine  meet  in  January  for  initiation 
and  to  heal  the  sick.  They  may  or  may  not  practice  jugglery.  Such 
fraternities  as  have  the  Fire  order  meet  in  Februaiy.  As  a  rule,  only 
the  Little  Fire  and  Cimex  fraternities  meet  in  March,  and  their  meet- 
ings occur  but  once  in  four  years,  the  Cimex  alternating  quadrenni- 
ally with  the  Little  Fire  in  the  Great  Fire  dance.  The  fraternities  do 
not  convene  in  April  and  May.  There  are  s}Tnchronous  meetings  of 
the  fraternities  at  the  summer  solstice,  to  invoke  the  Beast  Gods  to 
intercede  with  the  rain-makers  for  rain,  when  the  A'pi"liishiwanni  act 
as  warriors  and  guardians  of  the  altars,  as  they  do  at  the  winter  sol- 
stice. No  ceremonies  of  the  fraternities  are  held  in  July.  The  frater- 
nities, except  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  A'pi"lashiwanni,  convene  in  August 
and  September  to  prepare  their  plant  medicines,  at  which  times  there 
are  elaborate  ceremonies.  These  fraternities  meet  ao-ain  in  October  and 
November  for  initiation,  when  the  sick  are  healed  and  fire  eating  and 


422  THE    ZUN1    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

jugglery  are  practiced.  Meetings  may  be  held  at  other  times  at  the 
discretion  of  the  director  for  initiation,  but  this  is  done  only  in  extreme 
cases.     Though  concurrent  meetings  of  elaborate  character  occur  only 

at  the  winter  and  summer  solstices,  it  may  happen  that  two  or  more 
fraternities  convene  at  the  same  time,  the  date  for  the  meetings  beino- 
fixed  by  the  director,  who  has  direct  control  over  the  fraternity,  the 
exception  being  the  Shu'maakwe:  the  director  of  this  fraternity  is 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest)  and  it  may  convene 
only  at  his  command,  and  the  sun  priest  is  usually  punctual  in  his 
notices  to  the  director  that  the  fraternity  meet  with  the  others." 

The  'Ko'shi'kwe  hold  but  three  meetings  annually,  and  the  novices 
must  wait  for  a  regular  meeting  to  join  the  fraternity.  The  A'pi"lashi- 
wanni  have  the  scalp  ceremonial  for  initiation  once  in  three  or  four 
years,  at  the  will  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  It  is  depended  on 
to  bring  rains  in  case  of  severe  drought.  This  fraternity  also  has  an 
annual  festival  of  thanksgiving,  known  as  the  '"Harvest  dance."  The 
'Hle'wekwe  hold  but  two  regular  meetings  annually,  in  January  and 
February,  and  a  name  presented  for  membership  must  be  held  over 
for  a  year  before  the  person  can  be  received  into  the  fraternity.  The 
Wood  order  (Sword  swallowers)  of  the  Great  Fire  hold  synchronous 
meetings  with  the  'Hle'wekwe  in  January  and  February,  each  fra- 
ternity having  its  warrior  or  warriors  from  the  A'pi'lashiwanni. 
Except  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  Shu'maakwe,  each  fraternity  is  notified  of 
a  meeting  to  be  held  by  one  of  its  warriors,  who  goes  from  house  to 
house  saying  to  the  members:  "Our  father  (referring  to  the  director) 
wishes  the  fraternity  to  meet."  The  party  addressed  replies:  "It  is 
well.'1  The  members  of  the  'Hle'wekwTe  are  notified  through  the 
Kia'kwemosi,  rain  priest  of  the  North,  and,  as  has  been  stated,  the 
Shu'maakwe  are  notified  by  the  sun  priest. 

The  members  of  all  the  fraternities  gather  semimonthly  in  the  cere- 
monial chamber  to  prepare  prayer  plumes,  which  they  otter  to  their 
gods.  The  tablet  altars  are  often  placed  for  these  occasions.  The 
men  prepare  offerings  for  their  fraternity  children  of  the  opposite  sex 
and  for  boys  not  old  enough  to  have  received  voluntary  initiation  into 
the  Ko'tikili. 

When  a  woman  loses  a  fraternity  father  she  must  choose  another 
to  fill  his  place,  because  women  can  not  prepare  prayer  plumes  unless 
they  are  members  of  the  Ko'tikili.  A  male  member  of  her  fraternity 
father's  clan  presents  a  quantity  of  meal  wrapped  in  corn  husk;  laying 
this  in  the  palm  of  a  man's  hand,  he  prays  and  announces  to  him  that 
he  has  been  chosen  to  fill  the  place  of  the  deceased  fraternity  father. 
The  only  case,  so  far  as  the  writer  has  been  able  to  learn,  in  which 

"The  pe'kwin  having  been  a  little  tardy  in  1892.  the  director  of  the  fraternity  complained  to  the 
writer  that  he  had  not  yet  been  notified  to  hold  the  ceremonial  which  should  occur  in  February.  On 
the  lollowing  day  his  mind  was  set  at  rest  by  the  notification  from  the  sun  priest. 


Stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF   THE    FRATERNITIES  423 

women  not  associated  with  the  Ko'tikili  make  prayer  plumes,  though 
they  sometimes  color  the  sticks  to  which  the  plumes  are  attached,  is 
after  a  woman  has  severed  her  connection  with  the  U'huhukwe"  frater- 
nity. She  must  then  prepare  plume  offerings,  having-  been  instructed 
by  her  fraternity  father,  and  must  deposit  them  as  though  she  were 
still  a  member  of  the  fraternity. 

Prayer  plumes  are  made  and  deposited  at  the  new  and  full  moon 
of  each  month  by  the  members  of  all  the  fraternities  except  the 
'Hle'wekwe;  also  at  the  winter  and  summer  solstices,  upon  the  death 
of  a  member,  and  at  meetings  of  the  fraternity.  The  plumes  are 
deposited  in  the  tields,  at  shrines  of  the  various  fraternities  and  in 
other  places.  The  Great  Fire,  the  Little  Fire,  the  Cimex,  the  Eagle 
Down,  and  the  Rattlesnake  fraternities  plant  prayer  plumes  in  April 
at  a  shrine  south  of  Zufli  dedicated  to  the  rattlesnake,  where  they 
invoke  the  snakes  to  intercede  with  the  rain-makers  to  send  rams  upon 
Zuiii.  The  sticks  of  these  offerings  are  colored  red,  with  black  lines 
at  one  end  to  indicate  the  rattle.  Figure  27  shows  the  shrine.  Prayer 
plumes  made  semimonthly  are  deposited  in  the  cornfields  or  melon 
patches.  In  the  autumn,  fruits  and  all  edible,  seeds  are  also  buried 
in  the  fields  as  offerings  of  thanksgiving,  with  supplications  for  abun- 
dant supplies  in  the  coming-  year.  At  the  full  moon  of  October  the 
altar  is  erected  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  the  members  sing 
until  midnight. 

The  ceremonials  of  the  fraternities,  the  Ko'tikili  excepted,  are  held 
in  large  chambers  on  the  ground  floor,  which  are  ordinarily  used  as 
the  general  living  rooms  for  the  families.  Whenever  possible,  these 
rooms  must  extend  east  and  west,  and  almost  invariably  they  do,  in 
order  that  the  altar  may  face  east  and  the  first  light  of  day  enter 
through  the  eastern  window. 

Each  fraternity  asserts  that  it  has  occupied  its  present  ceremonial 
chamber  since  the  founding  of  Zuni,  except  the  branch  fraternities, 
which  had  to  find  for  themselves  other  rooms  where,  when  once  located, 
they  have  remained.  The  rooms  have  been  enlarged  and  improved 
from  time  to  time.  Prior  to  the  occupation  of  a  room  by  a  fraternity 
the  household  moves  out  and  gives  the  room  a  general  cleaning.  They 
do  not  remove,  however,  until  just  previous  to  the  convening  of  the 
fraternity.  Their  presence  in  the  chamber  does  not  interfere  with 
the  meeting  of  the  members  to  rehearse  their  songs  and  talk  over 
matters.  The  men  and  women  of  the  house,  who  are  not  members  of 
the  fraternity,  converse  or  go  to  bed  with  the  children  without  paying 
the  slightest  attention  to  the  group  present  or  their  songs.  The  songs 
are  not  begun,  however,  until  the  non-members  are  supposed  to  be 
asleep. 

a  See  U'huhukwe  fraternity. 


424 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


The  fraternities  do  not  routine  themselves  to  songs  in  the  Zuni 
tongue.  The  Shi'wannakwe  and  Ne'wekwe  sing  in  the  Zuni  and  Santo 
Domingo  languages,  the  'San'iakiakwe  in  Zuni  and  Laguna,  the  'Hle'- 
wekwe  in  Zuni  and  Acoma,  the  Ma"ke  'hlan'nakwe  in  Ke'pachu,"  the 
Hii'lo'kwe  in  Zuni  and  Santo  Domingo,  the  U'huhukwe  and  Chi'klalikwe 


Fig.  27— Shrine  dedicated  to  the  Rattlesnake. 

in  Zuni  and  Tewan,  the  Shu'maakwe  in  Pima,  the  Ma"ke  'San'nakwe 
in  Zuni,  A'pachu  (Navaho),  and  Mu"kwe  (Hopi).  The  Mu"kwe  are 
said  to  have  learned  the  A'pachu  songs  from  these  people  soon  after 
they  came  to  this  world;  the  'Ko'shi'kwe  sing  in  Zuni  and  Hopi;  the 
Pi'"'lashiwaimi  in  Zuni  and  Laguna.     According  to  the  legend,  the 

nThe  Ke'pachu  are  said  by  the  Zufiis  to  be  a  people  living  far  north  of  their  Zuni  country.  These 
people  are  said  to  live  in  tents  of  deerskin  and  wear  clothing  of  the  same  skins  (sec  Great  Fire 
fraternity). 


steve'nso.n]  ORIGIN    OF    THE    FRATERNITIES  425 

A'pachu  were  friendly  with  the  Zunis  iind  Mu"kwe  when  they  first 
came  through  Ji'mi'kianapkiatea,  but  they  did  not  attach  proper 
importance  to  the  a'mosi  (directors)  of  the  Zunis,  who  resented  the 
slight  and  insisted  upon  going  to  war.  The  A'pachu  did  not  wish  to 
tight,  but  the  Zunis  attacked  them  and  drove  them  to  the  north. 

The  pottery  drums  of  the  fraternities  are  curled  at  the  mouth, 
which  prevents  any  slipping  of  the  rope  that  fastens  the  deerskin 
which  is  stretched  over  the  opening.  These  drums  are  vase-shaped, 
and  have  a  ground  color  of  white  or  cream,  and  are  generally  deco- 
rated with  cougars,  bears,  and  snakes.  The  beasts  are  usually  repre- 
sented in  combat  with  one  another;  the  snakes  likewise.  Some  rare 
old  specimens  of  these  drums  were  secured  by  Mr  Stevenson  and 
deposited  in  the  National  Museum  at  Washington. 

The  tablet  altars  of  the  fraternities  are  made  in  sections,  and  when 
not  in  use  are  stored  away.  They  are  freshly  decorated  for  ceremo- 
nials, as  the  Zunis  have  not  acquired  the  art  of  permanent  coloring. 
The  altars  and  dry  paintings  which  appear  in  the  ceremonials  are 
referred  to  as  t£sh'kwi  (not  to  be  touched).  The  number  of  officers 
varies  in  different  fraternities.  The  a'kwamosi  (maker  of  medicine 
water)  sits  north  of  the  altar,  and  his  pe'kwln  (deputy)  sits  south  of  it. 
The  flutist,  with  rare  exceptions,  sits  behind  the  altar  while  he  plays. 

Great  care  is  observed  in  washing  the  hair  in  yucca  suds  and  bath- 
ing for  ceremonials,  since  an  unclean  person  is  most  offensive  to  the 
tutelary  gods.  The  bath  is  repeated  in  the  morning  and  evening  of 
each  day  during  the  meetings,  the  men  frequently  taking  their  morn- 
ing baths  in  the  river,  at  other  times  disrobing  to  the  breechcloth  and 
bathing  in  the  general  living  room.  Women  of  the  family  wash  the 
men's  hair  and  one  another's. 

The  process  of  the  women's  bath  is  tedious.  The  woman  goes  to  a 
corner  of  the  general  living  room  and  bathes  without  removing  the 
cotton  camis.  If  this  garment  is  to  be  worn  after  the  bath,  great 
care  must  be  taken  to  prevent  it  from  getting  too  wet;  if  it  is  to  be 
changed,  it  is  used  as  a  towel  for  the  lower  portion  of  the  body,  and 
the  pi'toni  (the  cotton  piece  worn  over  the  shoulders)  is  used  to  dry 
the  remainder  of  the  body.  It  is  astonishing  how  adroitly  the  women 
manage  not  to  be  exposed  during  the  bath,  yet  this  precaution  seems 
unnecessary,  since  the  men  present  appear  not  to  have  the  slightest 
concern  in  the  ablutions  of  the  women. 

The  high-necked  and  long-sleeved  cotton  garment  is  discarded  by 
the  women  for  ceremonials,  and  their  necks  and  arms  are  bare.  Men 
wear  their  cotton  shirts  and  trousers  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  but 
afterward  discard  them,  wearing,  except  on  rare  occasions,  only  a 
woven  breechcloth  in  the  dances.  The  moccasins  of  both  sexes  are 
always  removed  on  entering  the  chamber.  The  strictest  etiquette  is 
observed  in  these  ceremonials.     No  one  enters  the  chamber  without 


426  THE    '/UNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  28 

giving  and  receiving  a  greeting  of  welcome,  the  newcomer  being  asked 
to  be  seated.  No  one  is  allowed  to  fall  asleep  in  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber except  such  members  as  arc  held  almost  sacred  on  account  of  their 
extreme  age.  The  offender  is  at  once  touched  in  no  gentle  manner 
by  some  member.  Pregnant  women  and  young  children  are  held  as 
severely  to  account  as  the  others.  After  the  close  of  the  ceremonial 
the  head  of  each  member  is  washed  in  yucca  suds.  Continence  is 
observed  during  the  ceremonials  and  the  four  days  following,  for  all 
carnal  thoughts  must  be  dispensed  with  at  this  season. 

The  plume  which  is  worn  for  four  days  by  the  novice,  during 
which  time  he  must  observe  continence  and  abstain  from  animal  food 
and  grease  (the  fast  continues  for  four  days  after  initiation),  is  removed 
the  morning  previous  to  initiation  (the  initiatory  ceremony  as  a  rule 
occurs  during  the  fourth  night  of  the  ceremonial)  at  Ku'shilowa  (red 
earth),  a  short  distance  east  of  Zufii,  by  the  fraternity  father,  who 
ties  the  plume  mentioned  to  a  blade  of  yucca,  sprinkles  it  with  meal, 
and  then,  with  a  prayer  for  long  life  and  a  true  heart  for  the  novice, 
deposits  the  plume  on  the  ground.  A  similar  plume  is  tied  to  the  hair 
when  the  person  is  decorated  for  the  initiation  ceremonies.  Ku'shi- 
lowa is  a  great  repository  for  these  plumes  and  te'likinawe,  and  hun- 
dreds of  plumeless  sticks  are  to  be  found  there. 

On  returning,  the  member  elect  goes  to  the  house  of  the  fraternity 
father,  where  the  wife  or  daughter  bathes  his  head.  Afterward  he  is 
entertained  at  a  feast  at  which  no  animal  food  must  be  taken.  When 
the  members  of  the  fraternity  have  completed  their  toilets  for  the  even- 
ing, the  novices  take  their  seats  in  line  on  the  north  side  of  the  room 
near  the  altar  until  the  fraternity  fathers  are  ready  to  prepare  them 
for  the  ceremony,  when  they  cross  to  the  south  side  of  the  room, 
standing  usually  near  the  fireplace,  where  each  fraternity  father  adorns 
the  person  of  his  fraternity  child.  For  Mystery  medicine  the  face, 
body,  upper  arms,  and  legs  of  the  males  are  colored  brownish  red. 
The  feet,  the  legs  halfway  to  the  knees,  the  hands,  and  the  arms  half- 
way to  the  elbows  are  colored  with  a  white  paint  made  of  kaolin. 
A  black  woven  breechcloth,  embroidered  at  the  ends,  is  worn.  With 
females  only  the  feet,  the  lower  portion  of  the  legs,  the  hands,  and  the 
arms  are  painted,  kaolin  also  being  used  for  this  purpose.  They  wear 
the  usual  woven  dress.  An  owl  and  a  raven  feather,  held  in  place  by 
yucca  ribbons,  are  crossed  on  the  top  of  each  wrist,  the  owl  feather 
pointing  outward,  the  other  pointing  inward.  Similar  feathers  are 
also  crossed  on  the  outside  of  each  leg  below  the  knee,  the  owl  feather 
pointing  to  the  knee,  that  the  child  of  Mystery  medicine  may  be  up 
early  with  the  raven  and  go  about  at  night,  without  fear,  like  the  owl. 
The  chin  and  the  upper  lip  are  covered  with  a  paste  of  kaolin,  a  circle 
of  which  is  put  around  the  top  of  the  head,  and  hawk  or  eagle  down  is 
dotted  over  the  kaolin,  symbolic  of  the  clouds  of  the  world.  After 
the  adornment  of  their  person  the  novices  return  to  their  seats  on  the 


stevenson]  ORIGIN    OF    THE    FRATERNITIKS  427 

ledge,  and  their  hands  are  held  in  turn  by  the  invited  female  guests. 
In  some  instances  the  wife  of  the  fraternity  father  sits  on  the  left  of 
the  novice  and  the  elder  sister  of  the  fraternity  father  on  the  right. 
This  custom  is  also  followed  by  the  'Hle'wekwe. 

The  closing  ceremonies  at  sunrise  are  substantially  the  same  with 
all  the  fraternities  having  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine.  Boxes  or 
low  stools  are  placed  in  line  near  the  center  of  the  floor  and  are  covered 
with  blankets.  The  novices  are  led  by  their  fraternity  parents  and 
seated  upon  these  boxes,  facing  east.  The  wife  or  sister  of  each  fra- 
ternity parent  stands  behind  the  novice,  resting  a  hand  on  each  shoul- 
der. A  vase  of  water  and  a  bowl  containing  yucca  root  are  set  before 
each  novice,  and  the  makers  of  the  suds  stand  beside,  them.  Each 
fraternity  parent  now  takes  the  gifts  for  his  child  from  the  altar  and 
stands  east  of  the  bowl  and  before  his  child.  Each  novice  receives  a 
mi'li,  four  ears  of  corn  tied  together  with  yucca  ribbon,  prayer  plumes, 
of  which  each  member  of  the  order  has  made  two,  wrapped  together 
at  the  ends  with  corn  husks,  and  two  eagle-wing  plumes,  one  of  the 
plumes  having  a  nutty  eagle  feather  colored  red,  emblem  of  Mystery 
medicine,  attached  to  its  tip.  Before  the  presentation  of  each  gift  it 
is  drawn  four  times  across  the  left  side  of  the  head,  four  times  over 
the  crown  of  the  head,  then  across  the  right  side,  and  then  before  the 
mouth  of  the  candidate,  who  inhales  the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'- 
ona.  The  gifts  are  held  in  the  left  arm  of  the  novice,  and  they  are 
about  as  much  as  a  child  can  manage. 

After  the  women  prepare  the  suds  they  rise,  and  the  fraternity 
parents,  being  in  line  outside  of  where  the  makers  of  the  suds  stand, 
pass  before  them,  starting  at  the  south  end,  and  dipping  their  plumes 
into  each  bowl  they  deposit  the  suds  on  the  novices'  heads.  Then 
each  member  of  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  repeats  this  act,  also 
passing  from  the  south  end,  the  members  of  the  choir  returning  to 
their  places.  The  head  and  hands  of  each  candidate  are  afterward 
thoroughly  washed  by  those  who  prepared  the  suds,  and  the  hair  is 
wiped  by  the  mother  or  sister  of  the  fraternity  parent.  Each  fra- 
ternity parent  now  removes  his  mi'li  from  the  altar  and  passes  it  four 
times  in  line  downward  before  the  mouth  of  each  novice  while  the 
sacred  breath  is  drawn.  The  mi'li  is  put  to  the  left  side  of  the  face, 
to  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  then  to  the  right  side  of  the  face.  As 
the  members  do  not  afterward  return  to  their  positions,  the  choir 
becomes  gradually  reduced,  until  only  one  besides  the  drummer 
remains,  and  his  voice  and  the  drum  die  away  when  they  come  for- 
ward with  their  mi'wachi.  The  bowl  that  the  head  is  bathed  in  is  a 
gift  to  the  novice.  The  women  of  the  fraternity  father's  family  and 
of  the  family  of  the  candidate  exchange  gifts  of  flour,  cornmeal,  etc/' 
The  women  of  the  fraternit}-  and  the  families  of  the  male  members 
furnish  and  prepare  the  food  consumed  during  the  ceremonial  days. 

a  Exceptions  to  these  rules  will  be  mentioned  in  the  description  of  the  ceremonials. 


428  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann2c 


Shi'wannakwe" 

Tlie  Shi'wannakwe  and  'San'iakiakwe  are  the  only  fraternities  which 
do  not  observe  the  fast  from  animal  food  at  the  winter  solstice  festival, 
these  two  fraternities  having  at  the  time  of  their  origin  received  direct 
instructions  from  the  Divine  Ones  not  to  observe  the  fast.  The  Shi'- 
wannakwe must  not,  however,  touch  jack  rabbit  as  food  at  any  time. 
This  fraternity  has  three  orders — 0'na3Ta'nakIa  (Mystery  medicine), 
It'sepcho  (Jugglery),  and  Ma"ke  (Fire).  The  novice  usually  does  not 
appear  before  the  fraternity  until  the  fourth  night,  when  the  fraternity 
father  escorts  him  from  his  home  to  the  ceremonial  chamber^ 

The  writer  failed  to  get  a  sketch  of  the  tablet  altar,  which  is  similar 
to  those  of  the  other  fraternities.  Plate  en  shows  the  dry  painting 
which  is  made  at  the  time  of  initiation.  This  painting  is  not  directly 
associated  with  the  worship  of  beasts  of  prey,  but  with  celestial 
worship.  «,  Outline  of  tablet  altar;  h,  mi'wachi  of  the  order  of 
O'naya'nakia;  c,  line  of  meal;  '7,  Yu'pia'hlan'na'' (Galaxy),  formed  of 
meal  and  outlined  in  charred  corncob;  e.  sun  symbol;  f,  moon  symbol. 
The  sun  and  moon  are  formed  of  corn  pollen,  burnt  corncob,  crushed 
turquoise,  and  other  mineral  colors.  These  two  emblems  are  about  5 
inches  in  diameter.  The  lines  extending  from  the  disks  denote  the 
sun's  rays. 

At  an  initiation  into  the  Shi'wannakwe  fraternity  the  meal  from 
the  symbol  of  the  Galaxy  is  rubbed  on  the  novice,  as  the  sands  are 
in  initiatory  ceremonies  in  orders  associated  with  Mystery  medicine.0 
The  meal  is  afterward  gathered  in  corn  husks  and  carried  with  prayer 
plumes  to  the  shi'ine  of  the  Shi'wannakwe  on  a  knoll  southeast  of 
Zufii,  where  there  is  a  stone  slab  containing  etchings  of  the  sun  and 
moon.  The  novice,  accompanied  to  this  shrine  by  his  fraternity  father, 
plants  his  prayer  plumes,  which  are  offerings  to  u'wannami  A'shi- 
wanni  (rain  priest  rain-makers),  u'wannami  pe'kwin  (sun  priest  rain- 
makers). Yu'pia'hlan'na,  and  the  Beast  Gods,  these  latter  being 
supplicated  to  intercede  with  the  others.  The  plumes  are  planted  a 
few  feet  southwest  of  the  slab,  which  rests  on  four  elevations  several 
inches  high. 

^Yht>n  initiation  into  the  Fire  order  occurs,  the  novice  sits  for  a  time 
in  the  center  of  the  floor,  and  he  rises  when  the  fraternity  father 
is  ready  to  place  coals  in  his  mouth.  The  medicine,  achillea  mille- 
folium (yarrow),  taken  beforehand  kito  prevent  burning"  is  put  into 
the  novice's  mouth  directly  from  the  mouth  of  the  fraternity  father. 

The  Shi'wannakwe  possess  a  rude  carving  in  stone  of  a  female, 

"  Those  who  do  not  fast  from  animal  food. 

'•The  male  gender  is  applied  to  the  Galaxy. 

t'To  be  described  in  connection  with  other  fraternities  associated  with  zoic  worship. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT    PL.  Cll 


°o    OOoOOOoo 

oo   ooooo   o   oo 
00   o   000    000    00 

o   ooooo   000   o 
00000000000 


DRY  PAINTING  IN  FRONT  OF  ALTAR  OF  SHIWANNAKWE 


A.    HOEN    4    CO.,    Lith, 


.LOGY 


TWENTY-?-- 


PL.  Clll 


\  'GREAT  GOD-  OF  NE'WEKWE    fsc 
TOTASHA    FRCi. 


MEL'OTVPE    CO.,    BOSTON. 


stevenson]  ne'wekwe  429 

some  10  inches  high,  which  is  reverenced  us  the  A'wan  'Si'ta  (Great 
Mother).  This  image  is  said  to  have  been  in  their  possession  since 
the  organization  of  the  fraternity.  In  fact,  they  declare  they  had 
two,  but  one  was  long  since  stolen  and,  they  think,  carried  off  to 
another  pueblo.  Since  this  catastrophe  the  remaining  image  has  been 
guarded  by  an  old  woman  of  the  Eagle  clan,  who  never  allows  it  to  see 
daylight  except  when  placed  by  the  altar  or  when  offerings  are  to  be 
made.  A  theurgist  standing  near  the  altar  moves  his  two  eagle-wing 
plumes  for  a  time  with  weird  incantations  until  the  image  appears  to 
catch  the  tip  ends  of  the  plumes  with  each  hand,  when  the  theurgist 
apparently  raises  the  image  with  the  assistance  of  the  plumes.  The 
illusion  is  perfect.  The  offerings  to. the  image  are  strings  of  precious 
beads  large  enough  to  encircle  the  thumb  of  the  donor. 

The  old  creature  who  guards  this  image,  and  who  seemed  very  much  in  love  with 
her  husband,  was  induced  to  bring  it  out  for  the  inspection  of  the  writer,  only, 
however,  after  threats  by  the  husband  that  he  would  leave  her  for  all  time  if  she 
refused. 

The  director  of  the  Shi'wannakwe  holds  in  sacred  trust  a  dressed 
deerskin  containing  pictorial  writings  in  color  describing  the  coming 
of  the  A'shiwi  to  this  world,  how  they  appeared  with  their  tails  and 
webbed  hands  and  feet,  and  their  migrations  from  the  far  northwest 
to  the  Middle  place,  which  is  the  site  of  present  Zuni.  The  old 
theurgist  claims  that  his  fraternity  was  the  happy  possessor  of  two 
such  documents,  but  that  a  student  from  the  East  to  whom  he  showed 
them  carried  off  one,  and  since  that  time  the  other  has  not  been  allowed 
to  be  brought  from  the  sealed  vase  in  which  it  is  kept,  except  at  the 
time  of  an  annual  ceremony,  when  it  is  exhibited  to  the  members  of 
the  fraternity.  The  Shi'wannakwe  is  especially  revered  as  having  on 
one  occasion  brought  rains  upon  Zuni  when  all  other  efforts  had  failed. 
A  great  calamity  caused  by  a  drought  brought  about  at  that  time  by 
the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  proved  to  be  a  witch,  was  averted 
by  the  songs  of  the  Shi'wannakwe. 

Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy  Fraternity) 

The  Ne'wekwe  fraternity  embraces  the  orders  of  O'naya'nakia  and 
It'sepcho  and  has  a  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  (Great  god)  (see  plate  cm  a), 
as  a  patron  god.  Two  other  gods  (plate  era  b  shows  mask  of  one 
of  these  gods)  also  appear  at  times  with  the  Ne'wekwe,  but  the  writer 
i-  not  sure  what  their  relation  is  to  the  fraternity.  It  has  been  stated 
that  the  Ne'wekwe  was  one  of  the  four  original  fraternities  organized 
soon  after  the  A'shiwi  came  to  this  world,  and  that  Bi"tsi'si,  having 
special  qualifications,  was  appointed  musician  and  jester  to  the  fra- 
ternity. Bi'"sitsi  remained  with  the  Ne'wekwe  during  the  migrations 
of  the  A'shiwi  until  they  reached  'Kiap'kwena  (Ojo  Caliente),  a  farm- 
ing district  of  the  Zufiis  15  miles  southwest  of  the  village.     Here  the 


430  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  |eth.  ann.  23 

Ne'wekwe  visited  Lu'kiana  'kiai'a  (Ashes  spring),  where  Kok'ko- 
'hlan'na0  appeared  to  them.  The  god  inquired  of  the  mo'sona 
(director):  "What  medicine  have  you?"  Upon  being  told,  he  said: 
'Your  medicine  is  good,  but  not  good  alone.  Should  jtou  give  it 
alone,  it  would  destroy  the  intestines,  for  it  is  very  hot.  1  will  give 
you  medicine  which  must  be  taken  to  allay  the  burning  qualities  of 
the  other."  Kok'ko  'thlan'na  instructed  the  Ne'wekwe  to  use  human 
excrement  in  conjunction  with  their  medicine. 

Since  that  time  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  is  personated  at  the  initiatory 
ceremonials  of  the  Ne'wekwe.  He  administers  the  excrement  not  only 
to  the  initiates  but  to  others  of  the  fraternity.  While  the  Ne'wekwe 
are  considered  great  theurgists,  one  of  the  organization  is  seldom  called 
upon  except  in  extreme  cases,  from  the  fact  that  the  invalid,  if 
cured,  is  expected  to  join  the  fraternity  and  one  naturally  hates  to 
indulge  in  its  filthy  practices;  but  after  joining,  the  new  fellow  seems 
as  eager  as  the  others  to  excel  in  their  disgusting-  acts. 

The  excrement  is  not  given  to  invalids,  but  is  administered  on  the 
occasion  of  an  initiation,  when  every  member  of  the  fraternity  must 
receive  it.  so  that  their  bodies  may  be  kept  in  condition  for  the  other 
medicine.  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  talked  much  to  Bi'^si'si,  who  told  him  of 
the  mi'wachi  (see  plate  ci),  of  the  te'likinawe,  and  of  the  bauble  of 
his  fraternity;  and  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  said:  "That  is  well;  that  is  well. 
Come  and  live  with  me  and  you  shall  be  musician  and  jester  to  the  Sun 
Father."  Before  Bi^'si'si  disappeared  in  the  waters  of  the  spring  he 
told  his  fraternity  that  whenever  they  needed  him  they  should  notify 
him  with  te'likinawe  and  he  would  come  to  them.  Since  that  time 
Bi-'^i'si  has  borne  the  name  of  Pa'yatamu.  The  ground  for  a  consid- 
erable distance  about  this  spring  is  marshy  and  so  covered  with  tall, 
rank  grass  that  it  was  with  difficult}'  the  writer  followed  Nai'uchi*  to 
the  place.  Very  little  water  was  found  in  the  spring,  and  it  was 
dark  and  disgusting  to  taste.  The  spring  is  walled  on  three  sides,  the 
walls,  about  2  feet  high,  being  made  of  the  gray  soil  (from  which 
the  spring-  takes  its  name)  and  stones.  Slender  poles  placed  across 
the  spring,  with  brush  and  soil,  make  the  roof.  The  soil  about  this 
spring  is  used  by  the  Ne'wekwe  to  decorate  their  persons  and  skull 
paps  for  their  ceremonials. 

To  add  to  the  amusement  of  the  spectators,  members  of  the 
Ne'wekwe  frequently  appear  in  the  plaza  with  the  Ko'yemshi  between 
the  dances  of  the  gods,  and  whenever  this  occurs  they  play  the  fool 
generally;  but  it  is  when  the  Ne'wekwe  appear  in  large  numbers  that 
their  conduct  is  shocking. 

The  writer  was  firsl  present  at  a  meeting-  of  the  Ne'wekwe  in  188-1. 

"Tin-  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  of  the  Ne'wekwe  is  quite  different  from  the  patron  god  of  the  same  name  of 
the  Great  Fire  fraternity. 
(•Elder  brother  Bow  priest,  since  deeeased. 


STEVENSON] 


ne'wekwe 


431 


On  the  evening  of  October  2S  she  happened  to  be  passing  the  cere- 
monial chamber  and  was  attracted  by  a  half  circle  of  white  meal 
before  tbe  ground  entrance  to  the  chamber.     She  immediately  stepped 


Fig.  28— Hnpi  Indian  married  to  a  Zuni  woman  carving  an  image  of  Pa'yatamU  for  Ne'wekwe  f  Galaxy 

fraternity). 

to  the  door,  and  although  many  Indians  protested  against  her  enter- 
ing, she  passed  through  the  doorway  before  their  cries  and  threats 


432  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.2S 

could  be  heard  inside.  The  members  of  the  fraternity  looked  up 
from  their  repast  with  surprise,  but  the  writer  was  made  welcome 
and  invited  to  be  seated  and  to  join  in  the  meal.  An  elaborately  dec- 
orated tablet  altar  stood  at  the  west  end  of  the  long  room  and  a  bar 
representing  the  Galaxy,  on  which  stood  two  figures  of  Pa'yatamu 
(Bi'"sitsi),  extended  across  the  room  above  the  altar.  Figure  28  shows 
a  Hopi  Indian  carving  an  image  of  Pa'yatamu  (see  also  plate  civ).  The 
central  portion  of  the  bar  is  composed  of  cloud  symbols  with  seven 
stars  representing  Ursa  Major.  The  sun's  face  is  shown  by  a  disk  of 
blue-green,  surrounded  by  blocks  of  black  and  white,  which  denote 
the  house  of  the  clouds.  The  carved  birds,  suspended  from  the  blue- 
green  serrated  clouds  of  the  bar,  represent  the  esho'si  (bat).  "If  a 
man  sees  a  bat  when  he  is  on  his  way  at  night  to  plant  prayer  plumes, 
he  is  happy,  for  he  knows  that  in  four  days  there  will  be  much  rain." 
The  birds  perched  on  the  clouds  of  the  upper  portion  of  the  bar  repre- 
sent the  kia'wulo'ki  bird  of  the  Zenith  (Progne  subis,  purple  martin). 
Lightning  is  symbolized  by  zigzag  carvings  at  each  end  of  the  bar 
upon  which  figures  of  Pa'yatamu  stand.  The  pendent  eagle  plumes 
symbolize  the  breath  of  life,  which  is  A'wonawil'ona  (see  page  22), 
the  supreme  power.  The  tablet  altar  is  composed  of  cloud  symbols, 
the  sun  surrounded  by  the  house  of  the  clouds,  the  morning  and 
evening  stars  carved  on  the  tops  of  the  rear  posts  and  painted  in  white 
each  side  of  the  sun.  The  yellow  lion  of  the  north  and  blue-green  of 
the  west  are  represented  on  the  two  front  posts,  each  of  which  has 
two  hawk  plumes  standing  from  the  top.  Three  small  stone  prey 
animals  stand  in  line  before  the  mi'wachi.  A  dark  stone  animal  about 
2  feet  high  is  sejant  before  the  altar.  The  flute  of  the  fraternity,  a 
medicine  bowl,  and  a  prayer-meal  basket  are  placed  before  the  altar. 
The  star  of  the  four  winds,  each  point  decorated  with  a  star  and  cumulus 
clouds  (the  serrated  ends)  from  which  eagle  cast  plumes  hang,  is  sus- 
pended above  the  altar  (see  description  of  plate  lviii,  page  245). 

On  entering  the  chamber  the  writer  observed  at  once  an  object 
which  in  their  surprise  at  her  entrance  had  for  the  moment  been  for- 
gotten by  the  fraternity.  It  was  the  large  stone  animal.  This  fetish 
stood  before  the  altar  on  the  north  and  was  partly  covered  with  a 
lynx  skin.  But  a  few  moments  elapsed  before  the}'  remembered  with 
consternation  that  the  sacred  object  was  exposed  to  the  eye  of  the 
visitor,  who,  appreciating  the  situation,  appeai'ed  unconscious  of  airy 
objects  beyond  the  group  of  men  about  the  food.  Expressions  of 
relief  escaped  their  lips  and  on  the  instant  several  large  blankets  were 
thrown  over  it.  Those  whom  the  writer  afterward  questioned  regard- 
ing the  fetish  at  first  denied  all  knowledge  of  it,  but  finally  they 
admitted  it  to  be  their  great  father  of  Mystery  medicine,  and  stated 
that  the  animal  was  converted  into  stone  at  the  time  when  the  great 
fire  spread  over  the  earth  (see  Origin  of  animal  fetishes).     After  the 


stevenson]  ne'wekwe  433 

meal  the  men  formed  into  groups  and  prepared  plume  offerings,  which 
are  quite  different  from  those  made  by  other  fraternities,  spears  of 
grass  being  combined  with  the  plumes.  Figure  29  shows  the  method 
of  combining  plumes  and  grass.  As  there  was  to  be  an  initiation,  a 
parallelogram  was  outlined  in  white  meal  on  the  floor  near  the  altar. 


Fig.  29 — Method  of  combining  plumes  and  grass. 

and  was  afterward  filled  in  with  the  meal.  A  line  of  black  inclosed 
the  whole,  and  segments  of  circles,  symbolic  of  rain  clouds,  were 
formed  in  black  upon  the  white  ground.  The  black  coloring  is  made 
from  charred  corncobs.  A  black  line  was  run  transversely  across  the 
parallelogram.  Two  tigures  were  delineated  also  in  black  on  the 
23  eth— 04 28 


434  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [eth.  ans.  28 

ground  color,  one  representing  Bi"tsi'si  and  the  other  his  younger 
brother  or  fellow,  and  horizontal  black  lines  crossed  these  figures  from 
the  top  of  the  head  to  the  feet. 

After  the  completion  of  the  prayer  plumes  each  man  lighted  a  iced 
tilled  with  native  tobacco  and  drawing  a  mouthful  of  smoke  puffed  it 
through  the  feathers.  The  smoking  of  the  cigarette  was  repeated 
three  times,  and  the  prayer  plumes  were  then  gathered  by  one  of  the 
fraternity  and  deposited  in  a  basket  tray,  which  was  placed  by  the  altar. 
At  10  o'clock  the  members  of  the  choir  grouped  themselves  in  the 
southwest  end  of  the  room,  the  women  sitting  on  the  north  side.  The 
large  animal  fetish  now  stood  behind  the  altar."  The  flutist  had  his 
usual  place  behind  the  altar.  The  a'kwamosi,  who  sat  on  the  north 
side  of  the  altar,  proceeded  to  prepare  the  medicine  water  (see  page 
492).  The  consecration  of  the  medicine  water  is  virtually  the  same  as 
in  all  orders  of  Mystery  medicine.  After  the  water  was  consecrated  the 
a'kwamosi  took  each  plume  offering  separately  from  the  basket  and 
sprinkled  it  with  water.  He  then  dipped  the  water  with  a  shell  and 
taking  it  into  his  mouth  threw  it  in  a  spray  over  the  plumes.  After 
the  offerings  were  all  sprinkled,  the  director  wrapped  them  in  corn 
husks  in  groups  of  twos  and  fours  and  returned  them  to  the  basket 
tray. 

During  the  long  ritual  there  were  several  interludes,  when  such 
jokes  as  the  following  were  introduced:  "I  know  a  girl;  her  name  is 
Manuelita;  she  is  very  good  and  pretty;  she  has  many  horses  and 
fine  clothes;  her  father  and  mother  are  rich  and  are  very  nice.  Who 
desires  Manuelita?"  Some  one  in  the  choir  calls  the  name  of  a  mem- 
ber of  the  choir  and  the  whole  party  joke  him.  Then  again  they  call 
the  name  of  another  girl  and  say:  ''She  is  ugly  and  poor,  with  mean 
and  despised  parents.''  One  of  the  choir  is  named  as  her  lover,  which 
causes  great  merriment.  The  Catholic  priest  is  mimicked  and  the 
paternoster  repeated  with  all  seriousness  to  its  close,  when  the  assem- 
blage indulges  in  wit  at  the  expense  of  church  and  priest.* 

After  such  an  intermission  the  choir  would  take  up  the  thread  of 
their  ritual.  The  following  are  terms  employed  in  one  of  their  songs: 
Kash'ita  'si'ponipon  (fish  with  bearded  mouth);  Kash'ita  chu'tape 
(spotted  fish):  Kash'ita  'hlan'na  (great  fish,  or  father  of  all  fish). 

The  healing  ceremonies  of  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  are  simi- 
lar to  those  described  in  connection  with  the  Great  Fire  fraternity 
(page  493).  All  night  the  weird  performances  continue,  and  at  sunrise 
the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  appears  in  order  to  administer  his  medicine  to  the 
novices— a  man.  a  woman,  and  a  girl  (i  vears  of  age.     The  latter  is  the 


"When  the  officers  "i  the  fraternity  and  the  writer  became  better  acquainted  no  effort  was  made 
to  seclude  the  sacred  fetish  from  view.  This  fetish,  however,  is  usually  partly  eovered  with  a 
lynx  skin  ora  sacred  white  embroidered  blanket, so  that  ii  is  necessary  to  raise  the  covering  to  see  il 
clearly. 

b  No  other  fraternity  indulges  in  any  such  hilarity  during  their  rites.  • 


STEVENSON] 


nk'wekwk 


435 


daughter  of  the  Kia'kwcmosi  (rain  priest  of  the  North),  who  is  a  mem- 
ber  of  t  he  fraternity  and  is  as  much  of  a  buffoon  when  acting  with  the 
Xe'wekwe  as  any  of  the  others.  Though  the  child  does  not  flinch  from 
the  ordeal,  it  is  apparent  that  the  noxious  dose  is  taken  with  aversion. 
They  must  eat  of  the  offal  and  drink  the  urine,  that  their  intestines 
may  not  be  destroyed  by  the  hot  medicine.  This  dose  is  given  and 
received  with  the  same  seriousness  that  Christian  churches  observe 
with  their  most  sacred  sacraments.     Later  in  the  morning,  when  the 


Fig.  30 — Markings  on  back  and  arrangement  of  hair  of  the  Ne'wekwe. 

fraternity  adjourns  to  the  Si'aa'  te'wita,  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  administers 
another  dose.  He  wears  a  cotton  shirt,  the  sleeves  of  which  are  tied  to 
the  wrists  with  bine  yarn.  A  Hopi  embroidered  blanket  is  worn  as  a 
skirt:  it  hangs  from  the  waist  and  is  fastened  at  the  back.  An  em- 
broidered cotton  sash  is  tied  at  the  back  of  the  waist  and  a  fox  skin  is 
pendent  at  the  back.  The  lower  portion  of  the  leg-;  is  wrapped  with 
white  cotton  cloth  of  Hopi  weaving,  and  the  feet  are  covered  with  dance 
moccasins.  Ko'hakwa  and  turquoise  beads  hang  in  profusion  over 
the  breast.     He  carries  in  each  hand  laro-e  bunches  of  giant  vucca,  each 


436 


THE    '/UNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  ■-':( 


spear  being  split  into  fine  pieces.  It  is  observed  that  the  yucca  sprays 
arc  always  held  horizontally  except  when  they  are  being  used  over  the 
hack  of  some  one.  He  also  carries  ill  his  left  hand  a  feather  wand  wrap- 
ped with  corn  husks.  There  are  thirty  men  and  five  boys,  all  but  one 
having  their  bodies  painted  in  ash  color:  the  one  exception  has  his 
body  painted  black  with  hands  of  white.  All  wear  the  black  woven 
breechcloth  embroidered  at  the   ends  in  blue.     A  bust  of  Bi"tsitsi, 


^H^Bk/ 

I^^K  'i^r 

1 

"    V 

Fig.  31 — Arrangement  of  hair  of  the  Ne'wekwe,  front  view. 

made  by  scraping  off  the  paint  from  the  body,  is  outlined  on  the  back 
of  each  man.  Figure  30  shows  markings  on  the  back.  Four  of  the 
men  wear  skullcaps  of  cotton  cloth  painted  in  ash  color,  with  bunches 
of  ribboned  corn  husks  on  top  and  on  each  side  near  the  ears;  the 
others  have  their  hair  parted  and  tied  in  bunches.  Figure  31  shows 
arrangement  of  hair.  Each  carries  a  baton  (see  plate  xvn)  about  1<» 
inches  long  and  1  inch  in  diameter  wrapped  closely  with  cotton  cord. 


stevenson]  ne'wekwe  437 

which  is  afterward  colored  in  circles  of  blue,  green,  and  yellow,  with 
black  lines  between,  and  finished  at  the  top  with  handed  turkey  plumes. 
A  single  grain  of  corn,  symbolic  of  the  heart  of  the  baton,  is  attached 
to  the  other  end  of  the  stick  by  wrappings  of  corn  husks.  The  women 
and  girls  wear  the  conventional  dress,  with  white  Hopi  blankets,  bor- 
dered in  red  and  blue,  around  their  shoulders,  and  their  best  moccasins; 
their  hair  is  done  up  like  the  men's. 

The  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  administers  the  wretched  morsel  while  moving 
in  a  peculiar  dancing  motion,  reminding  one  of  a  humming  bird  hov- 
ering about  a  blossom.  He  advances  to  a  man  and  whips  him  with 
the  yucca  switches,  and  then  hands  the  dose  to  one  of  the  Ko'yemshi 
gods  (see  page  33)  in  attendance,  who  in  turn  gives  it  to  the  person 
designated  by  the  god.  None  of  the  older  members  of  the  fraternity 
seem  to  shrink  from  the  dose,  while  some  receive  it  with  apparent 
relish.  Occasionally  the  one  receiving  the  morsel  divides  it  with 
a  man.  woman,  or  child  by  placing  his  lips  to  the  other's  lips  and 
forcing  it  into  the  mouth.  The  children  accept  it  as  a  religious 
duty,  but  it  is  evident  that  they  do  not  relish  it.  The  god  leaves  the 
plaza  at  intervals  and  during  his  absence  there  is  great  revelry, 
the  principal  amusement  being  the  wool-bag  game,  played  between 
the  Ne'wekwe  and  Ko'yemshi,  and  the  emptying  of  vessels  of  urine 
over  one  another. 

While  ti.e  scenes  at  the  closing  of  the  initiatory  ceremonies  are  dis- 
gusting, the  acme  of  depravity  is  reached  after  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na 
takes  his  final  departure  from  the  plaza.  The  performances  are 
now  intended  solely  for  amusement.  The  women  and  girls  of  the 
fraternity  leave  the  plaza  after  the  ceremony  and  take  no  part  in  the 
debauchery.  The  one  who  swallows  the  largest  amount  of  filth  with 
the  greatest  gusto  is  most  commended  by  the  fraternity  and  onlookers. 
A  large  bowl  of  urine  is  handed  by  a  Ko'3*emshi,  who  receives  it  from 
a  woman  on  the  house  top,  to  a  man  of  the  fraternity,  who,  after 
drinking  a  portion,  pours  the  remainder  over  himself  by  turning  the 
bowl  over  his  head.  Women  run  to  the  edge  of  the  roof  and  empty 
bowls  of  urine  over  the  Ne'wekwe  and  Ko'yemshi.  Each  man 
endeavors  to  excel  his  fellows  in  buffoonery  and  in  eating  repulsive 
things,  such  as  bits  of  old  blankets  or  splinters  of  wood.  The}'  bite 
off  the  beads  of  living  mice  and  chew  them,  tear  dogs  limb  from 
limb,  eat  the  intestines  and  fight  over  the  liver  like  hungry  wolves. 
It  is  a  pleasure  to  state  that  the  Ne'wekwe  is  the  only  fraternity  that 
indulges  in  such  practices. 

The  Ne'wekwe  are  great  mimics  and  all  strangers  are  subjects  for 
their  ridicule,  especially  the  Catholic  priest  and  the  army  officer.  A 
youthful  member  is  picked  up  by  one  of  the  fraternity,  who  declares 
him  to  be  a  "Catolico  santo,"  and  the  others  form  in  line  and 
carry  the  quasi  saint  about  in  procession.     Finally  a   small  blanket 


4 .* > S  THE    ZrXI    INDIANS  [cth.aps.23 

is  spread  on  the  ledge  which  extends  across  the  north  side  of  the 
plaza,  and  another  is  pinned  to  the  wall  behind  it.  in  imitation  of  a 
church  altar:  two  of  the  fraternity  disappear,  to  return  with  two 
torches,  which  they  place  upon  the  mock  altar,  and  then  they  seat 
the  "santo"  between  these.  So  the  day  passes  until  the  evening  shad- 
ows fall  upon  the  most  ridiculous  and  revolting  sights  that  are  to  be 
seen  in  the  pueblo  of  Zufii. 

'San'iakIakwe  (Hunters  Fraternity) 

The  'San'iaklakwe.  also  called  Sus'kikwe  (Coyote),  fraternity  has 
two  orders — Hunters  and  Fire.  The  members  of  the  latter  order  do 
not  eat  fire,  but  they  play  with  large  live  coals  and  rub  them  over 
their  bodies. 

The  painting  made  at  the  time  of  the  initiation  into  the  order  of 
'San'iaklakwe  is  a  disk  with  a  ground  color  of  white,  and  around  the 
periphery  two  concentric  circles  in  black  which  are  blocked  in  white, 
symbolic  of  the  house  of  the  clouds.  A  spread  eagle  painted  in  the 
center  of  the  disk  is  surrounded  by  game,  and  groups  of  grains  of 
corn  are  scattered  over  the  surface.  The  tablet  altar  is  similar  to 
those  of  the  other  fraternities.  Plate  lix  shows  the  altar  of  the 
'San'iaklakwe  with  its  accessories  removed.  This  fraternity  has  a 
second  altar  which  differs  from  any  the  writer  has  observed,  in  that  it 
is  capped  with  eagle's  tail  plumes.  The  songs  of  the  order  of  the 
'San'iaklakwe  invoke  the  gods  to  give  them  power  over  the  game  when 
on  the  hunt,  and  there  are  also  most  attractive  songs  of  thanksgiving 
after  the  capturing  of  game.  Songs,  too.  are  addressed  directly  to 
such  animals  and  birds  as  prey  upon  game. 

The  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Hunters  fraternity  is  one  of  the 
few  that  extends  north  and  south,  and  on  the  occasion  of  a  cere- 
monial the  tablet  altar  is  erected  in  the  north  end  of  the  room.  The 
pictures  on  the  walls  are  permanent:  the  writer  has  never  seen 
the  walls  without  them  except  when  the  chamber  was  undergoing 
repairs.  The  bear  plays  no  part  in  the  'San'iaklakwe,  for  although 
it  will  devour  flesh,  it  lives  principally  on  vegetable  food;  but  the 
cougar,  the  gray  wolf,  the  lynx,  and  the  coyote  are  represented  upon 
the  walls  in  the  chase  after  elk,  mountain  sheep,  deer,  jack  rabbits,  and 
the  cottontail,  which  are  fleeing  from  their  pursuers.  Certain  birds 
are  also  represented  in  the  decoration — the  su'lulukia  (butcher  bird, 
Lanius  ludovicianus),  •"which  pecks  at  the  deer's  head  when  he  sleep-- 
until  it  kills  the  deer:"  the  kie'wia  (Oreospiza  chlorura).  which  kills 
the  deer  by  pecking  at  his  eyes;  the  pi'pi  (a  species  of  hawk),  which 
surprises  the  deer  when  grazing  and  kills  him  by  striking  him  with 
his  beak  first  on  one  side  of  the  jaw  and  then  the  other:  and  the 
kiakiali  (eagle),  which  does  the  same,  not  only  to  deer  but  to  mountain 


STEVENSON] 


439 


.sheep  and  other  game.  Posh'kwa,  an  eagle  that  the  Zufiis  say  has 
perfectly  black  plumage,  destroys  game  in  the  same  way. 

The  fetish  used  in  the  hunt  is  the  property  of  the  individual  and 
passes  from  father  to  son.  It  does  not  belong  to  the  elan  or  frater- 
nity. This  fetish  is  carried  in  the  head-kerchief,  the  belt,  or  what- 
ever the  hunter  may  fancy.  Fetishes  of  the  larger  animals,  such  as 
the  cougar  and  wolf,  are  carried  for  elk,  deer,  or  antelope,  and  of  the 
eagle  for  rabbits  and  other  small  game.  The  shrew  is  employed  as  a 
protection  from  mice  and  various  rodents  destructive  of  corn  and 
other  vegetation.  The  hunter  can ies  for  large  game  an  owl's  wing 
feather,  and  when  game  is  discovered  he  takes  the  feather  into  his 
mouth,  expectorates  in  the  direction  of  the  game,  and  advances  slowly. 
He  is  sure  to  meet  with  success  if  his  heart  is  good.  To  insure  suc- 
cess in  the  hunt,  arrows  are  shot  into  a  vertical  fissure  in  an  inac- 
cessible rock  on  the  west  wall  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain). 
A  hundred  or  more  arrows  were  to  be  seen  in  this  cleft  in- 1879.  The 
happy  possessor  of  a  rifle  carries  it  in  preference  to  the  bow  and 
arrows.  There  is  a  good  drawing  in  blue-gray  of  a  deer  on  the  face 
of  a  mesa  about  30  miles  southwest  of  Zuiii,  which  is  shot  at  by  all 
hunters  who  pass  that  way,  and  success  is  inevitable  for  the  one  whose 
arrow  strikes  the  mark.  The  Zunis  say  that  their  ancestors  made 
this  pictograph,  which  is  most  sacred,  during  their  migrations  from 
the  far  northwest  when  the  world  was  new. 

When  skins  are  to  be  used  for  ceremonial  masks  or  fetishes,  the 
game  must  be  smothered,  not  shot.  The  process  of  securing  game  for 
these  purposes  is  as  follows: 

A  deer  drive  of  chaparral  more  or  less  extensive  is  constructed, 
and  at  intervals  of  about  100  yards  openings  are  left,  and  before  each 
of  these  openings  a  pit  is  dug  sufficiently  large  to  admit  a  deer. 
Two  poles  are  laid  saltirewise  between  the  entrance  and  the  bottom  of 
the  pit.  which  is  finished  at  the  top  with  poles  laid  as  beams  are  placed 
at  the  hatchway  of  a  ki'wi'sine.0  Two  poles  extend  across  the  open- 
ing at  the  top  of  the  chaparral  and  so  near  the  trap  that  should  the 
deer  be  able  to  extricate  himself  he  has  not  room  to  jump  the  pole 
beyond.  Each  huntsman  deposits  five  pra3rer  plumes  in  each  trap, 
three  to  Kok'ko  A'wan  (Council  of  the  Gods),  and  two  to  ancestors. 

'Two  of  the  hunters  wear  cotton  shirts  with  sleeves  to  the  elbow,  the 
front  and  back  of  the  shirt  being  painted  to  represent  as  nearly  as 

,  possible  the  body  of  the  deer;  the  hands  and  the  arms  to  the  elbow 
and  also  the  sleeves  are  colored  to  represent  the  deer's  forelegs. 
Each  wears  the  skin  of  a  deer's  head  over  his  head,  held  in  place  by 
buckskin  thongs.  In  this  dress  the  two  huntsmen  imitate  as  closely 
as  possible,  even  to  the  browsing,  the  game  they  would  catch.  As 
soon  as  a  deer  or  herd  is  started  these  two  men  are  assisted  by  the 

"Chambers  dedicated  to  anthropic  worship. 


440  THE    ZDNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

others  of  the  party  to  drive  the  deer  to  the  chaparral  and  down  it  to 
an  opening.  As  soon  as  a  deer  discovers  a  clear  spot  with  only  a  pole 
to  obstruct  his  flight  he  jumps,  only  to  find  himself  caught  in  a  trap. 
If  the  fall  does  not  kill  the  deer,  one  or  more  men  smother  it  by  press- 
ing the  nostrils,  at  the  same  time  offering  the  following  prayer  to 
A'wonawil'ona:0 

Lu'kia  ya'tonne   yam   'Klash'ima   yam   to'shonane   yam 

This  day  your  rains,  your  seeds,  your 

O'naya'nakia    ho'o  a'nichivanap'tu 

Mystery  medicine        I  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  life. 

Free  translation:  This  day  I  give  you  my  thanks  for  your  rains, 
your  seeds,  and  the  mysteries  of  life  which  I  inhale. 

When  a  deer  or  an  antelope  is  brought  from  the  hunt,  the  hunter  is 
announced  by  some  of  the  villagers,  whereupon  the  matron  of  the 
home  of  the  hunter  advances  to  meet  him.  carrying  a  basket  of  sacred 
meal,  some  of  which  she  sprinkles  upon  the  game,  and  as  she  returns 
she  throws  a  line  of  meal  before  her,  the  hunter  following  immediately 
behind.  After  entering  the  house  the  hunter  places  the  game  tempo- 
rarily on  a  sheepskin  until  the  arrival  of  those  who  are  to  participate 
in  the  ceremonial.  They  comprise  the  members  of  the  household, 
the  order  of  the  'San'iakiakwe,  and  the  members  of  the  Coyote 
clan.  Another  sheepskin  is  laid  on  the  floor,  to  which  the  game  is 
transferred,  with  the  head  of  the  animal  toward  the  east  near  a  small 
circular  hole,  symbolic  of  the  entrance  to  the  undermost  world,  in 
the  stone  floor  in  which  prayer  plumes  to  the  te'nas'sali  (mythical 
medicine  plant),  which  is  eaten  by  the  game,  are  buried. 

Prayer  plumes  caD  only  be  offered  when  the  members  of  the  house- 
hold belong  either  to  the  'Stin'iakiakwe  fraternity  or  to  the  Coyote  clan. 
When  the  offerings  are  to  be  deposited,  those  which  have  been  previ- 
ously buried  in  the  cavity  are  removed  in  order  to  make  room  for  the 
new  ones  and  are  cast  into  the  river  to  be  carried  to  Ko'thluwala'wa 
(abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods).  After  the  plumes  are 
deposited  the  hole  is  plastered  over — another  illustration  of  the  man- 
ner of  concealing  sacred  objects  in  cavities  in  dwellings.  The  'Siin'- 
iakiakwe  possess  the  blossoms  and  the  roots  of  the  te'nas'sali  because 
it  is  good  medicine  for  game. 

One  of  the  most  attractive  dances  in  Zuni  has  been  adopted  from  the  Hopi 
Indians,  the  masks  for  which  represent  the  heads  of  different  game  animals,  from 
the  elk  to  the  hare.  The  leader  of  the  dances  personates  Le'lentu,  the  Hopi  god  of 
music,  butterflies,  and  flowers,  who  bears  a  tray  or  bowl  containing  a  flowering  plant 
of  the  te'nas'sali.  Nothing  could  seem  more  Chinese  than  the  paper  blossoms  on 
this  artificial  plant.  When  it  is  set  down  in  the  plaza  the  dancers  gather  around  to 
eat  the  Bowers.  The  animal-like  and  graceful  movements' of  the  men  personating 
the  game  present  a  beautiful  picture  (see  plate  cv).  These  dancers  appear  at  inter- 
vals <luring  the  day,  and  the  scenes  close  with  a  man  shooting  a  little  cottontail, 
which  appears  to  give  great  grief  to  the  ether  animals. 

oSee  classification  of  higher  powers. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY  TWENTY-THIRD   ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.   CVI 


a     DEER     LYING    IN    STATE 


h    PRAYER    OVER    RABBITS 


stevensox]  RABBIT   HUNT  441 

The  medicine  bag  containing  the  te'nas'sali  is  placed  by  the  side  of 
the  game.  The  fetish  which  was  carried  to  the  hunt,  if  the  animal 
was  shot,  was  dipped  into  blood  of  the  game  immediately  after  it  was 
killed  and  was  told  to  eat  of  the  blood.  'Phis  is  now  laid  beside  the 
game.  The  neck  of  the  animal  is  elaborately  ornamented  with  neck- 
laces of  ko'hakwe,  turquoise,  and  coral.  A  cotton  cloth  is  first  laid 
over  the  unllayed  body  of  the  game,  and  upon  this  a  white  cotton 
embroidered  sacred  blanket.  Plate  evi  a  shows  a  deer  lying  in  state. 
The  song  of  thanksgiving  is  then  sung.  After  the  song  the  father  of 
the  household,  the  family,  and  all  present,  including  the  3roungest  chil- 
dren, their  mothers  guiding  their  tiny  hands,  sprinkle  sacred  meal  on 
the  game. 

The  deer  is  now  flayed.  The  first  cut  is  made  from  the  heart,  or 
breast,  to  the  mouth.  The  knife  is  then  run  from  the  heart  out  and 
down  the  right  foreleg,  then  along  the  ventral  line  and  down  the  right 
"hind  leg.  This  process  is  repeated  on  the  left  side  of  the  animal. 
Prayer  meal  and  corn  pollen  are  sprinkled  into  the  mouth  of  the  deer 
and  the  prayer  mentioned  above  is  repeated.  After  the  animal  is  flayed 
it  is  drawn.  The  fetish  is  dipped  in  the  first  blood  drawn  from  a  deer 
which  has  been  smothered.  If  the  game  is  not  to  be  offered  ceremon- 
ially to  the  A'shiwanni,  it  is  consumed  by  the  fortunate  huntsman  and 
his  friends/'  The  heart  and  intestines  are  chopped  and  put  into  the 
paunch  and  are  cooked  in  an  excavation  lined  with  slabs,  which  con- 
tains live  coals.  The  skin  is  his  unless  the  hunt  was  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  skins  for  masks  or  other  religious  purposes.  If  the  skin 
of  the  head  to  be  used  as  a  mask  by  the  huntsman,  it  is  packed  with 
hay  in  order  that  it  may  retain  its  shape  while  it  is  being  cured.  A 
hoop  of  white  cedar  is  attached  to  the  base,  and  buckskin  thongs  are 
secured  on  each  side  with  which  to  tie  the  head  to  that  of  the  hunter. 

A  portion  of  all  game,  whether  it  is  used  for  ceremonial  purposes 
or  otherwise,  is  offered  to  the  Beast  Gods,  with  prayers  that  they  will 
intercede  with  the  Sun  Father  and  the  Council  of  the  Gods  for  the 
A'shiwi.  It  is  related  that  years  ago  the  warrior  of  the  'San'iakiakwe 
threw  large  live  coals  of  fire  to  the  six  regions  in  order  that  the  game 
should  hurry  and  come  near.  He  threw  to  the  North  for  the  blacktail 
deer,  to  the  West  for  the  mountain  sheep,  to  the  South  for  the  ante- 
lope, to  the  East  for  the  whitetail  deer,  to  the  Zenith  for  the  jack 
rabbit,  to  the  Nadir  for  the  cottontail  rabbit. 

RABBIT    HUNT 

Although  the  rabbit  hunt  described  in  anthropic  worship  occurs 
only  by  the  order  of  certain  priests,  the  one  here  recorded  is  by  order 
of  the  governor.     It  also  is  of  a  religious  character. 

a  After  the  flesh  Is  eaten  its  spiritual  life  returns  to  the  spirit  home  whence  it  came,  saying:  "  I  have 
been  to  my  people  and  given  them  my  flesh  for  food;  they  were  happy  and  their  hearts  were  good; 
they  sang  the  song,  my  song,  over  me,  and  I  will  again  return  to  them." 


44"2  THK    ZUNI    INDIANS  [ktii.  axx.  23 

The  hunt  occurs  in  the  three  farming  districts  of  the  Zufiis — Pescado, 
Nutria,  and  OjoCaliente — as  thanksgiving  for  abundant  crops,  and  takes 
place  immediately  after  the  gathering  of  the  corn  and  wheat. 

Mr  Stevenson  and  the  writer  accompanied  a  party  which  went  out  from  Zufii  to 
Ojo  Caliente.  Those  who  had  not  returned  to  Zufii  from  their  summer  homes  were 
found  husy  at  this  place  preparing  for  the  hunt.  The  men's  hair  was  hanging  loosely 
about  their  shoulders,  having  recently  been  washed  in  yucca  suds,  since  no  one  can 
take  part  in  any  ceremony  without  first  washing  the  hair  in  yucca.  The  women 
were  busy  arranging  for  the  feast  to  be  enjoyed  after  the  hunt.  A  jack  rabbit  and 
a  cottontail  were  suspended  from  the  outer  beams  of  one  of  the  houses.  These  had 
evidently  been  there  many  days.  Upon  inquiry  as  to  why  the  decomposed  bodies 
were  not  cast  away,  the  reply  was:  "They  were  caught  some  days  ago  by  order  of 
the  Ko'yemshi «  and  hung  there  for  good  luck  to  hunters,  and  they  must  not  be  taken 
down  until  after  the  hunt." 

At  1  o'clock  the  command  was  given,  and  in  a  short  time  every  man  in  the  village 
was  mounted,  with  rabbit  stick  in  hand,  many  of  them  carrying  two,  and  a  couple 
were  handed  to  Mr  Stevenson  with  the  words:  "You,  too,  must  join  in  the  hunt." 
The  writer  was  wise  enough  to  refuse  the  two  that  were  offered  to  her,  knowing  the 
certainty  of  failure. 

No  Zufii  women  were  to  accompany  this  party,  but  as  a  young  man  was  taking  leave 
of  his  bride  her  eyes  expressed  such  a  longing  to  accompany  him  that  the  writer 
insisted  that  the  unspoken  wish  be  gratified.  It  was  not  until  after  much  persuasion, 
however,  that  the  pretty  little  girl,  bedecked  in  her  best  gown  and  jewels,  seated 
herself  behind  her  husband's  saddle  and  rode  off  with  him.  The  several  hundred 
Indians,  all  gaily  dressed,  made  a  pleasing  picture.  The  horses  were  kept  in  a  walk 
until  a  knoll,  about  half  a  mile  from  the  village,  was  reached.  The  A'wan  ta/'ehu 
(Great  Father)  Ko'yemshi,  his  pe'kwin  (deputy),  and  a  man  of  the 'San'iaklakwe 
fraternity  sat  at  the  base  of  a  pinon  tree  at  the  summit  of  the  knoll.  The  Great 
Father  and  his  deputy  were  vis-a-vis,  one  facing  east,  the  other  west.  The  other 
man  faced  east.  The  Great  Father  clasped  the  hands  of  his-deputy,  his  hands  passing 
under  those  of  the  deputy. 

The  party  of  hunters  dismounted  and  sat  around  the  trio  while  the  Great  Father 
whispered  a  long  prayer  in  a  most  impressive  manner.  At  the  close  of  every  stanza 
"Athlu"  (amen)  was  repeated  by  the  deputy  and  the  man  of  the'San'iaklakwe  frater- 
nity. At  the  close  of  the  prayer  the  Great  Father  placed  the  clasped  hands  to  the 
mouth  of  the  deputy  and,  drawing  them  to  his  own  mouth,  inhaled  from  him  a 
breath  of  all  that  is  good.  The  deputy  now  repeated  the  prayer  while  he  clasped 
the  Great  Father's  hands.  These  prayers  are  a  thanksgiving  for  the  crops  and  good 
health  to  the  people  and  a  petition  that  in  years  to  come  the  ancients  may  bless 
them  with  the  same  good  crops,  that  their  people  may  not  die,  but  live,  and  sleep  to 
awake  as  little  children  in  Ko'thluwala'wa  (abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the 
Gods).  The  ceremony  closed  with  a  smoke,  in  which  all  joined.  The  two  Ko'- 
yemsbi  and  the  man  of  'Siin'iaklakwe  fraternity  led  the  way  on  foot  to  a  fire  pre- 
viously made  by  the  Ko'yemshi  that  was  burning  in  a  low'  and  symmetrical  cedar 
tree,  the  flames  spreading  evenly  and  beautifully.  They  must  walk,  because  when 
the  world  was  new  the  A'shiwi  had  no  horses.  The  three  men  stood  near  the  fire, 
offering  prayers  to  the  dead  and  begging  the  intercession  of  their  ancestors  with  the 
Council  of  the  Gods  that  the  rain-makers  should  water  the  earth.  Bread  was  thrown 
into  the  flames,  with  a  call  to  the  fire  to  eat  and  convey  the  spiritual  essence  of  the 
food  to  the  dead. 

The  hunters  now  dismounted  in  couples,  and  receiving  bits  of  bread  from  the 
Great  Father,  who  had  an  armful,  threw  them  into  the  fire,  with  prayers  that  the 

a  See  p.  33. 


stevenson]  RABBIT    HUNT  443 

spiritual  part  might  be  conveyed  to  the  gods.  After  passing  their  rabbit  sticks 
through  the  flames,  asking  the  gods  to  crown  them  with  success,  they  remounted 
their  horses.  The  Ko'yemshi  and  member  of  the  'San'iaklakwe  led  them  for  a  dis- 
tance; then  they  gave  the  order  to  proceed  with  the  hunt.'  The  party  divided  into 
squads.  For  a  time  there  was  considerable  disputing  in  regard  to  the  disposition  of  Mr 
Stevenson  and  the  writer,  each  party  claiming  the  company  of  the  visitors.  Finally 
it  was  agreed  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  choose  for  themselves,  and  they  accom- 
panied the  party  composed  of  the  more  important  men.  They  had  not  proceeded 
many  steps  when  a  little  cottontail  came  skipping  along,  all  unconscious  of  its  fate. 
There  was  confusion  as  all  hands  rushed  after  the  wee  thing,  surrounding  it,  each 
man  intent  upon  being  the  captor.  With  the  chivalry  of  a  knight  the  happy  man 
presented  the  rabbit  to  the  writer.  The  Indians  are  very  dexterous  in  the  use  of  the 
rabbit  stick.  Not  a  single  rabbit  that  appeared  escaped  the  weapon.  Mr  Stevenson 
killed  the  second  rabbit,  which  was  the  occasion  of  much  rejoicing  among  the  Indians, 
for  they  took  his  success  as  evidence  that  his  heart  was  with  them  and  their  people. 
When  the  rabbit  is  surprised  it  starts  off  in  one  direction,  but  finding  itself  cut  off  from 
escape  it  darts  to  another  point  and  there  meets  with  a  barrier,  and  so  to  all  points 
until  it  becomes  utterly  bewildered,  and  it  is  not  remarkable  that  one  of  the  dozen 
sticks  darted  toward  it  should  strike  the  mark.  The  Great  Father  Ko'yemshi 
remained  with  the  hunters  until  the  killing  of  the  first  rabbit,  when  he  dipped  his 
fetish  into  its  blood.  This  was  not  repeated  by  any  of  the  hunters  and  the  writer 
understands  that  fetishes  are  not  generally  carried  on  the  occasion  of  a  ceremonial 
rabbit  hunt.  At  sundown  the  party  returned,  some  to  Ojo  Caliente  and  many  to 
Zuili,  laden  with  rabbits.     The  back  of  the  writer's  saddle  was  fringed  with  them. 

When  oue  of  these  hunts  is  over,  each  hunter  takes  his  rabbits  to 
his  home,  where  some  member  of  the  household,  male  or  female, 
places  them  abreast  on  their  sides,  with  their  heads  to  the  east  and 
facing  south.  An  ear  of  corn  is  placed  between  the  fore  paws  of  each 
rabbit,  the  upper  end  of  the  corn  being  even  with  the  mouth  (see  plate 
cvi  b),  and  each  member  of  the  household  sprinkles  meal  and  prays 
that  the  beings  of  the  rabbits  may  return  home  and  send  many  more 
rabbits.  The  game  is  afterward  flajred.  The  skin  is  left  on  the  fore 
paws,  the  tips  of  the  ears,  around  the  mouth,  and  around  each  eye,  and 
a  bit  of  it  on  the  breast  just  below  the  neck;  it  is  then  cut  crosswise  in 
the  middle  of  the  paunch  and  is  drawn;  the  forelegs  are  crossed,  the 
hind  legs  bent  upward  at  the  joint,  so  that  the  feet  meet  upon  the  back; 
food,  usually  wafer  bread,  is  placed  under  the  left  foreleg,  and  the 
rabbits  are  laid  on  the  coals  on  their  breasts  with  their  heads  to  the  east 
and  remain  in  this  position  until  the  first  crackling  noise,  when  they 
are  removed,  for  then  the  spiritual  essence  of  the  bread  has  left  the 
body  and  gone  to  feed  the  rabbits.  If  this  is  not  done,  the  rabbits  will 
not  appear,  and  hence  can  not  be  secured.  The  one  who  dresses  the 
rabbits  must  wash  the  blood  off  his  hands  over  the  fire.  For  this  pur- 
pose water  is  taken  into  the  mouth  and  while  the  hands  are  held  over 
the  fireplace  the  water  is  poured  from  the  mouth  over  them.  This  is 
to  insure  success  in  the  rabbit  hunt;  if  one  fail  to  do  this  and  should 
the  blood  be  washed  from  the  hands  at  a  distance  from  the  fire,  the 
rabbits  will  go  off,  and  can  not  be  caught. 


444  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

'Hle'wekwe  (Wood  Fraternity),  ok  Sword  Swallowers 

The  'Hle'wekwe  separated  from  their  people  at  HaVlipinkia"  to 
travel  northward  in  quest  of  the  Middle  of  the  world.  The  great  ones 
of  the  'Hle'wekwe  carried  two  et'towe  (rain  and  crop  fetishes:  see 
A'shiwanni,  rain  priesthood)  with  them— the  'hle'et'tone,  the  property 
of  the  fraternity;  and  mu'et'tone,  the  cherished  possession  of  the 
'Ko'Moktakwe  (Sand-hill  crane)  clan.  Previous  to  the  separation  of 
the  'Hle'wekwe  from  the  other  A'shiwi  these  most  precious  of  precious 
things  contained  only  the  seeds  of  water  for  rain  and  vegetation. 
Some  time  after  the  separation,  the  et'towe  being-  placed  upon  cloud 
forms  of  meal  on  the  ground  with  te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes),  and 
prayers  being  offered  for  rain,  great  was  the  consternation  when  snow 
came  instead.  Never  before  had  the  et'towe  brought  snow;  never 
before  had  the  people  seen  snow;  but  henceforth  these  precious  seed 
reeds  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  were  destined  to  bring  the  cold  rains  and 
snows  of  winter.' 

Having  proceeded  as  far  north  as  the  directors  thought  wise,  a  des- 
perate dispute  arose  between  a  man  and  wife  and  the  fraternity,  the 
former  declaring  that  the  northern  route  should  be  continued,  while 
the  others  declared  that  their  course  should  now  be  changed  and  they 
should  go  a  little  southward  and  then  eastward. 

A  large  and  conspicuous  Triassic  sandstone  rock,  about  1J  miles  southwest  of  Zufii, 
contained  interesting  markings  that  are  declared  by  the  Zunis  to  be  a  map  of  the 
route  followed  by  the  'Hle'wekwe  after  separating  from  their  people,  together  with 
other  roads,  with  certain  mesas,  and  constellations.  An  associate  rain  priest,  who 
was  also  a  member  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  knowing  the  interest  of  the  writer  in  the 
markings  on  this  rock,  decided  that  she  should  have  them;  with  no  other  tools 
than  two  axes,  a  slab  containing  the  pictographs  was  severed,  and  this  was  forwarded 
to  the  United  States  National  Museum.     (See  plate  cvn.) 

This  etching  is  believed  by  the  Zunis  to  have  been  made  by  the  original  director 
of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity.  The  wavy  line  crossing  the  stone  indicates  the  course 
of  migration  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  from  H;in"liplnkla  in  the  west  to  Shi'papolima  in 
the  east.  After  traveling  a  long  distance  northward,  the  'Hle'wekwe  turned  south, 
and  then  proceeded  to  Shi'papolima  in  the  east.  The  line  crossing  the  bend  in  the 
n  >ai  1  was  followed  1  >y  the  fraternity  to  secure  certain  medicinal  plants.  They  returned 
to  the  point  whence  they  started  for  the  plants  and  then  resumed  their  journey. 
The  pits  north  of  the  line  of  travel  indicate  mesas  and  mountain  peaks.  The  signifi- 
cance of  the  hand  symbol  is  not  clear.  The  larger  pit  east  of  the  hand  is  an  extensive 
basin  constantly  tilled  with  water  from  rains  and  snows.  The  dots  surrounding  the 
[■it  represent  Ursa  Minor.  The  short  lines,  no  longer  than  an  inch  in  the  pictograph, 
indicate  the  number  of  years  consumed  by  the  'Hle'wekwe  in  going  from  Han"lipln- 
kla  to  Shi'papolima  and  thence  to  I'ti wanna,  the  site  of  the  present  Zufii.  The 
human  figure  is  an  ancient  Shi'wi  before  the  tail  and  water  moss  had  been  removed 

<>  See  p.  34. 

'■While  tradition  points  to  the  far  northwest  as  the  Zufii  place  of  nativity,  the  belief,  not  only  of 
the  'Hle'wekwe  hot  of  the  combined  priesthood,  that  snows  were  unknown  until  brought  by  the 
■  t  towe  "i"  the  'Hle'wekwe  on  their  northern  journey  furnishes  an  interesting  subject  for  investiga- 
tion.   A rding  to  the  'Hle'wekwe,  the  roots  of  arusscs.  after  the  snow  disappeared,  contained  much 

moisture  and  furnished  refreshment  for  them  when  thirsty. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.   CVII 


MAP    SHOWING    ROUTE    FOLLOWED     BY    'HLE'WEKWE    (WOOD    FRATERNITY) 
IN    QUEST    OF    THE    MIDDLE    PLACE 


STEVENSON* 


thle'wekwe  445 


ami  the  webbed  hands  and  feet  cut.  The  dots  about  this  figure  denote  hail,  for  the 
director  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity  desired  much  hail.  The  straight  line  extending 
east  and  west  across  the  slab  indicates  the  road  leading  from  Har/'liplnkla  to  the  Salt 
Mother  before  she  left  her  home  east  of  I'tiwanna.  The  cross  near  the  east  end  of 
this  line  and  south  of  it  symbolizes  the  morning  star.  The  group  of  seven  dots 
denotes  (Jrsa  Major;  the  group  of  four,  the  Pleiades.  The  short  heavy  line  indicates 
the  road  followed  by  the  Kta'nakwe  on  their  way  to  the  place  where  they  were 
found  by  the  A'shiwi. 

The  man  and  wife  made  themselves  so  offensive  to  the  fraternity  that 
when  they  were  asleep  in  one  another's  arms  on  their  blanket  of  'su'le 
(a  grass)  the  'Hle'wekwe  lifted  them  in  the  blanket  and  tossed  them  to 
the  far  north,  where  they  remained  and  multiplied,  becoming  giants. 
These  are  the  Su'ni-a'shiwanni. 

Proceeding  eastward,  the  'Hle'wekwe  drew  near  to  Shi'papolima, 
home  of  Po'shaivanki  (Zuni  culture  hero).  The  two  chief  officers  of 
the  fraternity  conducted  them  to  the  presence  of  Po'shaiyiinki,  and 
through  him  they  became  known  to  the  people  of  medicine  and  craft 
and  were  taught  by  A'chiyala'topa  (being  with  wings  and  a  tail  of 
knives)  the  art  or  secret  of  sword  swallowing/' 

When  the  'Hle'wekwe  started  on  their  return  journe}'  they  were  pro- 
vided with  Beast  Gods  as  warriors.  It  has  been  stated  that  the  Divine 
Ones  visited  Shi'papolima  and  transformed  the  medicine  men  into 
Beast  Gods  as  guardians  of  the  world.  The  cougar,  bear,  badger,  wolf, 
shrew,  and  six  snakes  for  the  six  regions  were  appointed  to  accom- 
pany the  'Hle'wekwe.  Long  was  their  journey  and  many  their  stops 
ere  finding  the  Middle  place  and  their  people.  On  reaching  To'yakwi 
(Nutria)*  they  built  a  village  and  here,  as  elsewhere,  they  placed  their 
et'towe,  with  the  sacred  prayer  plumes,  on  the  ground  upon  cloud 
symbols  of  meal,  and  prayed,  whereupon  the  earth  was  soon  covered 
with  snow.  Then  the  people  cried:  ''Let  us  hunt  the  rabbit."  Two 
of  the  officers  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  instead  of  hunting  the  rabbit  went 
to  the  mountains  for  deer.  Looking  westward  from  the  mountain 
top  they  discovered  smoke,  and  exclaiming  that  their  people  must  be 
there  the}7  hastened  toward  the  point  whence  the  smoke  issued.. 
When  the  two  officers  entered  the  village  the  people  inquired  of  them 
who  they  were,  and  the}-  replied:  "  We  are  A'shiwi,  of  the  'Hle'wekwe 
fraternity."  The  Kia'kwemosi  (rain  priest  of  the  North)  was  notified 
and  he  gave  them  a  warm  greeting  and  said:  "After  ten  clays  [time 
periods]  bring  your  people  hither."  Upon  their  return  to  To'yakwi 
the  two  officers  told  of  their  meeting  with  the  A'shiwi,  and  the  'Hle'- 
wekwe, anxious  to  be  again  with  their  people,  moved  on  nearer  to 

a  The  swords  originally  used  by  this  fraternity  are  supposed  to  have  been  exactly  Jike  the  one  now 
used  by  the  'Hlem'niosona  (sword  director),  which  is  asserted  to  be  the  original  sword  presented  by 
A'chiyala'topa  to  the  original  'Jtflem'mosona.  This  sword  has  a  cylindrical  handle  about  3  inches 
in  thickness,  and  there  are  no  plumes  attached  The  zigzag  sword  carried  by  the  warrior  of  the 
fraternity  is  also  declared  to  be  one  of  the  original  swords. 

bXutna  is  a  farming  district  25  miles  east  of  Zuni. 


44<>  THE    ZIJNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

I'tiwanna,  stopping  :it  Tdp'apkwinna  (black  rocks).  Here  their  origi- 
nal director  disappeared  in  the  spring,  which  has  since  been  a  most 
sacred  spot  to  the  'Hle'wekwe,  who  assert  that  underground  roads  lead 
from  it  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  and  A'witen  te'hula  (fourth  or  undermost 
world).  Again  the  two  officers  visited  their  people  at  I'tiwanna  and 
told  the  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests)  that  they  wished  to  come  to  the  Mid- 
dle of  the  world.  The  Kia'kwemosi  said:  "  You  shall  make  te'likinawe 
(prayer plumes)  for  rain."  They  answered:  "No:  you  have  found  the 
Middle:  you  shall  make  te'likinawe."  Each  party  insisted  that  the  other 
should  prepare  the  plume  offerings.  Finally  the  A'shiwanni  made 
te'likinawe  and  planted  them,  whereupon  clouds  gathered  from  the  four 
quarters,  rain  fell  for  four  days  and  four  nights,  and  the  rivers  and  lakes 
were  full.  Then  the  two  officers  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  made  te'likinawe 
and  planted  them,  and  soon  the  smallest  white  clouds  could  lie  seen  every- 
where: then  there  came  so  many  that  they  appeared  as  one  great  sheet, 
and  snow  fell  for  four  days  and  nights.  The  snow  was  halfway  up  the 
ladders  of  the  houses.  The  A'shiwanni  were  very  angry,  and  the  Kia'- 
kwemosi visited  the  village  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  told  them  he  did 
not  wish  them  to  be  near.  "Should  you  come  and  bring  your  et'towe 
and  songs  for  snows,  we  should  have  no  corn.""  The  director  of  the 
'Hle'wekwe  replied:  "If  you  have  only  warm  rains  your  corn  will 
fall  over  and  die  after  it  has  come  a  little  above  the  earth.  The  earth 
should  be  cooled  part  of  the  time  with  the  snows;  then  the  sun's  rays 
will  melt  the  snows  and  sink  them  into  the  earth,  and  when  the  warm 
rains  come  the  corn  will  be  strong."  "It  is  well."  said  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi. Then  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  made  a  te'likinane  and  gave 
it  to  the  director  o*f  the  'Hle'wekwe,  who  also  made  one  and  planted 
both  at  the  spring,  into  which  he  afterward  disappeared,  and  much 
rain  fell.  It  rained  for  four  days  and  four  nights,  so  that  all  the 
rain  roads  (stream  beds)  were  tilled  with  water,  and  the  people  were 
happy  and  contented,  being  assured  of  the  value  of  the  et'towe  con- 
taining the  seeds  for  snow.  The  Kia'kwemosi  and  other  A'shiwanni 
desired  that  the  return  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  should  meet  with  such  a 
reception  as  became  their  exceeding  greatness.  Wishing  that  there 
should  be  more  than  two  et'towe  for  snows,  the  Kia'kwemosi  chose 
one  of  those  brought  to  I'tiwanna  by  the  Kia'nakwe  people  of  the  Corn 
clan,*  one  belonging  to  the  Badger  clan,  and  one  from  the  Ai'yaho"kwc 
(a  certain  plant)  clan.  He  designated  these  et'towe  as  mu'et'towc. 
He  also  chose  maidens  as  bearers  of  the  et'towe  and  'hla'we  (bunches 
of  slender  white  stalks  with  beautiful  silvery  leaves  resembling- 
feathers,  brought  by  the  Corn  maidens  from  the  undermost  world).' 
Reflecting  on  whom  he  should  choose  as  leader  of  these,  he  decided 


<i  Though  the"  above  legend  is  associated  in  the  minds  of  the  Zuiiis  with  the  site  of  the  present 
pueblo,  such  a  legend  must  have  had  its  origin  with  a  people  unaccustomed  to  anow, 
bSeep.  ii. 
-. ,■  Discover}  of  '<<•■  Corn  maidens. 


stevesson]  THLE/WEKWE    FRATERNITY  447 

to  select  a  man  from  his  own  clan,  the  Pi'chikwe  (Dogwood).  This 
man  carried  a  sacred  meal  basket  of  the  A'shiwanni,  supposed  to  have 
been  brought  from  the  undermost  world,  and  he  was  called  the  Mu'- 
chailiha'nona.  The  Kia'kwemosi  also  chose  two  maidens  and  a  youth, 
virgins,  whom  he  called  the  Mu' waive,"  to  dance  on  the  occasion,  and 
the  people  of  a  ki'wi'sine  to  accompany  these  dancers  and  sing  for 
them. 

The  Beast  Gods  who  accompanied  the  'Hle'wekwe  from  Shi'papo- 
lima  continued  with  them  to  I'tiwanna.  The  fraternity  were  met  by 
the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests),  who  had  been  apprised  of 
their  coming,  and  were  conducted  to  Si'aa'  te'wita  (sacred  dance  plaza), 
the  fraternity  grouping  themselves  on  the  west  side.  Of  the  beast  war- 
riors, two  sat  on  the  west  side  toward  the  north  and  played  on  notel  ed 
sticks  with  deer  leg  bones,  the  sticks  resting  on  inverted  baskets,  each 
basket  being  placed  upon  a  cross  of  meal  on  the  ground, .while  the  other 
beast  warriors  sat  in  the  center  of  the  plaza,  looking  upward  to  the 
heavens.  After  the  elaborate  ceremonial  in  Si'aa'  te'wita,  the  et'towe 
were  placed  in  baskets  partly  rilled  with  meal  and  the  baskets  were  set  in 
line  on  the  floor  of  the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine.6  Then  the  shi'wanni  of  the 
mu'ettone  that  belonged  to  the  *Ko"loktakwe  clan,  and  the  singing 
man,  or  leader,  of  the  et'towe-bearers  that  were  chosen  to  accompany 
those  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  in  the  ceremonial,  prayed  over  the  et'towe, 
that  they  might  bring  snows  and  cold  rains.  After  these  prayers  the 
director  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  announced  that  for  one  night  the  et'towe 
would  countenance  any  amount  of  licentiousness,''  the  payment  from 
each  man  being  a  string  of  beads  large  enough  to  encircle  his  thumb. 
This  should  be  given  to  the  woman  of  his  choice,  who  in  turn  should 
deposit  it  with  the  et'towe. 

The  'Hle'wekwe  has  but  two  orders,  the  Sword  and  the  Spruce  (Pseu- 
dotsuga  douglassii).  The  fraternity  holds  two  regular  meetings 
annually,  one  in  January  and  the  other  in  February/' 

Should  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity  dance  or  make  te'likinawe  <in 
summer,  the  corn  would  freeze,  as  their  songs  and  dances  are  for 
cold  rains  and  snows.  •  The  medicines  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  are  espe- 
cially good  for  sore  throat.  When  a  person  is  sick  the  father  or 
mother  of  the  patient  or,  should  the  parents  not  be  living,  the  brother 
or  a  near  relative,  carries  a  quantity  of  prayer  meal  wrapped  in  a 

"  Mu'waiye  has  reference  to  the  bending  of  the  knees  or  body. 

''See  Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions. 

(•There  are  no  rites  among  the  Zufiis  or  any  other  Indian  tribe  which  the  writer  has  studied  that 
involve  any  conditions  of  unchastity,  and  it  is  only  during  the  closing  ceremonies  of  the  'Hle'wekwe 
fraternity,  the  night  dances  of  the  harvest  festival,  the  frolics  of  Ko'yemshi,  and  one  or  two  borrowed 
dances  that  any  suggestion  of  improper  conduct  is  made  by  men  associated  with  the  ceremonies. 
Immoral  women  in  Zuni  are  regarded  with  the  same  aversion  as  they  are  in  civilization;  at  least  such 
was  the  case  until  these  people  became  demoralized  by  the  environment  of  civilization, 

dAt  the  time  the  writer  last  observed  the  indoor  ceremonial  the  Iraternity  had  two  directors. 
One  having  retired  on  account  of  age,  another  took  his  place  as  the  active  director,  yet  the  aged 
man  presided  ex  officio  at  the  ceremonials  and  performed  some  duties. 


448  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ank.28 

corn  husk  to  the  doctor  of  his  choice  who  is  associated  with  the 
'Hle'wekwe,  who  personally  notifies  the  warrior  of  the  fraternity. 
who  in  turn  notifies  each  member  of  the  organization  to  be  present  at 
night  in  the  ceremonial  chamber.  Later  all  go  with  their  rattles  from 
the  ceremonial  chamber  to  the  invalid's  house  and  sing.  The  relatives 
of  the  invalid  may  be  present.  A  basket  containing  the  corn  husk 
of  meal,  presented  to  the  doctor  by  the  parent  or  relative  of  the  invalid, 
is  placed  on  the  floor,  and  after  one  song  by  the  fraternity  the  husk  is 
opened  and  each  member  of  the  fraternity,  even  the  youngest  child, 
takes  a  pinch  of  the  meal  and.  passing  to  the  invalid,  runs  the  hand 
containing  the  meal  up  the  larynx  to  the  tip  of  the  chin.  Retaining 
the  meal  in  the  hand,  he  passes  directly  out  of  the  house,  and  facing 
east  prays  to  the  Pleiades  and  Orion  for  the  restoration  of  the  invalid, 
and  then  throws  the  meal  toward  the  east.  Three  more  songs  are 
sung  and  then  all  return  to  their  homes  except  the  chosen  doctor  and 
one  woman  of  the  fraternity  whom  he  selects.  The  family  also  with- 
draw. The  two  remain  alone  with  the  invalid.  Early  in  the  morning, 
a  member  of  the  fraternity  brings  a  white-blossomed  medicine  plant'' 
which  has  been  freshly  gathered.  A  woman  of  the  fraternity  brings 
the  pot  in  which  the  medicine  is  to  be  boiled,  and  the  woman  in  atten- 
dance prepares  it  for  the  invalid,  who  drinks  three  large  gourdfuls 
one  utter  the  other.''  The  throat  is  then  tickled  with  a  feather  by  the 
doctor,  and  copious  vomiting  is  the  result.  The  material  ejected  is 
carried  by  the  woman  who  prepared  the  medicine  some  distance  from 
the  house:  it  must  not  be  emptied  near  by.  This  treatment  is  repeated 
for  four  mornings.  On  the  fifth  morning  a  tea  is  made  from  a  red 
root  and  drunk  warm,  and  is  administered  on  the  three  succeeding 
mornings.  The  family  may  now  be  present.  After  the  tea  is  drunk 
the  doctor  and  the  woman  leave  the  house  for  a  short  time,  going  a 
distance  from  the  village,  and  each  deposits  two  prayer  plumes,  which 
were  made  by  the  doctor  on  the  fourth  day,  to  the  deceased  members 
of  the  fraternity.  The  doctor  and  associate  remain  with  the  patient 
until  after  their  morning  meal  on  the  eighth  day. 

When  one  has  been  restored  to  health  by  the  'Hle'wekwe.  he  may 
at  any  time  go  to  his  doctor  and  request  permission  to  join  the  frater- 
nity, handing  him  at  the  same  time  a  small  quantity  of  meal  wrapped 
in  a  corn  husk,  with  a  tinny  eagle  plume  pendent  from  the  white  cord 
wrapping.  Should  the  request  be-  made  in  summer  one  winter  must 
pass  and  another  come  before  initiation,  as  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity 
holds  only  winter  ceremonials.  It  is  common  for  a  member  of  the 
fraternity  to  solicit  new  members,  especially  among  his  own  clan. 
Certain  elans  are  always  represented  in  this  fraternity.     The  'Hlem'- 

"  Plant  not  yet  classified. 

6  No  otic  not  a  member  of  the  'Hle'welcwe  could  ho  induced  to  enter  the  room  of  the  patient  while 
the  medicine  is  there.  All  the  meals  ol  the  doctor  and  Ms  associate  during  their  stay  with  the 
invalid  are  served  by  the  patient's  family  in  a  separate  mom  from  that  oeeupied  by  the  invalid. 


stevenson]  'hle'vvekwe  449 

mosona  (sword  director)  must  be  of  the  'Ko"loktakwe  elan  and  the 
pe'kwin  (deputy)  of  the  To'wakwe  (Corn)  clan.  Other  offices  are 
filled  by  the  Pi'chikwe  elan,  while  the  warrior  must  be  of  the  Ain'she 
(Hear)  elan.  This  latter  clan  having  few  representatives  in  the  fra- 
ternity, two  children  (a  boy  of  5  years  and  a  girl  his  senior  by  three 
or  four  years)  were  brought  into  the  fraternity.  The  boy  begged 
that  he  might  be  excused,  but  his  mother  was  firm,  being  impressed 
with  the  importance  of  the  child's  fulfilling  his  dut}^  to  this  body. 
Though  this  child  had  been  a  member  of  the  fraternity  but  a  3'ear 
when  the  ceremonial  described  occurred,  there  was  no  more  enthu- 
siastic member.  He  had  not  learned  to  swallow  the  sword,  but  he 
shook  his  rattle,  which  was  but  half  as  large  as  those  of  his  elders, 
with  the  others  and  kept  perfect  time  in  the  dance,  never  exhibiting 
the  slightest  weariness;  nor  did  he  flinch  from  the  cold  walks  in  the 
snow  from  house  to  house  at  midnight  in  January  and  February. 

Besides  the  method  of  entering  this  fraternity  by  reason  of  the  suc- 
cess of  the  medicine  doctor  in  the  case  of  sickness,  there  is  another 
method,  which  is  for  a  member  of  the  fraternity  to  go  to  the  house  of 
the  person  he  desires  to  have  join  the  organization  and  make  the  propo- 
sition. An  adult  is  addressed  directly;  if  a  child  is  solicited,  the  child's 
parents  and  not  the  child  are  addressed.  If  this  invitation  is  accepted, 
the  person  invited  gives  to  the  solicitor  a  quantit}r  of  meal  wrapped  in  a 
corn  husk,  with  a  single  white  fluffy  eagle  feather  attached  by  means  of 
white  cotton  cord,  and  the  solicitor  thus  becomes  his  fraternity  father. 
Both  the  fraternity  father  and  the  novice  stoop  with  bended  knees. 
The  novice  holds  the  husk  containing  the  meal  and  plume  in  both 
hands,  the  thumbs  over  the  top  and  the  fingers  pointing  to  the  fra- 
ternity father,  who,  holding  the  candidate's  hands  with  his  thumbs  on 
top,  moves  the  hands  to  the  six  regions  with  a  prayer  and  receives  the 
package  of  meal  from  the  novice. 

On  the  day  previous  to  the  opening  of  the  ceremonial  in  the  follow- 
ing year  the  fraternity  father  removes  the  eagle  feather  from  the 
package  of  meal,  places  it  in  another  husk,  sprinkles  meal  upon  it, 
folds  the  husk,  tying  it  at  each  end  with  cotton  cord,  and  leaves  it  for 
the  time  being  in  his  home.  He  afterward  visits  the  house  of  each 
member  of  his  clan  and  of  the  clan  of  his  paternal  parent,  carrying  the 
husk  of  meal  from  which  the  feather  was  removed,  and  gives  a  pinch 
to  each  female  of  both  clans.  The  fraternity  father  and  each  recipient 
stoop  in  turn  with  bended  knees,  facing  one  another.  After  a  pinch  of 
meal  is  received  in  the  palm  of  the  left  hand,  the  right  hand  is  placed 
over  it,  the  man  holding  the  hands  with  both  of  his  while  he  offers  a 
prayer  for  the  good  health  of  the  members  of  his  fraternity  and  good 
heart  of  the  one  receiving  the  meal,  and  the  same  for  the  child  who  is  to 
be  received  into  the  fraternity.  Meal  is  often  given  to  girls  not  over  5 
23  eth— 04 29 


450  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

3'eavs  of  age.  Each  person  wraps  her  pinch  of  meal  in  a  bit  of  corn 
husk,  tying-  it  with  a  ribbon  of  the  same,  and  lays  the  package  away 
until  the  following  morning,  when  it  is  sprinkled  at  daylight  out  of 
doors  to  the  rising  sun.  All  the  recipients  of  the  meal  are  expected 
to  be  present  and  take  part  at  the  all-night  dance  which  occurs  on 
the  fifth  night  of  the  ceremonial. 

Some  days  prior  to  the  actual  ceremony  the  fraternitj'  gathers  in 
the  ceremonial  chamber  to  practice  its  songs,  which,  however,  never 
begin  until  near  the  approach  of  midnight,  the  early  part  of  the  even- 
ing being  consumed  in  telling  te'lapnawe  (tales);  at  least,  it  was  so  in 
the  past.  Now,  these  Indians  have  so  mairy  grievances  against  the 
United  States  Government  and  the  white  settlers  of  the  country  that 
their  present  distressed  condition  is  ever  the  subject  of  discussion,  and 
no  time  is  found  at  these  gatherings  for  the  old  tales  in  which  in 
former  days  they  found  such  delight. 

These  gatherings  for  rehearsal  bring  no  change  of  the  family 
arrangements.  Each  woman  of  the  household  prepares  in  the  same 
room  her  children's  beds  and  her  own  when  she  chooses,  and  husbands, 
wives,  and  little  ones  retire  at  will.  The  elder  ones  frequently  sit  near 
the  group  of  the  fraternity  and  join  in  the  discussion  until  the  director 
is  notified  that  the  villagers  are  asleep  or  are  engaged  in  other  meetings, 
when  the  first  stroke  of  the  drum  is  the  signal  for  the  choir  to  begin. 

In  all  Zuni  worship,  feathers  form  a  conspicuous  feature.  The 
'Hle'wekwe  make  la'showawe  (one  or  more  plumes  attached  to  cotton 
cord)  of  wing  feathers  of  the  'hlai'aluko  (Sialia  arctica),  which  are  not 
more  than  2  inches  in  length,  and  the  'Hlem'mosona  carries  them 
to  the  He'iwa  (North)  ki'wi'sine  on  the  tenth  morning  of  the  winter 
solstice  ceremonies.  The  Kia'kwemosi  chooses  two  }Toung  men  and  two 
girls  to  serve  as  a'mosi  (directors)  and  a'mosono"kia  (directresses)  to 
the  Mu'waiye,"  and  two  young  men  and  two  girls  to  act  in  the  same 
capacity  to  the  six  members  of  the  A'pi'Mashiwanni  (Bow  priesthood), 
who  make  the  tehl'nawe*  to  be  carried  in  the  i'kwlnnakia,  circle  dance, 
and  who  lead  the  dance.  The  la'showawe  referred  to  are  given  by  the 
pe'kwln  (sun  priest)  to  the  four  amosi,  and  each  one  gives  a  la'sho- 
wanne of  a  single  plume  to  his  associate  directress  and  each  director 

a  The  Mu'waiye  are  two  girls  and  one  youth.  Should  they  not  be  virgins,  the  snows  for  which 
they  dance  would  not  come. 

If  The  tehl'nane  (singular  for  tehl'nawe)  is  a  slender  staff  the  length  of  the  extended  arms,  the  ends 
cut  squarely  off,  and  each  painted  for  one  of  the  six  regions.  Seeds  are  held  in  place  at  the  lowerend 
by  a  wrapping  oi  corn  husk  extending  7  or  8  inches  up  the  staff,  bound  on  with  yucca  ribbons.  An 
ca^le  plume,  a  buzzard  feather,  and  four  feathers  from  smaller  birds  are  attached  in  a  group  midway 
on  the  staff,  the  center  _.  the  staff  being  supposed  to  lie  directly  over  the  heart,  which  is  indicated  by 
the  center  of  the  breast,  when  measured  by  the  extended  arms.  A  la'showanne  of  a  tail  leather  and 
a  white  fluffy  eagle  feather  hang  by  a  cotton  cord  from  the  upper  group  of  feathers.  A  miniature 
war  club,  a  bow  and  arrows  with  a  shell  strung  on  the  bowstring,  and  a  shield  formed  of  a 
slender  hoop,  rilled  in  with  a  network  of  cotton,  its  circumference  measured  by  bending  it 
around  the  knee,  are  attached  to  the  staff.  The  bow  and  arrows  are  colored  red  and  the  shield 
and  groups  of  plumes  are  rubbed  with  a  dry  red  paint.  The  la'showanne  given  to  each  maker 
of  a  tehl'nane  by  the  mo'sona  who  selects  him  is  attached  to  the  bow,  and  five  fluffy  eagle 
plumes,  also  rubbed  over  with  the  pigment,  are  tied  to  the  shield.    A  stick  as  long  as  from  the 


Stevenson]  THLE/WEKWE  451 

keeps  one  composed  of  two  feathers  for  himself.  These  plumes  are 
worn  attached  to  the  hair  from  this  time  to  the  close  of  the  'Hle'- 
wekwe  ceremonial  as  an  insignia  of  their  office.  The  remainder  of  the 
la'showawe  are  afterwards  distributed  by  the  a'mosi  among-  those  who 
are  to  form  the  choir  for  the  Mu'waiye,  the  ki'wi'sine,  which  is  to 
furnish  the  singers  having  been  selected  by  the  Kia'kwemosi,  and 
among  such  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood  as  are  chosen  to  make 
the  tehl'nawe.  The  pe'kwin  also  gives  la'showawe  of  the  'hlai'aluko, 
made  by  the  first  body  of  the  A'shiwanni  in  the  house  of  the  Shi'wa- 
no"kia  (Priestess  of  fecundity)  to  the  'Hlem'mosona  as  a  notification 
that  the  swords  of  the  fraternity  shall  be  removed  from  his  house  to 
the  ceremonial  chamber  in  six  days/'  At  the  same  time  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi gives  two  la'showawe  to  the  'Hlem'mosona  for  two  women  of  the 
fraternity  whom  he  chooses  to  hold  the  two  et'towe  of  the  "Hle'wekwe 
in  the  plaza  on  the  fifth  Any  of  the  ceremonial.  These  la'showawe  are 
handed  to  the  women  with  the  words:  "  In  ten  days  you  shall  bear  the 
mother  et'tone." 

A  ceremom*  in  1892,  initiating  a  youth  and  maiden,  is  here  described. 

When  the  first  day  of  the  real  ceremony  arrives,  each  male  member 
brings  a  burro's  pack  of  wood,  which  is  deposited  in  the  street  before 
the  house  and  carried  to  the  roof  of  the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  it 
is  carefully  stacked,  principal^  by  the  female  members  of  the  fra- 
ternity and  the  women  of  the  house.  This  is  quite  a  merrymaking 
time,  when  the  girls  and  women  are  at  liberty  to  play  practical  jokes 
on  their  elders. 

The  medicine  to  be  used  in  the  ceremonial  is  secured  by  one  of  the 
wood-gatherers,  the  fraternity  father  of  the  female  novice  being  the 
collector  on  the  occasion  described,  who  secretes  it  near  the  village 
when  he  brings  his  load  of  wood,  returning  for  it  on  the  following 
morning.  It  can  not  be  brought  to  the  pueblo  until  the  room  is 
prepared  to  receive  it  on  account  of  its  infectious  qualities,  which  are 
transmitted  not  only  directly  from  the  plant,  but  through  anyone  who 
has  been  near  or  has  inhaled  its  fumes  after  it  has  been  uprooted. 
By  midnight  the  room  is  empty  and  the  floor  washed,  the  walls  are 
whitened,  and  the  doors  and  windows  opening  into  the  adjoining 
rooms  are  carefully  plastered  over  so  that  not  a  crevice  is  left  through 
which  the  fumes  of  the  medicine  to  be  prepared  by  the  fraternity  on 

elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  thumb  and  1  inch  in  diameter,  colored  red,  with  a  single  buzzard  feather,  is 
attached  to  the  upper  end  of  each  tehl'nanij,  the  lower  end  having  seeds  bound  on  in  corn  husks. 
The  tehi'nane  carried  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  is  supposed  to  have  belonged  to  the  Gods  of 
War.  It  is  white,  being  freshly  decorated  whenever  it  is  brought  into  use,  and  is  tipped  with  a  fine 
spearhead  4  inches  long.  A  fringe  of  goat's  wool,  5  inches  deep,  dyed  a  purplish  red,  with  four  eagle 
feathers  attached  at  equal  distances,  hangs  from  the  upper  portion  of  the  staff.  This  tehl'nane"  is 
kept  in  the  house  of  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest. 

a  The  blades  only  are  left  in  charge  of  the  'HlSm'mosona,  who  keeps  them,  when  not  in  use,  in  an 
old  cougar  skin  with  not  a  vestige  of  hair  on  it.  They  are  made  of  juniper,  the  length  from  the  tip 
of  the  middle  finger  to  the  elbow,  three-fourths  of  an  inch  wide,  slightly  curved,  and  rounded  at  the 
end.  They  are  rubbed  with  cougar  or  bear  grease  and  red  hematite  (see  pi.  cix).  The  elaborate 
feathered  handles  are  stored  away  in  the  ceremonial  house. 


452  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ahn.2S 

tlic  following  morning  can  penetrate  and  cause  bad  throats  and  per- 
haps death  to  the  uninitiated.  The  fraternity  convenes  during  the 
evening,  when  the  swords  are  deposited  in  the  ceremonial  chamber 
and  the  choir  sing;  but  they  disband  at  midnight,  returning  to  their 
homes.  The  two  men  who  are  to  act  as  fraternity  fathers  to  the 
novices  bring  in  sheep  from  their  herds  on  the  following  morning, 
taking  them  to  their  homes  to  be  dressed  for  the  coming  feast;  if  they 
are  not  owners  of  sheep,  they  must  purchase  them.  The  richer  the 
man.  the  more  elaborate  the  feast. 

The  fraternity  gather  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  the  night  before 
the  ceremony  begins.  On  the  following  morning  the  fraternity  father 
carries  to  the  ceremonial  chamber,  still  wrapped  in  its  corn  husk,  the 
plume  given  him  with  the  package  of  meal  by  the  novice  when  he 
expressed  his  wish  to  join  the  'Hle'wekwe,  and,  sprinkling  a  little 
meal  on  the  ledge  at  the  west  end  of  the  room,  hiys  the  husk  on 
the  meal.  The  sword  of  the  'Hlem'mosona  is  laid  by  the  side  of  this 
package. 

Before  the  morning  is  far  spent  all  the  members  of  the  fraternity 
congregate  in  the  ceremonial  chamber.  The  medicine  plant  with 
white  blossoms,  which  is  an  emetic,  is  boiling  in  a  large  pot,  that  is 
used  for  no  other  purpose,  in  the  fireplace  under  the  supervision  of 
two  elderly  women  of  the  organization.  When  the  medicine  has  been 
boiled  sufficiently  it  is  removed  from  the  pot  and  deposited  on  the 
ledge  at  the  east  end  of  the  chamber.  The  tea  is  drunk  warm  by  each 
member,  and  copious  vomiting  is  the  result.  A  single  large  bowl  is 
the  receptacle,  and  when  all  are  relieved  it  is  carried  b}'  a  female  mem- 
ber of  the  fraternity  a  short  distance  from  the  village,  where  the  con- 
tents are  emptied.  This  medicine  is  taken  on  the  first  four  mornings 
to  enlarge  the  throat  and  prepare  the  stomach  for  the  reception  of  the 
sword. 

A  medicine  made  by  boiling  a  reddish  root  is  drunk  hot  each  evening. 
It  is  regarded  as  quite  harmless  to  the  uninitiated  and  is  a  sovereign 
remedy  for  a  deranged  stomach  or  headache. 

Each  morning,  at  the  first  peep  of  day,  the  members  of  the  frater- 
nity ascend  to  the  house  top  to  pray.  They  appear  in  groups  of  twos 
and  threes,  each  one  offering  a  short  prayer  and  covering  a  spot  about 
the  size  of  the  foot  with  meal.  As  soon  as  the  last  group  descends,  the 
drum  and  rattle  are  heard,  the  song  begins,  and  the  dance  soon  fol- 
lows. The  sword  is  continually  swallowed  during  the  indoor  dances. 
After  one  dance  they  ascend  to  the  roof  and  sing,  and  after  the  song 
the  men  go  to  the  river  to  bathe,  if  necessary,   breaking-  the  ice." 

a  It  is  a  common  thing  for  members  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  after  dancing  without  cessation  for  an  hour 
or  more,  io  rush  out  of  the  house  with  the  perspiration  streaming  down  their  nude  bodies,  go  to  the 
river,  and  finding  a  break  in  the  ice,  plunge  into  the  water,  afterward  standing  on  the  ice  while 
they  bathe  their  hands.  During  their  night  dances  in  other  houses  than  their  own  they  pass  through 
the  frozen  streets  barefoot  after  constant  dancing  in  their  ceremonial  chamber. 


steyenson]  thle'wekwe  453 

The  women  and  children  bathe  from  large  bowls  on  the  roof  of  the 
chamber  between  1>  and  10  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  songs  con- 
tinue each  night  until  the  rising  of  the  morning  star. 

When  the  men  bathers  return  from  the  river  they  drink  the  emetic, 
and  after  vomiting  take  the  morning  meal.  The  food  is  brought 
to  the  hatchway  by  relatives  of  the  members  of  the  fraternity.  Con- 
tinence must  be  observed  throughout  the  ceremonial  and  for  four  days 
following  it,  and  all  sweets,  beans,  squash,  dried  peaches,  and  coffee 
must  be  abstained  from  during  the  ceremonies."  Prayers  are  again 
offered  on  the  roof  between  9  and  10  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

Xo  member  of  the  fraternity  must  touch  persons  not  members  or 
be  touched  by  anyone  until  after  sunset  of  the  fifth  day.  The  women 
as  well  as  the  men,  therefore,  sleep  in  the  ceremonial  chamber.  The 
women,  however,  go  to  their  homes  during  the  day,  principally  to  pre- 
pare food  for  the  fraternity.  Even  the  children  understand  that  they 
must  keep  at  a  proper  distance  at  this  time. 

On  the  first  morning  the  male  members  prepare  te'likinawe  after 
their  morning  meal,  each  one  making  six,  one  to  the  'hle'et'tone  and 
one  to  the  mu'et'tone,  the  two  being  joined  together,  three  to  the 
deceased  members  of  the  fraternity,  and  one  to  Kok'ko  A'wan  (Coun- 
cil of  the  Gods).  These  offerings  are  carried  on  the  same  afternoon 
by  two  men  of  the  fraternity  and  deposited  in  the  spring  at  the  black 
rocks  iuto  which  the  original  Tllem'mosona  is  supposed  to  have  dis- 
appeared, with  prayers  for  snows  and  cold  rains. 

The  west  wall  of  the  ceremonial  chamber  is  decorated  with  the  sun 
and  moon  symbols,  A'chiyiila'topa  (the  being  with  tail  and  wings  of 
knives),  the  Beast  and  Snake  Gods,  the  Pleiades,  and  Orion.  A'chi- 
yiila'topa and  the  animals  are  painted  on  paper  and  afterward  cut  out 
and  pasted  upon  the  wall.  The  snakes  and  stars  are  painted  directly 
on  the  wall,  and  a  cloud  symbol  of  meal  is  made  on  the  floor. 

After  the  earl}-  morning  dance  on  the  second  day  there  is  no  more 
dancing  until  sunset,  the  time  being  consumed  in  preparing  te'likinawe. 
After  the  sunset  dance  the  time  is  spent  in  eating,  smoking,  and  chat- 
ting until  about  10  o'clock,  when  the  dance  is  resumed  to  the  music  of 
the  rattle  and  drum.  After  the  morning  meal  on  the  third  cUiy  each  one 
makes  five  prayer  plumes  to  the  deceased  members  of  the  fraternity. 
Dancing  occurs  during  the  da}r  and  night.  The  tHle'wekwe  dance  on 
the  third  and  fourth  nights  in  the  house  where  the  Mu'waiye  rehearse. 
On  the  fourth  morning  the  male  members  again  make  prayer  plumes 
and  dance  as  before,  and  a  woman  of  the  fraternity  makes  a  ha'kwani 
(a  number  of  cotton  loops  symbolic  of  a  mi'ha,  sacred  white  blanket). 
The  'Hlem'mosona,  the  warrior,  and  six  members  at  large,  including 

a  The  reason  given  for  abstaining  from  the  foods  mentioned  above  is  that  during  the  journey  of  the 
fraternity  over  the  northern  route  to  Shi'papolima  they  subsisted  on  game,  as  it  was  too  cold  for  all 
fruits  of  the  earth. 


45-1  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [ete.  ann.  23 

two  women,  all  of  'Ko'Moktakwe  clan,  later  in  the  day  go  to  the  house 
of  the  'hle'et'tone,  where  each  man  makes  eight  prayer  plumes  to 
the  u' wanna  mi  (rain-makers)  and  each  woman  makes  a  ha'kwani.  A 
member  of  the  fraternity,  who  must  be  of  the  Dogwood  clan,  visits 
the  house  of  the.  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  and  receiving  a  prayer  plume 
from  him,  carries  it  to  the  chamber  of  the  'Hle'wekwe. 

The  ceremonials  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  of  the  Sword  order  of  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity  are  synchronous,  and  the  two  combine  in  most 
elaborate  dances.  An  hour  before  sunset  on  the  third  day  five  mem- 
bers of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity,  attired  in  their  regalia,  precede  the 
warrior  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  who  has  been  visiting  their  fraternity,  to 
the  chamber  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  where  they  dance  and  swallow  their 
swords.  After  the  dance  the  'Hle'wekwe  who  visit  the  house  of  the 
'hle'et'tone  now  return,  bearing  the  prayer  plumes  and  ha'kwawe  (plural 
of  ha'kwani)  which  they  have  made.  The  'Hlem'mosona  carries  the 
'hle'et'tone"  resting  in  a  flat  basket  partially  filled  with  meal,  two  stone 
fetishes,  and  two  ancient  small  bows  and  arrows  which  are  kept  with  the 
'hle'et'tone,  covered  with  his  blanket,  to  the  chamber  of  the  'Hle'wekwe. 
He  spi inkles  meal  before  him  with  his  right  hand  as  he  proceeds  from 
one  house  to  the  other.  On  entering  the  ceremonial  chamber  he 
removes  the  et'tone  from  the  basket  and,  after  sprinkling  a  thick  bed 
of  meal  on  the  west  ledge  of  the  room  directly  under  the  wall  decora- 
tion, deposits  the  sacred  fetish  upon  the  meal.  Plate  cvin  shows 
the  dry  paintings  and  fetishes  of  the  'Hle'wekwe.  a,  Et'tone;  5,  corn 
husks  containing  the  fluffy  eagle  plumes  given  by  the  novices  to 
the  fraternity  fathers;  c,  skins  of  bears'  feet;  d,  mi'li  of  the  frater- 
nity,  composed  of  banded  turke}'  plumes  and  feathers  of  the  long- 
crested  jay  and  the  white,  dove;  <?,  po'nepoyanne  of  the  fraternity; 
,/,  mi'wachi  of  such  members  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  as  belong  to  the  order 
of  Mystery  medicine  of  other  fraternities;  g,  ancient  bows  and  arrows; 
A,  stone  fetishes;  /,  medicine  bowls;  Jc,  archaic  medicine  bowl;  I,  prayer- 
meal  basket;  m,  gourd  water  ju^;  »,  water  vase;  o,  vase  of  popcorn 
water.  Since  1902  the  'Hle'wekwe  have  added  to  the  ritual  group 
shown  in  the,  illustration  a  tablet  altar  similar  to  those  used  by  other 
fraternities. 

Each  one  having  wrapped  his  own  prayer  plumes  together,  these  are 
grouped  by  the  'Hlem'mosona  with  the  offering  of  the  Shi'wanni  of 
the  West  into  a  kia'etchine,6  and  the  ha'kwawe  are  wrapped  around  its 
base  and  held  in  place  by  a  cotton  cord.  After  the  kia'etchine  has 
been  sprinkled  with  meal  and  praj^ed  over  by  all  the  members  of  the 
fraternity,  each  of  the  four  men  who  accompany  the  bearer  of  the 
kia'etchine  to  the  spring  in  which  it  is  to  be  deposited  prepares  eight 

a  The  'hle'et'tone  is  covered  with  native  cloth,  and  an  ear  of  corn  is  placed  on  it,  the  corn  being 
completely  obscured  by  prayer  plumes,  whose  ends  project  beyond  the  package,  and  by  elaborate 
wrapping  of  precious  bead  necklaces  which  almost  covers  the  white  cloth  and  te'likinawe. 

!<The  Kla'ctchiiu'  consists  of  a  number  of  prayer  plumes  wrapped  together  at  the  base. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT    PL.    CVIII 


HOEN&COlTLUfa 


DRY  PAINTING,  FETISHES,  AND  WALL  DECORATIONS  OF  THLEWEKWE 
(SWORD  SWALLOWER  FRATERNITY) 


STEVENSON] 


thle'wekwe  455 


prayer  plumes,  which  they  carry  to  the  spring  on  the  same  afternoon 
in  company  with  the  bearer,  a  man  of  the  'Ko'Moktakwe  clan,  who  per- 
sonates the  original  director.  The  bearer  of  the  kia'etchine  wears  black 
trousers,  ordinary  moccasins,  a  cotton  shirt,  and  a  mi'ha  (white  embroid- 
ered blanket)  wrapped  about  his  bod}'.  He  carries  a  'kia'pokatom'me 
(long-necked  gourd  water  jug)  in  his  left  hand  and  the  kia'etchine  in  his 
blanket  over  his  left  arm.  He  is  followed  in  the  proper  order  b}r  the  four 
others,  who  represent  the  beast  warriors  of  the  four  regions.  The  first 
warrior,  who  personates  the  Cougar  of  the  North  and  who  must  be  of  the 
Corn  clan,  there  being  no  Cougar  clan,  carries  his  sword  and  eight  prayer 
plumes  in  his  left  hand.  These  prayer  plumes,  which  are  as  long  as 
from  the  inner  side  of  the  bend  of  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  middle 
finger,  are  one-half  inch  in  diameter,  with  the  ends  cut  squarely  off,  and 
are  colored  yellow  for  the  North.  The  feathers  attached  to  the  upper 
portion  of  the  sticks  are  from  the  buzzard,  the  duck,  the  long-crested 
jay.  and  'si'liliko  (Falco  sparverius).  Two  la'showawe,  each  composed 
of  a  feather  from  the  duck,  the  long-crested  ja}7,  and  the  'si'liliko,  hang 
from  the  upper  feathers  of  the  prayer  plumes.  The  second  warrior, 
who  personates  the  Bear  and  must  belong  to  the  Bear  clan,  carries  one 
of  the  ancient  bows  and  arrows  previously  referred  to,  and  eight 
prayer  plumes  like  the  former,  except  that  the  sticks  of  his  offerings 
are  colored  blue  for  the  West.  The  third  warrior,  who  personates  the 
Badger,  is  of  the  Badger  clan;  he  carries  the  other  ancient  bow  and 
arrows  aud  the  same  plume  offerings  as  the  one  who  precedes  him,  the 
sticks  being  colored  red  for  the  South.  The  fourth  warrior,  who  rep- 
resents the  White  Wolf,  may  be  of  any  clan.  The  sticks  of  his  prayer 
plumes  are  colored  white  for  the  East.  They  proceed  in  single  file, 
and  when  at  a  distance  from  the  village  the}7  may  change  their  offer- 
ings from  one  arm  to  the  other.  Though  these  five  alone  go  to  the 
spring,  the}'  are  led  for  a  short  distance  beyond  the  village  by  the 
'Hlem'inosona,  who  wears  a  white  cotton  shirt  and  kilt  of  native 
black  cloth.  A  large  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  and  a  tiny  wing  feather 
of  the  spurred  towhee  are  tied  to  his  hair.  The  face  is  covered  with 
white  meal,  which  is  constantly  applied  throughout  the  ceremonial,  the 
meal  and  white  plume  being  symbolic  of  snows.  His  feet  are  bare, 
and  he  carries  a  pottery  meal  basket  and  the  mi'li  of  the  fraternity 
in  his  left  hand,  sprinkling  meal  with  his  right  as  he  proceeds.  On 
reaching  the  spring,  3  miles  distant,  the  leader  of  the  party  deposits 
the  kia'etchine  on  a  rock  near  the  spring,  and  the  party  stand  around 
it  and  prays,  sprinkling  meal  upon  the  plumes.  After  the  prayer 
the  leader  lights  a  reed  cigarette,  colored  black  and  filled  with  native 
tobacco,  with  a  small  roll  of  cotton  ignited  by  sparks  from  a  flint; 
puffing  the  smoke  over  the  kia'etchine,  he  prays  for  cold  rains  and 
snows.  When  more  than  half  the  reed  has  been  consumed,  the 
remainder  is  stuck  into  the  bunch  of  plumes.     The  four  other  men 


450  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [eth.ank.23 

attach  suitable  stones  to  the  kia'etchine  for  the  purpose  of  sinking  it 
and  they  then  deposit  it  in  the  middle  of  the  spring.  The  other 
prayer  plumes  are  deposited  among  the  rocks."  The  bearer  of  the 
kia'etchine  fills  his  jug  with  water  from  the  spring  and  the  five  men 
return  to  the  ceremonial  house. 

After  the  live  men  have  started  for  the  spring  those  members  of  the 
A'pi'lashiwanni  chosen  to  make  the  six  tehl'nawe.  accompanied  by  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  each  bearing  a  tehl'nane,  visit  the  ceremonial 
chamber  of  the  'Hle'wckwe  and  take  seats  on  the  north  ledge  of  the 
room  toward  the  west  end,  the  fraternity  sitting  on  the  south  side  of 
the  chamber.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  crosses  the  room  and 
delivers  his  tehl'nane  to  the  'Hlem'mosona,  who  remains  seated,  with  a 
prayer,  which  is  followed  by  one  from  the  'Hlem'mosona  as  he  receives 
the  staff.  The  bearer  of  the  yellow  tehl'nane  for  the  North  now  pre- 
sents his  to  the  'Hlem'mosona;  and  all  follow  in  order,  prayers  being 
repeated  at  each  presentation,  after  which  each  warrior  stands  before 
the  'hlc'ettone,  sprinkles  meal  and  prays,  and  returns  to  his  seat. 
The  warriors,  after  presenting  their  tehl'nawe.  remain  and  join  in  the 
feast.  The  same  afternoon  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests 
deposit  at  Shop"hlua  yal'lakwi.'a  shrine  a  short  distance  north  of  Zuni, 
prayer  plumes  to  the  Gods  of  War,  who  are  supposed  to  have  lived  at 
this  place  during  their  sojourn  at  Hal'ona  and  I'tiwanna.  The  younger 
brother  Bow  priest  first  visits  the  shrine,  and  after  his  return  the  elder 
brother  makes  his  visit.  Each  carries  the  ancient  tehl'nane  to  the 
shrine.  The  party  who  carried  the  kia'etchine  to  the  spring  returns 
with  a  gourd  jug  filled  with  water.  He  hands  the  jug  to  the  'Hlem'- 
mosona, who  deposits  it  with  the  other  sacred  objects  by  the  meal 
painting-,  where  it  remains  during  the  night,  and  in  the  morning  the 
water  is  consecrated  by  the  'Hlem'mosona. 

The  work  of  grinding  wheat  and  corn  begins  in  the  houses  of  the 
fraternity  fathers  and  novices  on  the  fourth  morning  of  the  ceremonial, 
which  is  the  10th  of  January.  One  of  the  fraternity  fathers  belongs 
to  the  house  where  the  meetings  of  the  fraternity  are  held.  The  corn 
is  removed  from  the  cob  by  the  elder  women,  the  crones  toasting  the 
meal  after  it  has  been  through  the  first  mill,  girls  taking  turn  at  the 
line  of  eight  or  ten  mills.  The  grinders  sing  under  the  directorship  of 
an  aged  woman,  who  sits  before  them  on  the  floor.  At  the  same  time 
some  of  the  alternate  grinders  dance  in  the  same  room.  The  girls, 
when  not  dancing,  are  seated  near  by,  waiting  for  their  turn  at  the 
mills.  Women  of  the  household  are  busy  stewing  meat  and  peaches 
and  making  he'we  (wafer  bread)  to  supply  the  workers  for  the  feast. 

(i  It  is  claimed  by  the  'Hle'wekwe  that  this  spring  is.  very  deep  and  that  the  place  below  is  large 
enough  to  accommodate  all  the  deceased  •Hle'wckwe  and  the  beast  warriors  that  were  once  directly 
associated  with  the  fraternity,  who  receive  the  plume  offerings  at  this  point  and  convey  them  to 
Ko'thluwala'wa. 

b  See  p.  57. 


stevenson]  thle'wekwe  457 

Comparatively  little  work  is  done  bjr  the  grinders  on  the  fifth  day,  as 
all  go  in  the  afternoon  to  witness  the  dances  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  and 
Great  Fire  fraternities  in  Si'aa'  te'wita. 

After  sunset  on  the  fourth  evening  the  novices  are  accompanied 
from  their  homes  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  by  their  fraternity 
fathers.  Soon  after  their  arrival  an  emetic  is  given  them,  the  women 
in  charge  of  the  medicine  tilling  with  it  as  many  bowls  of  goodly  size  as 
there  are  candidates.  Each  fraternity  father  places  a  bowl  of  the  medi- 
cine before  his  child,  who  sits  on  a  stool  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  facing 
east.  After  the  novices  swallow  the  contents  of  the  bowls  the  throat 
is  tickled  with  a  feather,  causing  violent  vomiting.  Another  bowl  is 
placed  for  the  ejected  matter.  When  the  vomiting  ceases,  the  frater- 
nity father  takes  from  the  side  of  the  'hle'ettone  the  husk  containing 
the  eagle  plume  with  the  meal  given  him  by  the  novice  and,  opening 
the  package,  he  picks  the  feather  into  bits,  dropping  them  into  the 
bowl  with  a  prayer  for  good  health,  a  pure  heart,  and  long  life  for 
the  novice.  He  then  sprinkles  in  the  meal  from  the  husk  and,  lifting 
the  bowl  with  both  hands,  waves  it  to  the  six  regions  with  a  pra3'er 
to  the  'Hle'wekwe  rain-makers  for  snows  and  winter  rains;  then  he 
carries  it  from  the  chamber,  depositing  the  contents  in  the  river,  that 
the  feather  and  the  meal  may  go  to  Ko'thluwala'wa  to  be  received  by 
the  'Hle'wekwe,  who  are  constantly  leaving  the  undermost  world  and 
passing  back  and  forth  from  their  spring  to  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

The  male  members  of  the  fraternity  remain  seated  on  the  south  side 
and  the  female  members  on  the  north  side  of  the  room;  the  two  novices 
take  seats  between  three  women  on  the  north  ledge.  All  remain  seated 
during  the  first  song,  for  which  rattles  only  are  used,  while  the  women 
and  the  novices,  with  their  fingers  interlocked,  keep  time  to  the 
music,  with  their  hands  held  downward.  After  the  song  all  present 
stand  in  two  lines,  the  men  remaining  on  the  south  side,  the  women  and 
novices  on  the  north.  A  fraternity  father  now  requests  the  'Hlem'mo- 
sona  to  give  him  the  ancient  sword  of  the  original  'Hlem'mosona,  at  the 
same  time  calling  for  a  certain  medicine."  A  }roung  man  belonging  to  the 
Corn  clan  removes  from  the  group  of  fetishes  a  small  sack  from  which 
he  takes  a  bit  of  root,  which  he  places  in  the  fraternity  father's  mouth, 
who,  holding  the  ancient  sword  in  his  left  hand,  approaches  the  novice 
and,  taking  him  by  the  hand,  says:  "My  child,  come  with  me."  He 
leads  the  novice  to  the  middle  of  the  room,  where  they  both  face  the 
north,  the  novice  standing  at  the  right  of  the  fraternity  father.  All 
the  members  of  the  fraternity  now  sing.  When  the  second  stanza 
of  the  song  is  begun,  the  fraternity  father  and  the  novice  dance,  and 
soon  the  fraternity  father  swallows  the  sword,  having  the  root  medicine 
still  in  his  mouth.  After  the  sword  has  been  passed  down  the  throat 
once  he  places  his  lips  to  those  of  the  novice,  giving  him  the  medicine 

a  A  plant  not  yet  classified. 


458  THE    ZUN1    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

from  his  mouth,  and  the  novice,  taking-  the  sword  in  his  right  hand, 
runs  it  down  his  throat  and.  withdrawing  it  with  his  left  hand,  hands 
it  to  his  fraternity  father.  The  two  do  not  cease  dancing  while  swal- 
lowing the  sword.  The  novice  and  the  fraternity  father  now  return 
to  their  places.  The  fraternity  father  of  the  other  novice,  who  is  a 
woman,  repeats  the  ceremony.  She  does  not  run  the  sword  down 
her  throat  at  this  time,  but  merely  puts  it  into  her  mouth,"  the 
fraternity  father  running  it  down  his  throat  in  her  stead.  The 
song  does  not  cease  during  the  initiation.  Afterward  the  candidate 
is  accompanied  to  his  home  by  his  fraternity  father.  At  dajdight 
on  the  following  morning  he  goes  to  the  fraternity  father's  house, 
where  his  head  is  bathed  in  yucca  suds  by  the  wife  or  daughter 
of  the  fraternity  father.  After  the  head  is  washed  the  novice  eats 
alone  in  the  fraternity  father's  house.  He  ma)'  take  meat  and  bread, 
but  no  peaches,  beans,  coffee,  or  sugar.  The  one  who  bathes  the 
head  accompanies  the  novice  after  the  meal  to  his  home,  carrying 
the  large  bowl  from  which  the  head  is  bathed,  which  is  a  gift  to 
the  novice. 

THE    MU'WAIYE  * 

Before  the  drama  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  is  enacted  the  Mu'waiye  dance 
must  be  rehearsed.  The  two  maidens  and  youth  who  personate  the 
Mu'waiye  perform  their  part  in  the  drama  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  just  as 
their  prototypes  are  supposed  to  have  done  when  the  'Hle'wekwe 
were  received  by  the  Kia'kwemosi  upon  their  return  after  the  long 
separation  from  the  A'shiwi.  The  Kia'kwemosi  selects  from  among 
the  ki'wi'siwe6'  the  one  which  is  to  furnish  the  choir  for  the  dance  of 
the  Mu'waiye.  The  rehearsals  occupy  six  nights  previous  to  the 
drama,  which  occurs  in  the  plaza  at  sunset,  three  nights  in  the  house 
of  one  and  three  in  that  of  another  member  of  the  ki'wi'sine  which 
furnishes  the  music.  The  people  of  the  Chu'pawa  (South)  ki'wi'sine 
appeared  on  the  occasion  described.  The  i'kwinnakia  (circle  dance)  is 
also  rehearsed  in  the  same  chambers.  There  seem  to  be  no  stated 
hours  for  such  meetings  in  Zuiii.  Punctuality  is  not  one  of  the  char- 
acteristics of  these  people. 

About  10  o'clock  the  Chu'pakwe  and  others  begin  to  saunter  into 
the  large  room.  The  three  Mu'waiye,  attended  by  their  a'mosi 
(directors)  and  a'mosono"kia  (directresses),  enter  through  the  smaller 
room,  the  Mu'waiye  taking  seats  on  the  north  ledge  midway  down  the 
large  room.  The  choir  assembles  on  the  south  side,  opposite  the 
dancers.     The  girls  who  are  to  perform  in  the  circle  dance  take  their 

nit  is  said  that  this  is  invariably  the  case  with  women  at  initiation,  whereas  the  men  and  elder 
boys  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  seldom  fail  in  their  first  effort  to  run  the  sword  down  the  throat.  New 
women  members  practice  in  the  February  ceremonial  until  they  can  swallow  the  sword  with  some 
degree  of  ease;  but  few  women  become  as  expert  in  sword  swallowing  as  men. 

''See  p.  447,  note  a:  p.  450,  note  a. 

"See  Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions. 


stevenson]  'hle'wekwe  459 

seats  on  the  ledge  at  the  south  side  of  the  room,  west  of  the  choir,  and 
the  youths  sit  at  the  west  end  of  the  room.  The  only  thing-  in  the 
large  chamber  to  indicate  there  is  to  be  any  unusual  occurrence  is 
the  presence  of  two  boxes  toward  the  west  end  of  the  room,  side  by 
side,  painted  white  and  decorated  with  figures  of  the  cougar,  bear, 
shrew,  wolf,  A'ehiyaia'topa  (being  with  wings  and  a  tail  of  knives), 
ami  stars. 

It  is  10  o'clock  when  the  Mu'waiye  begin  dancing.  The  girls  wear 
their  ordinary  dress,  also  the  boy;  but  he  soon  removes  his  calico  trou- 
sers and  shirt,  and  a  director  places  on  him  a  black  woven  kilt  embroid- 
ered in  blue,  and  also  furnishes  each  of  the  three  with  bunches  of 
ribboned  and  curled  corn  husks.  The  three  have  their  ejTes  obscured 
by  their  bangs."  The  dance  begins  to  the  music  of  the  pottery  drum 
and  song:  no  rattle  is  used.  The  first  motion  of  the  Mu'waiye  is  a 
lowering  of  the  body  without  bending  forward  or  raising  the  feet,  the 
boy  holding  his  upper  arms  out  and  forearms  up,  with  his  hands  clasp- 
ing the  husks  before  him,  the  girls  holding  their  arms  out  and  upward, 
each  hand  clasping  a  bunch  of  husks.  After  two  motions  of  this  kind 
the  bodies  are  bent  forward,  the  arms  extended  straight  before  them,v 
the  boy  keeping  both  hands  clasped  to  the  husks  as  they  beat  their 
hands  violently  toward  the  earth,  at  the  same  time  raising  their  heels 
from  the  floor  and  returning  them  with  a  stamp.  After  one  motion 
of  this  kind,  the  first  is  repeated  three  times,  then  the  second  twice, 
after  which  comes  a  pause,  and  then  the  two  motions  are  repeated. 
After  three  repetitions  of  this  figure,  which  consumes  forty  minutes, 
there  is  a  pause  and  the  time  and  the  character  of  the  music  change. 
The  girl  to  the  west  side  is  the  first  to  begin  dancing.  First  the  right 
arm.  then  the  left — the  face  following  each  time  to  the  right  or  left  in 
the  direction  of  the  extended  arm — is  thrown  out  from  the  side,  the 
hand  resting  on  the  breast  before  it  is  extended,  and  a  step  is  taken 
each  time  by  raising  squarely  from  the  floor  first  the  right  foot,  then 
the  left.  When  the  girl  to  the  west  has  taken  a  few  steps,  the  boj7 
begins,  and  after  he  has  taken  a  step  or  two,  the  second  girl  starts. 
When  the  three  are  dancing  their  motions  are  synchronous  and  rapid. 
The}'  dance  some  distance  to  the  west,  then  to  the  east,  and  so  they 
move  to  the  right  and  left  several  times,  when  the  music  again  changes 
and  the  first  movements  are  repeated  for  an  hour,  when  the  dance 
closes.  One  of  the  girls  is  compelled  to  rest  a  minute  or  two  during 
the  dance. 

Although  many  witness  this  dance  from  the  beginning,  the  room 
becomes  crowded  at  its  close,  when  preparations  for  the  arrival  of  the 
'Hle'wekwe  are  begun.  The  smaller  of  the  two  boxes  referred  to  is  placed 
immediately  west  of  the  larger  one,  four  notched  sticks  and  deer-leg 

a  When  the  writer  was  learning  this  dance,  her  instructor  declared  many  times  that  unless  her  hair 
covered  the  eyes  the  snows  would  not  come. 


460  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [Era.  ann.  23 

hones  are  laid  upon  it.  and  four  musicians  from  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine 
take  seats  west  of  this  box.  At  this  time  the  crowd  makes  room  for 
the  members  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity,  who  enter,  led  by  a  woman 
carrying  in  her  left  hand  a  pottery  basket  of  sacred  meal  and  her  mi'li 
(insignia  of  the  order  of  O'naya'naMa),  which  she  possesses  through 
membership  in  another  fraternity,  and  sprinkling  meal  with  her  right 
hand.  She  wears  ordinary  dress,  with  a  white  cotton  blanket  bordered 
in  red  and  blue. 

The  'Hlem'mosona,  who  follows  the  woman  leader,  is  dressed  in  a 
white  cotton  shirt,  white  embroidered  kilt  held  on  with  an  embroidered 
sash  and  red  belt,  and  dance  moccasins.  A  large  white  fluffy  eagle 
plume  and  a  wing  feather  of  the  'hlai'aluko  are  tied  to  the  left  side  of 
the  head,  and  several  short  yellow  parrot  plumes  are  attached  to  the 
forelock;  the  hair  is  flowing,  and  has  been  plaited  to  make  it  wavy. 
The  sword  supposed  to  have  been  used  b}^  the  original  'Hlem'mosona  is 
in  his  left  hand  and  one  with  a  feathered  handle  is  in  his  right.  He 
precedes  the  other  officers,  who  are  followed  by  the  fraternity  at 
large,  each  man  preceding  those  for  whom  he  acts  as  fraternity  father. 
The  bodies  of  the  men  are  nude,  except  for  the  black  woven  kilt. 
Each  wears  his  bow  wristlet  and  elaborate  necklaces.  Hanks  of  dark- 
blue  yarn,  with  sleigh  bells  attached,  are  tied  around  the  legs  below 
the  knees,  the  yarn  hanging  in  tassels  at  the  side.  Gourd  rattles  are 
carried  in  the  right  hand  and  swords  in  the  left,  a  number  of  the  men 
having  two  swords,  two  three,  and  one  four.  Plate  cix  shows  sword 
of  the  'Hle'wekwe.  The  swords,  which  are  of  juniper  (species  unde- 
termined), are  slightly  curved,  rounded  at  the  end  and  are  as  long  as 
from  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger  to  the  elbow,  this  being  the  method 
of  making  the  measurements.  The  aged  warrior  has  a  serpentiform 
sword,  tipped  with  an  arrow  point  2  inches  long  and  1  inch  wide. 
Though  this  sword  is  frequently  swallowed  to  the  handle,  it  is  run 
very  cautiously  down  the  throat. 

The  women  and  the  girls  wear  the  usual  dress,  with  the  limbs  and 
feet  bare,  and  are  adorned  with  many  necklaces  of  silver,  coral,  and 
ko'hakwa  (white  shell  beads).  They  cany  two  eagle-wing  feathers  in 
the  right  hand  and  the  sword  in  the  left;  one  woman  has  two  swords. 
They  hoot  and  make  animal-like  sounds  as  they  enter  the  room,  and  as 
they  proceed  they  shake  their  rattles  and  sing  for  a  moment  or  two 
before  the  performers  on  the  notched  sticks  and  deer-leg  bones  begin 
their  music.  The  party  moves  in  single  tile  with  slow,  even  step,  keep- 
ing perfect  time  with  the  music  of  the  notched  sticks.  First  one  foot  is 
raised  squarely  from  the  ground,  then  the  other,  the  men  raising  their 
feet  much  higher  than  the  women.  The  women  hold  their  arms  out 
and  up,  and  the  left  arms  of  the  men  are  held  in  the  same  wa}T.  They 
pass  around  the  boxes  and  the  musicians  by  the  north  side,  and  when 
the  'Hlem'mosona  reaches  the  south  side  of  the  boxes  he  steps  from  the 
line  and,  waving  his  sword  before  and  over  the  boxes,  turns,  facing 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT.     PL.  CIX 


I 


SWORD  OF  THLE'WEKWE  (SWORD  SWALLOWER  FRATERNITY) 


Stevenson]  tHLe' WEK  WE  461 

east,  and  swallows  it.  The  rattle  is  usually  transferred  from  the  right 
hand  to  the  left,  and  the  sword  held  in  the  right  hand  when  it  is  run 
down  the  throat;  but  occasionally  it  is  put  down  the  throat  with  the 
left  hand.  The  dancing  does  not  cease  an  instant,  and  the  wonder  is 
that  the  sword  can  be  run  with  safety  down  the  throat  while  the  body 
is  in  motion.  The  'Hlem'mosona  no  sooner  swallows  his  sword  than 
he  returns  to  the  line;  but  ere  he  has  reached  his  place  the  man  who 
follows  him  is  before  the  boxes  swallowing  his  sword,  and  so  the 
swords  are  swallowed  in  succession.  If  a  woman  fails  to  swallow  hers, 
her  fraternity  father  swallows  it  for  her;  in  the  cases  of  very  young 
children  their  fraternity  fathers  swallow  the  swords  for  them. 

By  the  time  the  head  of  the  line  reaches  the  east  end  of  the  room  all 
the  'Hle'wekwe  have  entered  the  chamber  and  an  ellipse  is  formed. 
They  pass  around  the  boxes  three  times,  the  swords  being  swal- 
lowed each  time.  The  'Hlem'mosona  stands  before  the  boxes  and, 
facing  them  and  clasping  his  sword  with  both  hands,  prays  in  an  under- 
tone, moving  his  sword,  still  held  in  his  clasped  hands,  to  the  six 
regions,  then  again  over  the  boxes,  and,  drawing  a  breath,  closes  his 
prayer,  and  the  fraternity  leaves  the  room. 

During  this  dance  the  musician  at  the  south  end  of  line  committed  the  grave  offense 
of  accidentally  touching  one  of  the  dancers.  The  elderly  warrior  of  the  fraternity 
returned  and  an  animated  discussion  ensued.  Three  other  members  of  the  fraternity 
came,  one  being  the  man  who  was  touched,  the  two  others  witnesses.  They  insisted 
that  the  musician  should  consent  to  become  a  member  of  the  fraternity,  and  finally 
won  his  consent,  thereby  saving  the  unfortunate  member  of  the  fraternity  from  the 
ills,  perhaps  death,  which  he  would  otherwise  surfer. " 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  the  Sword  order  of  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity  arrives  in  order  similar  to  that  of  the  'Hle'wekwe, 
a  woman  leading.  Their  step  is  like  that  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  and  they, 
too,  hold  their  swords  in  the  left  hand,  the  'Hlem'mosona  carrying 
a  crooked  prayer  plume  (symbolic  of  longevity)  instead  of  a  rattle. 
The  men  wear  native  black  woven  kilts  and  yucca  wreaths.  Unlike 
the  'Hle'wekwe,  two  or  three  form  a  group  before  the  boxes  and 
swallow  their  swords  together.  The  choir  does  not  sing  during  the 
presence  of  the  Sword  order  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternitjr. 

After  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  leaves  the  room  the  smaller  box  is 
hastily  placed  to  the  north  of  the  larger  one.  Then  eight  men  arrive 
from  the  O'he'wa  (East)  ki'wi'sine,  and  six  of  them  seat  themselves 
behind  the  boxes,  and  one  at  each  end;  they  play  on  the  notched  sticks. 
Before  this  music  begins  the  a'mosono"kla  of  the  circle  dance  who 
are  girls  of  10  or  12  j'ears,  clad  in  ordinary  dress  and  the  white  cotton 
pitoni  (a  piece  of  cloth  tied  together  at  the  upper  ends  at  the  neck  and 
falling  over  the  shoulders),  stand  before  the  boxes,  sprinkle  meal  over 
them,  and  pray.     Some  of  the  girls  now  form  the  circle  and  dance  from 

aThis  superstition  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  is  not  entertained  by  the  Sword  order  of  the  Great  Fire 
fraternity. 


41)2  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

left  to  right  around  the  two  boxes.  The  circle  is  gradually  enlarged 
by  the  addition  of  girls — the  youngest  being  8  or  10  years  of  age,  the 
oldest  not  over  20 — who  often  require  persuading  and  in  many  cases 
are  forced  into  their  places  by  the  a'mosi  and  others.  When  all  the 
girls  are  on  the  floor  the  youths  and  young  men  join  the  ring,  each 
taking  his  place  by  the  side  of  the  girl  of  his  choice,  and  with  clasped 
hands,  which  they  swing  backward  and  forward,  they  dance  for  more 
than  an  hour.  Some  of  the  girls  try  to  drop  out,  but  without  success, 
as  they  are  caught  in  a  good-natured  way  and  made  to  return  to  the 
ring.  After  this  dance  the  girls  flock  together  in  the  northwest  corner 
of  the  room,  where  they  have  a  merry  time,  the  young  men  bringing 
them  water  to  drink  and  chatting  with  them.  The  musicians  at  the 
boxes  pray,  each  drawing  in  a  breath  from  his  stick  and  deer-leg  bone, 
and  then  leave  the  chamber,  closing  the  ceremonies  for  the  night. 

The  'Hle'wekwe  repeat  the  dancing  the  last  three  nights  of  the 
rehearsals  of  the  Mu'waiye,  and  the  Sword  order  of  the  Great  Fire 
fraternity  appear  on  the  fourth  and  sixth  nights,  remaining  the  fifth 
night  in  their  own  ceremonial  chamber,  where,  in  addition  to  swallow- 
ing the  swords,  they  perform  feats  with  fire.  On  the  fourth  night  of 
the  rehearsal  the  a'mosi  of  the  Mu'waiye  distribute  the  la'showawe, 
which  they  received  from  the  sun  priest,  among  the  Chu'pakwe  choir, 
breathing  upon  each  la'showanne  and  placing  it  to  the  lips  of  the 
recipient,  who  remains  seated,  and  then  tying  it  to  a  lock  of  hair  to 
the  left  side  of  the  head,  when  a  short  prayer  is  repeated. 

At  daylight  on  the  fifth  morning  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  'Hle'wekwe 
a  man  makes  a  picture  of  dry  colors  of  Achiyalii'topa  on  the  stone 
floor  of  the  ceremonial  chamber,  immediately  before  the  cloud  symbol 
of  meal.  Upon  the  completion  of  the  picture,  which  is  about  30 
inches  long,  a  broad  line  of  meal,  bordered  with  black,  is  extended 
from  the  head  of  the  figure  toward  the  east;  eight  arrow  points  are 
laid  upon  the  line  of  meal,  and  a  stone  fetish  is  stood  on  a  meal  line 
that  extends  from  the  cloud  symbol  to  the  figure.  A  line  of  corn 
pollen  extends  from  the  heart  of  the  figure  to  the  mouth,  symbolic 
of  truth,  and  a  crystal  is  placed  at  the  lower  end  of  this  line,  sym- 
bolizing purity  of  heart  (see  plate  cvm). 

The  figure  of  Achiyalii'topa  often  performs  wonderful  things,  but 
only  when  the  fraternity  is  absent  from  the  ceremonial  chamber  and 
dancing  in  the  plaza.  The  aged  man  of  the  Bear  clan  who  is  left 
alone  in  the  chamber  sees  the  arrows,  which  are  placed  at  equal  dis- 
tances apart,  move,  and  on  their  return  the  fraternity  finds  them  in 
closer  proximity  to  one  another,  and  strands  of  hair  taken  from  heads 
of  those  destroyed  by  Achiyalii'topa  between  the  arrow  points.  Ora- 
cles are  whispered  by  this  figure  to  the  lone  watcher  and  wonderful 
disclosures  are  made.  A  strand  of  hair  is  always  laid  b}r  the  figure 
before  it  is  consulted.  On  the  present  occasion  the  solitary  watcher 
is  told  by  the  oracle  that  there  is  talk  among  the  Americans  of  build- 


stevenson]  'hie'wekwe  463 

ing  a  railroad  through  the  Zufii  country,  but  the  people  must  never 
consent  to  this,  for  the  moving  trains  would  cause  the  earth  to  trem- 
ble, and  this  would  rouse  the-  et'towe  from  their  perfect  quiet,  thus 
causing  their  anger,  so  that  they  would  prevent  the  rains  and  snows. 

The  'Hleoi'mosona  ascends  the  ladder  leading  from  the  ceremonial 
chamber  to  the  roof,  and  by  aid  of  the  faintest  daylight  runs  a  line  of 
meal  over  that  portion  of  the  house  top  which  forms  the  roof  of  the 
ceremonial  chamber.  The  line  is  begun  at  the  ladder  which  extends 
from  the  roof  to  the  street,  runs  across  the  south  side,  then  along  the 
east,  down  the  north  side,  and  across  the  west,  and  around  by  the  south 
to  the  opposite  side  of  the  ladder  to  that  whence  the  line  started.  The 
ancient  tehl'nane  with  the  six  others,  each  with  its  accompanying 
stick,  which  were  brought  by  the  warriors  to  the  ceremonial  chamber 
the  previous  evening,  are  placed  at  a  very  early  hour  in  the  morning 
against  an  upper  wall  on  the  northeast  corner  of  the  roof  outside  of 
the  meal  line.  The  men  bathe  as  usual,  and  later  in  the  morning, 
after  they  have  danced  in  the  chamber,  they  go  in  couples  to  the  roof 
and  wash  from  a  large  gourd  of  water  before  decorating  themselves 
for  the  outdoor  dance." 

"When  the  'Hlem'mosona,  after  drawing  the  meal  line  on  the  roof, 
returns  to  the  chamber,  he  places  the  ancient  medicine  bowl  and  gourd 
jug  of  water  from  the  spring  near  the  middle  of  the  floor  and  takes 
his  seat  facing  the  et'tone  and  other  fetishes.  The  male  members  of 
the  fraternity  are  grouped  on  the  south  side  and  the  women  on ,  the 
north  side.  The  ceremony  opens  with  the  *Hlem'mosona  holding  his 
sword,  which  is  handed  him  by  his  deputy,  in  his  left  hand,  while  he 
deposits  a'thlashi  (concretion  fetishes,  sacred  to  vegetation)  in  the  bowl. 
Each  stone  is  held  while  the  male  members  sing  to  the  accompani- 
ment of  the  rattle  a  prayer  for  snows  and  winter  rains.  A  song  is 
addressed  to  the  Beast  Gods  of  the  six  regions,  imploring  their  inter- 
cession with  the  rain-makers  for  snows,  and  rains  of  winter.  The 
Hlem'mosona  has  some  fifteen  small  medicine  bags  containing  plant 
medicine  before  him,  and  he  deposits  a  pinch  of  medicine  from  each 
into  the  bowl.  Water  is  poured  six  times  from  the  gourd  jug  into  the 
bowl,  and  after  placing  eight  eagle  plumes  across  the  bowl  with  their 
tips  to  the  east  he  sprinkles  four  lines  of  corn  pollen  over  the  feathers. 
The  bowl  and  jug  are  placed  by  the  cloud  symbol,  and  all  present  take 
a  drink  of  the  red-root  medicine  previously  referred  to.  In  a  short 
time  the  signal  comes  from  the  "hle'Sttone  to  the  aged  'Hlem'mosona 

a  Although  the  writer  occupied  the  upper  story  of  the  ceremonial  house  and  her  door  opened  upon 
the  roof  to  which  the  members  resort,  on  account  of  the  superstitious  dread  of  the  powerful  medi- 
cine of  the  fraternity,  entertained  by  inmates  of  the  house,  great  efforts  were  required  to  secure 
photographs  on  the  roof  and  to  enter  the  ceremonial  chamber,  in  which  the  writer  spent  most  of  the 
time  during  the  several  days'  ceremonies.  We'wha,  a  conspicuous  character  of  Zufii,  was  untiring  in 
her  efforts  to  detain  an  old  father  below  while  the  writer  secured  photographs  on  the  roof,  and  sev- 
eral times  released  her  when  the  father  had  barred  the  door  of  her  room  with  heavy  stones.  The 
wrath  and  distress  of  the  old  man  knew  no  bounds,  and  he  declared  that  the  writer  would  bring 
calamity  not  only  to  herself  but  to  all  the  household. 


464:  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

that  the  hour  has  arrived  for  it  to  leave  the  chamber.  The  four  other 
et'towe"  appearing  in  the  ceremonial  were  deposited  the  previous 
night  in  the  house  of  a  member  of  the  Badger  clan.  The  'Hlem'- 
mosona  places  the  'hle'ettone  in  the  hands  of  a  maiden  whose  hands 
have  been  rubbed  with  sacred  meal.  She  is  attired  in  ordinary  dress, 
with  a  mi'ha  (white  embroidered  blanket)  hanging  from  her  shoulders, 
the  feet  and  lower  limbs  being  bare.  The  'hle'ettone  is  carried  by  the 
right  hand  and  arm,  and  the  left  hand  is  used  as  an  additional  support; 
two  men.  each  carrying  in  his  right  hand  one  of  the  archaic  bows 
with  arrows,  accompany  the  girl  from  the  ceremonial  chamber  to  the 
plaza.  They  proceed  in  single  tile,  the  girl  between  the  men,  and 
are  joined  by  four  girls  clad  in  ordinary  dress,  each  with  a  black  blan- 
ket over  her  shoulders,  bearing  the  mu'et'towe,  each  et'tone  being 
carried  by  a  girl  of  the  clan  to  which  the  et'tone  belongs.  Every 
member  of  the  household  of  each  et'tone-bearer,  every  member  of  her 
clan,  and  every  member  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity  must  offer  to  the 
et'tone  four  prayer  plumes  composed  of  eagle  and  turkey  plumes  and 
feathers  from  the  birds  of  the  six  regions,  for  snows,  each  individual 
depositing  an  offering  to  each  of  the  four  regions.  They  proceed  to 
the  plaza,  where  the  two  decorated  boxes  seen  at  the  rehearsals  of  the 
Mu'  waive  are  placed  end  to  end  east  of  the  center  of  the  plaza  (see 
plate  ex). 

There  are  six  notched  sticks  on  the  boxes,  each  crossed  with  a  deer- 
leg  bone,  two  of  the  sticks  being  on  the  smaller  box.  A  tiny  twig  of 
spruce,  symbolic  of  vegetation,  is  planted  by  the  a'kwamosi  (maker 
of  medicine  water)  near  the  southeast  corner  of  the  larger  box,  with 
prayers  for  snows  and  longevity  for  his  people;  he  sprinkles  meal  over 
the  twigs  while  he  prays. 

A  wicker  basket  without  a  handle,  made  by  a  female  member  of  the 
'Hle'wekwe  and  colored  purple  with  the  berries  of  Berberis  f  remontii, 
is  tilled  by  the  aged  'Hlem'mosona  with  finely  ground  meal,  the  meal 
being  smoothed  over  in  mound  form  and  crossed  with  corn  pollen,  and 
having  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  at  the  apex,  is  deposited  under  the 
larger  box.  There  are  three  men  from  the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'siue  sitting  on 
wadded  blankets  west  of  the  boxes.  The  et'towe-bearers  stand  in  line 
before  the  boxes,  facing  east.  The  men  with  the  bows  and  arrows  stand 
on  each  side  of  the  bearer  of  the  'hle'et'tone.  The  girl  next  to  the  man 
on  the  north  side  carries  an  et'tone  of  the  Ai'yaho'kwe  (a  plant)  clan; 
the  girl  on  her  left  holds  an  et'tone  of  the  To'nashikwe  (Badger)  clan; 
the  girl  at  the  right  of  the  man  on  the  south  side  carries  the  et'tone 
of  the  Kia'nakwe  (people  of  Corn  clan);  and  the  girl  on  her  right 
carries  an  et'tone  of  the  'Ko'ioktakwe  (Sand-hill  crane)  clan.  The 
et'towe-bearers  and  the  two  men  throw  a  line  of  meal  about  2  feet 


<•  See  p.  444.    One  of  the  four  et'towe  referred  to  belonged  to  the  Sand-hill  Crane  clan,  who  were 
members  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity. 


stevensojj]  THLE/WEKWE  465 

before  them  as  they  take  their  positions  in  Si'aa'  tc'wita,  and  the  three 
men  behind  the  boxes  play  on  the  notched  sticks.  This  music  is  said 
to  be  controlled  by  the  Beast  Gods,  the  musicians  being  merely  their 
agents.  Each  player  wears  the  upper  leg  skins  of  the  bear  or  cougar 
over  his  lower  arms."  Variation  in  the  music  is  produced  by  different 
movements  of  the  bones  over  the  sticks.  The  three  musicians,  who 
must  come  from  the  O'he'wa  ki'wi'sine,  as  only  the  people  of  this 
ki'wi'sine  sing  these  particular  songs,  draw  the  bones  from  the  far  end 
of  the  sticks  toward  them.  After  this  motion  is  repeated  four  times 
the  bones  are  run  from  the  near  side  of  the  stick  to  the  far  end, 
this  being  repeated  four  times;  then  the  bones  are  rapdily  drawn 
back  and  forth  several  times,  after  which  they  are  again  drawn  to 
the  near  side  four  times,  beginning  at  the  fourth  notch  from  the 
player:  and  then  the  bone  is  again  run  from  the  player  over  the  four 
notches,  and  afterward  is  moved  very  quickly  back  and  forth  over  the 
four  notches,  after  which  the  first  movement  is  repeated.  The  songs 
sung  at  this  time  are  the  same  as  those  sung  in  the  circle  dance  in  the 
closing  scene  of  the  scalp  ceremonial,  but  the  harmony  of  the  songs  is 
destroyed  on  the  present  occasion  by  the  grating  noise  of  the  bones 
running  over  the  sticks.  The  et'towe  and  bows  and  arrows  are  moved 
downward  in  time  with  the  song  from  dawn  until  sunrise,  or  until  the 
sunlight  strikes  the  plaza. 

When  the  music  ceases  the  partj'  leave  the  plaza  in  single  file  by 
the  western  way.  the  bearer  of  'hle'ettone  and  the  two  men  with  the 
bows  and  arrows  returning  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  'Hle'- 
wekwe,  the  others  going  to  the  house  whence  they  came.  As  the 
party  of  et'towe-bearers  leave  the  plaza  the  musicians  draw  the  bones 
lightly  over  the  notched  sticks  and,  bringing  the  bones  to  their  mouths, 
draw  a  breath  from  them,  repeating  a  praj-er  aloud,  and  return  them 
to  their  position  on  the  box.  The  musician  at  the  south  end  of  the 
line  now  rises  and  passes  to  the  east  of  the  boxes,  when  the  others  tip 
the  larger  box  toward  them  to  allow  him  to  remove  the  small  basket 
of  meal  from  under  the  box.  Returning  to  his  seat  with  the  basket, 
he  offers  a  short  prayer  and,  bringing  the  basket  close  to  his  lips, 
draws  a  breath,  inhaling  all  that  is  good  from  the  meal;  then  he  passes 
the  basket  to  the  others.  When  each  man  has  repeated  the  prayer  and 
drawn  a  breath,  the  basket  is  passed  to  the  man  at  the  south  end  of  the 
line,  who  returns  it  to  its  place  under  the  box  while  the  others  tip  the 
box  toward  them.  In  a  short  time  the  et'towe  and  bows  and  arrows 
are  again  brought  to  the  plaza.  This  time,  however,  the  'hle'et'tone 
is  carried  by  another  girl,  the  bows  and  arrows  are  in  other  hands, 
and   there    is  an    additional    musician    at  the  boxes.     All   the  other 

"  It  is  claimed  that  these  skins  are  very  old,  and  from  their  appearance  the  truth  of  the  statement 
can  not  be  questioned. 

'  23  eth— 04 30 


466  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  a.nx.  23 

features  of  the  second  ceremony  over  the  et'towe  are  identical  with 
those  of  the  rirst. 

As  soon  as  the  et'towe-bearers  leave  the  plaza  the  'Hle'wekwe 
appear.  Their  bodies  are  nude,  and  daubs  of  yellow  paint  about  8 
inches  long  and  3  inches  wide  appear  over  each  scapula  and  breast. 
The  forearms,  hands,  feet,  and  the  legs  halfway  up  to  the  calf  are 
also  yellow.  They  wear  black  native  wool  kilts  embroidered  in  blue, 
and  yucca  wreaths  adorn  their  heads,  the  hair  hanging  and  tied  at  the 
back  with  a  red  garter.  The  'Hlem'mosona  wears  a  white  cotton  shirt 
with  white  embroidered  kilt,  held  on  by  an  embroidered  sash  and  a  red 
belt.  All  those  belonging  to  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  of  other 
fraternities  wear  the  reddish  eagle  plume  tied  to  the  forelock;  the 
others  wear  only  the  white  plume.  The  'Hlem'mosona  has  a  very  large 
white  fluffy  eagle  plume  and  a  single  feather  of  the  'hlai'aluko  (Sialia 
arctica)  tied  to  his  forelock.  All  males  wear  the  bow  wristlet,  and 
such  members  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  as  belong  to  the  A'pi'lasbiwarrai 
(Bow  priests)  wear  the  war  pouch. 

The  drummer  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  who  is  a  warrior  to  the  fraternity, 
precedes  the  female  leader  of  the  dancers  a  short  distance,  beating  on 
the  wooden  drum  of  the  f raternitj^,  and  takes  his  position  on  the  east 
side  of  the  plaza.  The  leader,  who  has  requested  this  position  from  the 
'Hlem'mosona,  wears  ordinary  dress,  with  a  white  blanket  bordered 
in  red  and  blue  falling  over  her  shoulders,  and  carries  the  mi'li  of  the 
fraternity  and  a  basket  of  meal  in  her  left  hand,  using  the  right  hand 
to  sprinkle  the  meal,  which  she  throws  out  before  her  as  she  advances. 
The  'Hlem'mosona  follows  her,  the  deputy  comes  after  him,  the 
retired  'Hlem'mosona  is  next,  and  the  aged  warrior  of  the  fraternity 
follows.  The  plaza  is  entered  from  the  western  street,  and  the 
dancers,  passing  south  of  the  boxes,  continue  around  in  single  file  by 
the  east,  north,  and  west,  making  the  complete  circle  before  swallow- 
ing the  sword.  Rattles  are  carried  in  the  right  hand  and  the  swords 
with  the  feathered  handles  held  upward  in  the  left.  The  musicians 
play  on  the  notched  sticks,  while  the  members  of  the  fraternity  sing. 
They  proceed  with  measured  step,  raising  first  one  foot,  then  the 
other,  squareby  and  quite  high  from  the  ground.  The  women  do  not 
raise  their  feet  so  high  as  the  men.  The  leader  of  the  song  and  dance 
has  his  place,  as  usual,  midway  in  the  line  of  dancers.  The  'Hlem'- 
mosona steps  from  the  line  just  as  he  passes  south  of  the  boxes  and, 
dancing  before  them,  he  turns  and  faces  east  and  runs  the  sword  once 
down  his  throat.  In  most  instances  the  rattle  is  transferred  to  the 
left  hand  and  the  sword  taken  in  the  right  before  it  is  put  down  the 
throat,  but  occasionally  a  dancer  manipulates  the  sword  with  the  left 
hand.  In  no  case  does  the  dance  cease  during  the  swallowing  of  the 
sword.  Soon  after  withdrawing  the  sword  he  joins  the  circle,  and 
the  next  man  steps  before  the  boxes  and  repeats  the  sword  swallowing. 


stevenson]  'hle'wekwe  467 

A  number  of  the  men  have  two  swords  in  their  throats  at  the  same 
time,  running  the  second  down  the  throat  after  the  first  has  been 
swallowed;  two  swallow  three  and  one  even  four  swords  in  this  way. 
Others  run  first  one  sword  clown  the  throat  and,  withdrawing  it,  run 
another  down.  Only  one  woman  swallows  two  swords  at  once.  Each 
fraternity  father  is  followed  by  his  children,  and  when  a  child  fails  to 
run  the  sword  down  the  throat  until  the  handle  only  is  exposed,  the 
fraternity  father  takes  the  sword  and  swallows  it.  He  also  swallows 
the  swords  of  the  juvenile  members,  there  being  no  attempt  on  the 
part  of  these  children  to  do  more  than  place  the  tip  of  the  sword 
between  the  lips.  As  the  circle  continues  around  there  is  a  repetition 
of  the  sword  swallowing,  but  in  the  third  circuit  the  form  of  sword 
swallowing  is  changed;  two  or  three  now  step  from  the  circle  at  the 
same  time,  or  rather  in  close  succession,  and  swallow  their  swords. 

When  the  'Hle'wekwe  return  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  after  the 
early  morning-  dance  they  group  themselves  around  the  painting  of 
A'chiyala'topa  and,  placing  their  hands  near  the  figure,  but  not  upon 
it,  bring  them  to  their  lips  and  draw  a  breath.  A  female  member 
now  erases  the  figure  by  brushing  the  sand  from  the  four  cardinal 
points  to  the  center  with  a  tepi  (native  broom),  and  brushing  the  sand 
with  the  broom  into  her  left  hand,  she  deposits  it  in  the  blanket  thrown 
over  the  left  arm  of  a  male  member." 

The  boiled  root  medicine  of  A'chiyala'topa,  which  is  taken  from  the 
pot  the  first  four  mornings  of  the  ceremonial  and  laid  on  the  east 
ledg-e  of  the  room,  and  a  la'showanne  (one  or  more  plumes  attached 
to  a  cotton  cord),  composed  of  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  and  a 
feather  from  a  bird  of  each  of  the  six  regions,  the  end  of  the  cord 
extending-  (3  inches,  with  a  sing-le  ko'hakwa  (white  shell)  bead  strung 
on  it,  are  deposited  with  the  sand  in  the  spring-  at  the  black  rocks 
where  the  original  'Hleni'niosona  is  supposed  to  have  disappeared, 
with  the  words:  "Go  to  }'our  home,  I'amakwi  (Zenith),"  referring 
to  the  home  of  A'chiyala'topa. 

A  feast  is  now  enjoyed  and  the  fraternity  rest  until  about  half  past 
9  o'clock,  when  the  'Hlem'mosona  goes  to  the  plaza  alone,  where  a 
number  of  spectators  are  gathered.  The  musicians  again  sit  at  the 
boxes  and  play  and  sing  while  the  'Hlem'mosona  faces  the  north  and 
swallows  his  sword.  The  sword  swallowing  is  repeated  at  the  west, 
south,  and  east,  and  at  the  last  point  he  swallows  his  sword  three 
times,  for  the  East,  Zenith,  and  Nadir.  Figure  32  shows  'Hlem'mosona 
swallowing  his  sword.  In  making  the  circuit  each  time  before  swal- 
lowing the  sword  he  stops  at  each  of  the  cardinal  points  and  stamps 
several  times.     The  sword  swallowing  at  the  six  regions  is  repeated, 

a  No  one  must  cross  the  meal  lines  on  the  roof  while  the  painting  remains  on  the  floor,  and  these 
people,  entertaining  great  fear  of  such  a  calamity,  allow  no  one  but  members  of  the  fraternity  on 
the  house  top,  though  there  is  no  reason  why  one  can  not  walk  on  any  other  portion  of  the  roof. 


4i',s 


THE    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


and  the  'Hlem'mosona  .stands  facing  the  east  and  prays  to  the  Sun 

Father,  sprinkling  meal  toward  the  east  before  returning  to  the  cere- 
monial chamber.  After  the  'Hlem'mosona  leaves  the  plaza  the  musi- 
cians pray  aloud,  and  waving  the  deer-leg  bones  over  the  boxes  draw 
a  breath  from  them. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  'Hlem'mosona  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  a 
woman  of  the  fraternity  ascends  to  the  roof  and  securing  the  tehl'nawe" 
carries  them  to  the  outside  ladder  leading  to  the  street  and  hands  them 
t<>  some  one  below.  Soon  afterward  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
appears  from  the  eastern  covered  wa}',  leading  six  members  of  the 


Pig.  32— 'Hlem'mosona  swallowing  sword. 

Bow  priesthood,  each  having  a  tehl'nane,  while  he  himself  carries  the 
ancient  staff.  The  musicians  who  perform  for  the  'Hlem'mosona 
now  leave  the  plaza  and  others  take  their  place  at  the  boxes  to  play 
for  the  circle  dancers.  The  tehl'nane  bearers  and  others  form  a 
circle,  which  must  never  be  entirely  closed,  and  as  they  pass,  with 
slow,  even  steps  from  left  to  right,  the  tehl'nawe  are  waved  up  and 
down  to  the  rich  strains  of  the  song  of  the  choir.  There  is  no  sing- 
ing by  the  dancers.  The  circle,  which  is  small  at  first,  is  gradually 
joined  by  men.  women,  3rouths,  and  maidens  until  it  is  very  large. 
All  clasp  one  another's  hands  except  those  next  to  a  tehl'nane;  in  such 
cases  the  staff  is  held  below  the  hand  of  the  warrior  who  carries  it. 

a  See  p.  450,  note  b. 


stevenson]  'hle'wekwe  469 

The  waving  of  the  fcehl'nawe,  an  exceedingly  graceful  motion,  never 
ceases  during  the  dance. 

The  two  a'mosi  (directors)  and  two  a'rnosono"kia  (directresses)  hav- 
ing charge  of  this  dance  were  energetic  in  gathering  dancers.  The 
a'mosi  wear  black  velveteen  trousers  over  white  cotton  shirts,  black 
native  wool  shirts  with  plaited  red  and  green  ribbons  over  the  should- 
ers and  falling  in  streamers,  and  the  ordinary  moccasins.  Yucca 
wreaths  are  worn  and  a  fluffy  white  plume  is  tied  to  the  forelock, 
and  the  la'showanne,  made  of  two  'hlai'aluko  feathers,  hangs  at  the 
right  side  of  the  head.  The  hair  is  done  up  in  the  usual  knot. 
Elaborate  necklaces  complete  the  costume.  The  a'mosono"kia  have 
their  hair  done  up  as  usual,  with  the  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  attached 
to  the  forelock  and  the  la'showanne  at  the  right  side.  They  wear  the 
black  wool  dress  embroidered  at  top  and  bottom  in  dark  blue,  a  red 
belt,  and  about  the  shoulders  a  white  blanket  bordered  at  top  and 
bottom  in  red  and  blue.  The  moccasins  are  white  buckskin,  with 
black  soles.  Long  strings  of  turquoise  beads  hang  from  the  ears 
and  silver  and  other  beads  adorn  the  neck,  while  the  left  wrists  are 
well  covered  with  bangles.  Each  director  carries  a  ball  of  }7arn, 
colored  light  green  from  a  native  dye,  with  the  end  run  through  a 
large  needle,  for  the  purpose  of  fastening  the  blanket  wraps  of  the 
girls  who  dance,  that  they  may  not  fall  from  their  shoulders. 

The  circle  dance  continues  until  the  arrival  of  the  'Hle'wekwe, 
when  the  dancers  group  themselves  in  the  northeast  corner  of  the 
plaza.  The  'Hle'wekwe  enter  the  plaza  from  the  western  street  and 
proceed  as  described  in  the  account  of  their  previous  dance.  Tbe_y 
pass  six  times  around  the  boxes,  swallowing  the  swords  each  time  after 
the  first  circuit.  Several  group  themselves  before  the  boxes  and  swal- 
low their  swords  simultaneously.  After  the  last  circuit  the  'Hlem'- 
mosona.  on  reaching-  the  south  end  of  the  boxes,  steps  before  them  and 
facing  them  waves  his  swords  over  the  boxes  and  pravs  aloud  to  the 
Cougar,  the  Bear,  the  Badger,  the  White  Wolf,  the  Shrew,  A'chiyil- 
la'topa,  the  Rattlesnake,  the  Pleiades,  and  Orion"  for  their  intercession 
with  the  Council  of  the  Gods  for  cold  rains  and  snows,  and  that  the 
Sun  Father  may  give  to  his  people,  referring  not  only  to  the  'Hle'- 
wekwe but  the  Zuni  in  general,  long  life,  that  they  ma}'  not  die,  but 
sleep  to  awake  in  Ko'thluwala'wa.  During  this  prayer  all  hold  their 
swords  with  the  points  upward,  and  as  the  prayer  closes  each  one  draws 
a  breath — all  that  is  good  from  his  sword. 

At  this  time  the  rattles  and  drum  of  the  Sword  order  of  the  Great 
Fire  fraternity  are  heard,  and  as  the  last  man  in  the  line  of  the  'Hle'- 
wekwe reaches  the  east  side  of  the  boxes  the  leader  of  the  Great  Fire 
fraternity  arrives  at  that  point.  This  fraternity  follows  in  file  after 
the  'Hle'wekwe,  the  step  of  both  fraternities  being  the  same.     After 

a  While  the  animal  warriors  labor  for  the  Sun  Father  on  earth,  the  Pleiades  and  Orion  are  his 
important  celestial  warriors. 


470  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

every  few  stops  both  parties  turn  and  face  the  boxes.  The  female 
leader  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  precedes  lier  fellows  from  the  plaza  through 
the  western  covered  way  and  the  Sword  order  of  the  Great  Fire  fra- 
ternity form  into  a  circle  around  the  boxes.  Hundreds  of  spectators, 
wrapped  in  their  bright  blankets,  crowding  the  house  tops  and  the 
south  and  west  sides  of  the  plaza,  present  a  brilliant  scene. 

Two  women  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  return  to  the  plaza  before  the  leader 
of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  has  passed  west  of  the  boxes,  and  the 
musicians  tip  the  larger  box  toward  them  while  one  of  the  women 
removes  the  basket  of  meal,"  whereupon  the  musicians  retire  from  the 
plaza. 

Before  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  leaves  the  plaza  the  male  and  the 
female  novice  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  their  catchers,  who  are  also 
referred  to  as  their  fathers,  appear.  The  male  novice  wears  a  tine 
large  white  buckskin  around  him.  The  woman  wears  the  ordinary 
black  dress  and  blanket.  They  stand  close  to  the  wall  of  the  He'iwa 
(North)  ki'wi'sine''  on  the  north  side  of  the  plaza,  and  the  catchers 
stand  by  the  wall  of  the  house  on  the  west  side  of  the  plaza. 

The  Great  Fire  fraternity  leave  the  plaza,  but  soon  return  to  repeat 
the  dance,  and  while  they  are  dancing  the  'Hlem'mosona  and  a  warrior 
of  the  'Hle'wekwe  appear,  the  former  carrying  the  sword  of  the  orig- 
inal director  in  his  right  hand  and  his  own  with  feathered  handle  in 
his  left.  The  warrior  carries  his  sword  in  his  right  hand  and  six 
swords  in  a  cougar-skin  quiver,  supported  by  a  broad  band  of  the  same 
skin  which  hangs  from  the  left  shoulder.  The  couple  pass  within  the 
circle  of  dancers  and  pray.  The  'Hlem'mosona  takes  his  position  to 
the  southeast  and  facing  north  swallows  his  sword;  then  turning  to  the 
west  he  swallows  the  sword  of  the  original  director,  and  withdraw- 
ing it  hands  it  to  the  warrior,  who  having  removed  the  swords  from 
the  quiver  holds  them  in  his  left  arm.  The  warrior  gives  one  of 
the  swords  to  the  'Hlem'mosona,  who,  leaving  the  circle,  runs  to  the 
six  regions,  the  east  representing  also  the  Zenith  and  Nadir,  stamp- 
ing and  hooting  at  each  cardinal  point.  Again  he  makes  the  circuit, 
repeating  the  stamps  and  hoots,  and  returning  to  the  west  swallows 
the  sword  which  was  handed  him  within  the  circle  of  dancers  by 
the  warrior.  Exchanging  this  sword  for  another  and  running  twice 
around  the  circle  of  dancers,  stopping  at  each  cardinal  point  to  hoot 
and  cry,  he  stands  facing  south  and  swallows  the  sword.  The  'Hlem'- 
mosona  repeats  the  swallowing  of  the  sword  at  the  other  regions  in  the 
manner  described  until  the  six  swords  from  the  quiver  have  been  swal- 
lowed. He  and  the  warrior  now  stand  before  the  boxes  and,  facing 
vvesl .  -wallow  their  swords.     Withdrawing  them,  they  wave  them  over 

a  This  basket  is  afterward  carried  by  a  male  member  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  lo  Mn^sakfa,  a  rnin  a  short 
east  of  Ziifn.  v  here  he  deposits  it  in  an  excavation  the  depth  of  his  arm,  which  he  makes  at 
the  base  of  the  mound  upon  which  the  ruin  stands. 
''See  Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions. 


stevenson]  "hle'wekwe  47l 

the  boxes  and  pray,' closing  the  prayer  by  inhaling  a  breath  with  their 
mouths  close  to  their  swords.  The.  warrior  now  returns  the  six  swords 
to  the  quiver.  The  sword  swallowers  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity 
complete  their  dance  and  sword-swallowing  and  leave  the  plaza,  and 
the  circle  dance  is  formed  before  the 'Hlem'mosona  and  warrior  of  the 
'Hle'wekwe  fraternity  terminate,  their  ceremony.  As  soon  as  the  circle 
dancers  begin  to  move,  the  melodious  strains  of  the  singers  at  the 
boxes  are  repeated. 

When  the  'Hlem'mosona  and  the  warrior  reach  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber, the  latter,  who  is  a  very  aged  man,  dons  a  queer-looking  mask, 
entirely  unlike  those  worn  by  the  personators  of  the  gods  but  similar 
to  our  common  falseface.  He  then  returns  to  the  plaza,  where  he 
causes  general  amusement.  He  is  not  in  the  plaza  very  long  when  six 
of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  including  two  women,  come  through  the  eastern 
covered  wa}-,  each  one  carrying  a  bunch  of  slender  willows  6  feet  in 
length.  This  is  the  signal  for  the  novices,  who  are  still  standing  by 
the  ki'wi'siue,  to  start  on  a  run  through  the  western  street.  They  first 
hurriedly  pass  the  right  hand  around  the  head  three  times  and  throw 
a  la'showanne,  composed  of  four  fluffy  eagle  plumes,  to  the  ground. 
The  catchers  start  after  them,  those  carrying  the  switches  following. 
However,  several  of  the  latter  delay  long  enough  to  use  their  switches 
right  and  left  on  those  spectators  who  are  not  so  fortunate  as  to  escape 
to  the  house  tops.  The  whipping  of  the  novices  ceases  as  soon  as  they 
reach  the  ladder  leading  to  the  hatchway  of  the  ceremonial  chamber, 
where  the  novices  and  catchers  wait  until  the  others  have  gone  into 
the  chamber,  when  they  descend  and  take  their  places  at  the  east  end 
of  the  chamber. 

The  clans  of  the  two  fraternity  fathers,  one  being  the  Dogwood 
and  the  other  the  Badger,  and  their  paternal  clans,  both  being  the 
Turkey,  crowd  the  north,  east,  and  south  ledges  which  extend  around 
the  wall.  Man\T  are  standing  for  want  of  room.  The  fraternity  forms 
vis-a-vis  in  lines  at  the  west  end  of  the  room  toward  the  north  side. 

The  gifts  for  the  novices  lie  folded  on  top  of  the  'hle'et'tone,  a 
fluffy  eagle  plume,  dyed  red,  protruding  from  the  folds  of  each  gift, 
that  for  the  man  being  a  white  cotton  embroidered  kilt  and  the 
woman's  a  mi'ha  (white  embroidered  blanket).  The  retired  'Hlem'- 
mosona and  the  active  one  remove  the  la'showawe  from  the  kilt  and 
mi'ha  and  dance  down  between  the  lines  of  the  fraternity,  whose 
members  at  the  same  time  gracefully  wave  the  featherbed  handles  of 
their  swords  up  and  down.  The  two  pass  on  to  the  novices  and  tie 
the  feathers  to  their  forelocks.  No  prayers  are  offered  when  the 
plumes  are  attached,  and  the  two  return  at  once  to  the  west  end  of 
the  room.  Each  fraternity  father  taking  his  gift  for  his  fraternity 
child  holds  it  spread  with  both  hands,  with  the  right  side  next  to 
him,  and  passing  on  to  the  novice  he  ties  the  upper  corners  at  the 


472  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.akk.28 

back  of  the  Deck  and  returns  to  the  west  end  of  the  room,  while  the 
other  members  continue  to  wave  the  bandies  of  tbeir  swords.  After 
the  nii'ha  and  kilt  are  presented,  the  catchers  stand  before  the  novices 
and  present  them  each  with  a  bunch  of  prayer  plumes  and  four  ears 
of  corn  tied  together  with  yucca  ribbon  and  then  return  to  their 
places  behind  the  novices.  The  Tllem'mosona  now  stands  before  the 
male  novice  and  prays,  while  he  passes  the  'hle'et'tone  four  times 
before  the  lips,  the  heart,  the  right  shoulder,  the  head,  and  the  left 
shoulder;  repeating  the  ceremony  over  the  female  novice,  he  replaces 
the  'hle'et'tone  at  the  west  end  of  the  room  and  passes  his  sword  in 
the  same  way  over  the  two  novices.  Each  time  he  passes  between  the 
lines  of  the -fraternity  he  is  fanned  gracefully  by  the  handles  of  the 
swords. 

Each  member  of  the  fraternity  takes  his  turn  in  repeating  the  cere- 
mony of  the  sword  over  the  novices,  the  sword  being  swallowed  by 
its  owner  before  he  leaves  the  line.  When  he  is  through  witli  the 
novices,  he  hands  his  sword  to  the  'hle'pekwln  (deputy)  to  the  'Hlem'- 
mosona,  who  stands  at  the  west  end  of  the  room.  When  all  the  mem- 
bers have  disposed  of  their  swords  the  guests  and  people  of  the  house 
crowd  about  the  novices,  each  one  having  his  or  her  mi'li,  and,  begin- 
ning with  the  male  novice,  repeat  a  prayer  and  pass  the  mi'li  over  each 
novice,  just  as  the  swords  were  passed.  " 

At  the  close  of  the  ceremony  a  feast  is  enjo3Ted  by  the  fraternity 
and  guests,  this  being  the  first  refreshment  taken  by  the  members  of 
the  'Hle'wekwe  since  the  previous  night.  After  the  feast  the  novices 
carry  their  gifts  to  their  homes,  but  soon  return  with  the  corn  and 
prayer  plumes  and  take  their  seats  on  the  north  ledge  of  the  room 
toward  the  west  end,  the  woman  sitting  to  the  right  of  the  man. 

The  Sword  order  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  dances  four  times  in 
the  plaza  during  the  indoor  ceremonies  of  the  ^le'wekwe,  leaving 
the  plaza  after  each  dance,  when  the  circle  dancers  dance  until  they 
return.  At  the  close  of  the  last  circle  dance  in  the  plaza  the  tehl'nawe 
are  carried  from  the  plaza  by  the  a'mosi  of  the  dance,  each  carrying 
three;  the  a'niosono*tkia  walk  to  the  right  of  the  a'mosi,  and  they 
have  the  plaza  by  the  western  street.  The  tehl'nawe  are  returned 
to  the  roof  of  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  where 
they  remain  over  night. 

The  dancing  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  in  the  plaza  ceases  at 
sunset,  and  a  member  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  immediately  arrives  on  the 
scene  and  forms  two  crosses  of  meal  near  the  northwest  corner  of  the 
plaza,  the  arms  of  the  crosses  being  each  2  feet,  two  of  the  horizon- 
tal arms  meeting,  a  disk  of  meal  being  made  on  each  cross.     The  two 

"Tin-  writer  and  a  woman  of  the  Dogwood  elan  who  was  not  associated  with  a  Mystery  medicine 
order  used  the  mi'li  of  the  mother  of  the  latter,  the  mother  being  a  member  of  the  U'huhukwe 
fraternity. 


stevenson]  'hle'wekwe  473 

boxes  around  which  the  musicians  sit  during'  the  da}r  are  reversed  and 
turned  bottom  up.  which  places  the  heads  of  the  paintings  on  the  boxes 
in  an  upturned  position  in  accordance  with  a  tradition  that  when  the 
beast  god  warriors  who  accompanied  the  'Hle'wekwe  to  I'tiwanna  sat 
in  the  plaza  they  looked  upward  to  the  heavens  while  the  people 
passed  around  them.  Next,  two  members  of  the  fraternity  who 
belong  to  the  Bear  clan,  each  carrying  an  old  bowl-shaped  basket 
about  (!  inches  in  diameter,  approach  from  the  western  street  and 
sprinkle  meal  upon  the  notched  sticks  and  deer  leg  bones,  which  are  now 
inside  the  boxes.  They  are  clad  in  white  cotton  shirts  and  trousers, 
embroidered  kilts  striped  with  blue-green,  the  stripe  decorated  with 
a  conventional  design  of  the  game  sho'liwe,  a  mi'ha  over  the  shoul- 
ders, and  dance  moccasins.  Stooping  before  the  meal  crosses,  each 
takes  a  notched  stick  and  a  deer-leg  bone,  and  facing  northeast  places 
his  basket,  inverted,  on  a  disk  of  meal.  Then  twelve  male  mem- 
bers of  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  the  novices  and  catchers,  who  are  fore- 
most in  the  group,  the  novices  carrying  the  ears  of  corn  and  prayer 
plumes  given  them  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  stand  back  of  the  two 
men.  all  facing  northeast.  Those  who  form  the  group  wear  blankets 
wrapped  around  them  and  carry  rattles  in  their  right  hands.  The  two 
men  of  the  Bear  clan,  resting  the  notched  sticks  on  the  baskets,  run 
the  deer-leg  bones  outward  over  the  sticks  thirty-two  times,  then  draw 
the  bones  toward  them  over  the  sticks  the  same  number  of  times. 
This  movement  is  repeated  without  variation  until  the  cessation  of  the 
music. 

As  soon  as  the  musicians  rise  the  male  members  of  the  fraternity 
present  begin  singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  their  rattles,  and  the 
two  men  of  the  Bear  clan  take  their  position  in  front  of  the  group, 
holding  the  notched  sticks  and  deer-leg  bones  and  baskets  in  their 
left  hands,  which  they  move  to  the  time  of  the  music.  Their  right 
hands  are  not  visible  under  the  large  blankets  worn  around  them. 
The  warrior  of  the  fraternity  intones  at  intervals  and  the  whole  body 
joins  in  the  song.  Almost  immediately  upon  the  opening  of  this  song 
the  et'towe  and  'hla'we  bearers,  with  Mu'chailiha'nona,"  their  leader, 
appear  from  the  eastern  covered  way.  The  leader  is  chosen  by  the 
'Hlein'mosona  from  the  fraternity  and  must  be  of  the  Dogwood  clan, 
or  his  paternal  parent  must  be  of  this  clan  (the  same  man  can  not  act  in 
the  two  ceremonials  of  January  and  February).  The  leader  is  clad  in  a 
white  cotton  shirt  with  full  gathered  sleeves,  and  a  white  cotton  embroid- 
ered kilt,  decorated  like those  worn  by  the  men  of  the  Bear  clan,  is  fastened 
at  the  right  side:  he  also  wears  an  embroidered  sash  and  a  white  fringed 
sash  looped  at  the  right  side,  blue  knit  leggings,  and  dance  moccasins. 
A  line  mi'ha  tied  at  the  upper  ends  hangs  over  the  bod}%  the  long  wavy 
hair  falls  over  the  back,  and  bangs  cover  the  brows.  A  large  white  fluffy 
eagle  plume  and  a  bunch  of  yellow  parrot  feathers  are  attached  to  the 

a  See  page  447. 


474  THE    ZFNI    INDIANS  [eth.  Ann.  23 

forelock.  The  face  is  white  with  meal.  The  necklaces  are  elaborate. 
He  carries  in  his  left  hand  a  black  howl-shaped  basket  5  inches  in 
diameter,  three  cords  about  12  inches  long  and  terminating  in  a  knot 
being  attached  equal  distances  at  the  rim.  This  basket  is  suspended  b}' 
i  he  strings  from  a  slender  stick,  12  inches  long,  with  a  la'showanne 
pendent  from  one  end.  The  basket  is  tilled  with  tine  meal  shaped  into 
a  mound.  A  cross  is  formed  over  the  mound  with  corn  pollen  and  a 
line  of  pollen  encircles  the  meal,  symbolic  of  the  four  regions  (see 
plate  cxi).  The  basket  and  stick,  which  latter  is  never  freshly  painted, 
are  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  undermost  world. 

As  Mn'ehailiha'nona  proceeds  with  majestic  step  and  sprinkles  meal 
carried  in  his  belt  he  is  followed  by  eight  maidens  in  single  file,  the  first 
four  carrying  in  the  right  hand  two  ancient  'hla'we,  resting  them 
across  the  left  arm.  the  sticks  of  which  are  claimed  to  have  been 
brought  from  the  lower  world  by  the  Corn  maidens"  (see  plate 
cxii,  a).  The  others  carry  each  a  mu'et'tone  resting  on  the  left  arm 
and  supported  with  the  right  hand.  These  girls  wear  the  dark  wool 
embroidered  dresses,  white  moccasins  and  leggings,  and  white  blankets 
bordered  in  red  and  blue,  fastened  at  the  upper  ends  and  falling  over 
the  shoulders.  After  advancing  a  short  distance  in  the  plaza,  they 
halt  and  stand  for  a  couple  of  minutes  in  line,  facing  west,  and  then 
advance,  passing  around  to  the  north.  When  they  have  all  reached 
the  north  side  of  the  plaza  they  again  halt  and  face  south. 

At  this  time  the  Mu'waiye  appear,  dancing  sidewise,  from  the  east- 
ern covered  way.  The  girls  each  wear  two  mi'hawe  (plural  of  mi'ha), 
the  under  one  having  the  deep  embroidery  at  the  neck,  the  outer  one 
the  deep  border  at  the  bottom.  In  order  to  make  the  blanket  serve  as 
the  short  skirt,  it  is  folded  over  at  the  top  and  held  on  with  an 
embroidered  sash,  the  upper  edge,  which  is  turned  over,  standing  up 
in  a  kind  of  ruffle.  The  sashes  are  tied  at  the  back.  They  wear  fine 
white  deerskin  moccasins  with  black  soles.  The  'helh'pone  (see  plate 
xxxviii)  is  worn  on  the  head.  Elaborate  necklaces  of  ko'hakwa,  coral, 
and  turquoise,  with  turquoise  earrings  pendent  from  the  necklaces,  are 
worn.  The  boy  has  his  hair  flowing,  with  two  white  fluffy  eagle 
plumes,  one  above  the  other,  hanging  down  the  center  of  the  back,  a 
bunch  of  yellow  parrot  feathers  and  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  being 
attached  to  the  scalp  lock.  He  has  a  yucca  wreath  fancifully  tied  at 
the  side,  and  his  hair  falls  in  bangs  over  his  eyes.  He  wears  an 
embroidered  kilt,  with  a  border  of  blue-green  and  the  game  of  sho'- 
liwe  painted  upon  it,  fastened  at  the  right  side.  A  white  fringed  sash 
and  a  red  belt  are  looped  at  the  right  side  and  a  fox  skin  is  pendent  at 
the  back  of  the  belt.  He  also  wears  earrings  and  a  profusion  of  neck- 
laces, a  silver  bow  wristlet  on  the  left  arm,  blue  yarn  leggings  with 

aThe  stems  were  originally  white,  with  foliage  of  delicate  silvery  leaves  resembling  feathers.  When 
the  leaves  disappeared  they  were  replaced  by  feathers  of  the  'hlai'aluko  (sialia  arctica). 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.  CXI 


BASKET    WITH     MEAL    CROSSED    AND    ENCIRCLED    WITH     CORN     POLLEN,    SYMBOLIC 
OF    THE    FOUR    REGIONS    AND    THE    WHOLE    WORLD 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.  CXII 


a,    ANCIENT    -HLA'WE;     6,    'HLU'SIPOWE,     FETISHES    OF    'HLE'WEKWE      THF 

SWORD    SWALLOWERS 


stevesson]  thle'wekwe  475 

bunches  of  yarn  tied  around  them  below  the  knee,  with  sleigh  bells 
hanging',  and  dance  moccasins.  The  maidens  hold  a  'hlu"siponea  in 
each  hand  (see  plate  cxn  b,  c).  The  3routh  holds  his  mi'li  between 
his  hands. 

The  Mu'waiye  advance  like  drilled  soldiers,  keeping  perfect  time 
with  their  heads,  hands,  and  feet.  This  trio  is  closely  followed  by 
the  a'mosi  and  a'mosono'*kia  of  the  choir,  the  drummer  and  choir, 
which  consists  of  about  100  men  of  the  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine,  grouped 
immediately  behind  them.  The  a'mosi  wear  black  velvet  trousers, 
native-woven  shirts  of  black,  elaborately  ornamented  with  red  and 
green  ribbons,  and  quantities  of  necklaces,  the  hair  being  done  up 
in  the  usual  way.  The  a'mosono''kia  are  dressed  similarly  to  the 
et'towe-bearers,  all  being  adorned  with  as  many  necklaces  as  they  can 
secure  from  relatives  and  friends.  The  air  rings  with  the  song,  which 
is  quite  independent  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  choir  on  the  western  side  of 
the  plaza.  The  et'towe  and  'hla'we  bearers  linger  in  line  on  the  north 
side  of  the  plaza  until  the  Mu'waiye  are  fully  in  the  plaza,  when 
they  move  on  very  slowly,  circling  round  the  boxes  four  times,  each 
person  frequently  sprinkling  meal  into  them.  They  leave  the  plaza 
by  the  western  way,  proceeding  to  a  house  of  the  Badger  clan,  where 
the  et'towe  are  received  by  their  keepers,  four  aged  women.  They 
are  deposited  in  flat  baskets  partly  filled  with  meal,  and  placed  in  line 
from  north  to  south  in  the  center  of  the  floor  of  the  large  room.  The 
ancient  'hla'we  are  laid  across  the  baskets  north  of  the  et'towe,  with 
the  tip  ends  pointing  east.  Mu'chailiha'nona  and  each  bearer  of  a 
fetish  carries  a  pinch  of  meal  held  in  the  left  hand  four  times  around 
the  head  and  sprinkles  it  over  the  et'towe.6  Meal  is  now  taken  in  the 
right  hand  and  sprinkled  over  the  fetishes  with  a  prayer  for  rains. 
The  girls  take  their  seats  on  the  north  ledge  of  the  room,  and  Mu'chail- 
iha'nona returns  to  the  chamber  of  the  'Hle'wekwe. 

After  the  fetish-bearers  and  the  leader  leave  the  plaza  they  are 
followed  by  the  'Hle'wekwe  choir,  and  the  Mu'waiye  with  their  choir 
have  the  plaza  to  themselves.  The  Chu'pakwe  do  not  proceed  far- 
ther than  the  northeastern  corner  of  the  plaza  until  the  Mu'waiye 
have  passed  four  times  around  the  boxes.  The  music,  which  is  the 
same  as  that  sung  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  notched  sticks  earlier 
in  the  day,  and  which  is  now  to  be  heard  free  from  the  grating  noises 
of  the  deer-leg  bones  rubbed  over  the  notched  sticks,  is  rich  and 
melodious. 

a  The  thlu^sipone  is  made  like  the  ancient  'hla'we.  The  stems  are  painted  white  and  white  duck 
leathers  take  the  place  of  the  silvery  leaves.  The  various  seeds  are  wrapped  in  cotton  at  the  ends  of 
the  'hlu"sipowe.  The  'Hlem'mosona  of  the  fraternity  presented  to  the  writer  two  'hlu"sipowe  (plural 
of  uilu'tsipone),  having  the  white  feathers  and  two  'hla'we  with  'hlai'aluko  plumes,  which  are  now 
in  the  National  Museum. 

&"One  failing  to  sprinkle  the  meal  would  be  troubled  with  excrescences  and  swellings;  perhaps 
one,  perhaps  many,  would  come." 


476  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  |eth.  ann.23 

The  evening  shadows  are  falling  when  the  Mu'wai}Te  complete  the 
fourth  circuit  around  the  boxes  and  advance  toward  the  western 
entrance.  This  movement  is  the  signal  for  the  spectators  to  hasten 
from  the  plaza  and  stand  in  lines  facing  each  other  on  each  side  of  the 
streets  through  which  the  dancers  are  to  pass,  their  course  being 
through  the  western  entrance  to  a  second  plaza,  thence  to  the  north 
street  and  around  to  the  west  street,  and  down  this  street  to  the  house 
where  the  et'towe  are  deposited.  The  Mu' waive  dance  every  step  of 
the  way,  as  has  been  described,  to  the  music  of  the  Chu'pakwe,  who 
follow  closely.  It  is  dark  by  the  time  the  Mu'waiye  reach  the  house. 
As  each  girl  is  relieved  of  her  'hlu"sipone  it  is  placed  with  an  ancient 
'hla'we,  and  both  are  passed  before  her  lips  while  she  inhales  all  that 
is  good  from  them,  they  being  then  laid  across  the  basket  from  which 
the  ancient  'hla'we  is  taken. 

An  old  woman  removes  the  la'showawe  of  'hlai'aluko  feathers  from 
the  hair  of  each  of  the  Mu'waiye  and  it  is  tied  to  the  ancient  'hla'we 
with  which  her  'hlu"sipowe  are  placed.  The  Mu'waiye  and  choir  take 
in  their  left  hands  meal  from  the  meal  basket  by  the  et'towe  and,  car- 
rying the  hand  from  left  to  right  around  the  head  four  times,  throw 
the  meal  over  the  fetishes  for  physical  purification.  Meal  is  afterward 
taken  in  the  right  hand  and  sprinkled  over  the  et'towe,  with  prayers 
for  food,  raiment,  and  good  health.  The  Mu'waiye  now  have  their 
headdresses,  mi'has,  and  other  paraphernalia  removed  by  the  two 
a'mosi  of  the  Mu'waiye,  and  the}7  take  their  seats  on  the  south  ledge. 
The  choir  crowd  around  the  fetishes  and  pray.  Each  man  gives  a 
la'showanne  of  the  lhlai'aluko,  which  he  received  during  the  rehearsals 
of  the  Mu'waiye,  to  the  old  women,  who  attach  them  to  the  ancient 
'hla'we:  by  this  means  the  ancient  sticks  are  kept  supplied  with  plumes. 
The  masses  gather  from  the  street  and  repeat  the  performance  with 
the  meal,  held  first  in  the  left  hand,  then  in  the  right."  The  et'towe 
are  now  placed  on  the  north  ledge  of  the  room  and  the  'hla'we  and 
'hlu"sipowe  are  stood  against  the  wall,  back  of  the  et'towe. 

On  the  fifth  morning  of  the  ceremonial  the  plastering  is  removed 
from  the  doors  and  windows  leading  from  the  ceremonial  chamber  of 
the  'Hle'wekwe  into  the  adjoining  rooms,  and  stone  slabs  which  block 
up  spaces  in  the  north  and  south  walls  when  not  required  to  serve  as 
openings  through  which  the  elite  observe  the  final  ceremony,  arc  also 
removed.  The  room  immediately  back  of  the  ceremonial  chamber  is 
prepared  for  the  reception  of  special  guests.  A  smaller  room  be}'ond 
is  devoted  to  the  preparation  of  toggery  by  those  who  are  to  amuse 
the  fraternity  and  guests  previous  to  the  night  ceremonial. 

At  '.»  o'clock  in  the  evening  the  two  novices  take  seats  on  the  north 

"Squads  of  drunken  men  and  boys  offering  prayers  and  sprinkling  meal  over  the  fetishes  present  a 
revolting  sight. 


stevenson]  'hle'wekwe  477 

ledge  of  the  chamber,  toward  the  west  end,  the  woman  sitting  to  the 
right  of  the  man.  The  male  members  of  the  fraternity  sit  on  the 
south  side,  midway  between  the  fireplace  and  the  west  end  of  the 
room,  in  a  group  which  forms  the  choir.  The  female  members  sit 
west  of  the  choir  on  the  ledge  and  the  floor.  The  women  of  the 
To'nakwe  (Turkey),  To'nashikwe  (Badger),  and  Pi'ehikwe  (Dogwood) 
clans  have  the  positions  they  occupied  during  the  afternoon  ceremony. 
By  10  o'clock  the  room  is  crowded.  The  adjoining  room  is  also  tilled 
with  the  cronies  of  the  old  man  of  the  family  and  others  of  the  privi- 
leged clans,  principally  males.  The  interior  windows  and  door  leading 
into  the  ceremonial  chamber  afford  a  view  of  what  is  going  on,  and  a 
group  of  the  women  of  the  family  and  their  most  honored  guests  sit 
in  a  side  room,  looking  through,  quite  an  extensive  opening  in  the 
wall  that  is  made  by  removing  a  couple  of  large  stone  slabs  plastered 
in  this  space.  At  this  time  five  masked  characters  appear  in  the  cere- 
monial chamber,  their  dress  rendering  them  as  ridiculous  as  possible. 
At  one  time  they  caricature  the  He'mishiikwe  (certain  anthropic 
gods).  Again,  one  plays  upon  a  notched  stick,  caricaturing  a  scene  of 
the  day.  Their  songs  and  performances  draw  constant  applause  from 
the  spectators.  After  remaining  a  few  moments  in  the  ceremonial 
chamber  this  party  visits  the  house  in  which  the  four  et'towe  are 
placed,  where  a  large  number  of  people  are  congregated  besides  those 
especially  designated  to  be  present  with  the  et'towe. 

The  ceremonies  in  the  chamber  of  the  Tdle'wekwe  begin  shortly 
before  11.  The  men  wear  breecheloths.  All  the  women  wear  their 
black  wool  dresses  with  red  belts,  their  necks  and  arms  uncovered  and 
their  hair  flowing,  with  the  bangs  over  their  eyes.  Both  the  men  and 
women  have  elaborate  necklaces  and  the  women  wear  silver  bangles 
and  rings.  As  the  choir  begins,  the  novices  rise  and  the  catchers  stand 
on  the  ledge  behind  them,  with  a  hand  on  each  shoulder  of  the  novice. 
An  elderly  woman  and  two  young  girls  stand  between  and  on  each  side 
of  the  novices,  clasping  their  hands,  the  forearms  being  held  upward, 
and  in  this  position  the  hands  are  moved  back  and  forth,  while  the 
catchers  slightly  move  first  the  right  and  then  the  left  shoulder  of  the 
novices.  In  a  few  minutes  the  three  women  are  replaced  by  others, 
and  the}'  take  position  on  the  floor  according  to  their  clan,  the  one  of 
the  Dogwood  clan  dancing  on  the-  north  side  of  the  room  and  those 
of  the  Badger  and  Turkey  clans  on  the  south  side,  each  holding 
two  eagle-wing  plumes  in  the  right  hand.  On  two  or  three  occasions 
it  is  noticed  that  the  plumes  are  held  in  the  left  hand.  The  upper 
arms  are  extended  outward,  the  forearms  upward.  No  one  can  dance 
until  she  has  stood  by  the  side  of  the  novices,  and  after  the  first  two 
groups  have  served  women  also  stand  at  the  backs  of  the  novices  in 
the  place  of  the  catchers.  .  There  are  usually  ten  female  dancers  on 
the  floor  at  one  time,  forming  two  lines.     The  motion  is  sidewise 


478  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ahs.23 

to  the  east  and  then  to  the  west,  the  dancers  facing  first  south  and 
then  north.  The  members  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  dance  between  these 
lines.  The  'Hl&m'mosona  is  the  first  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  on  the  floor. 
He  swallows  his  sword  several  times  while  dancing.  He  is  followed 
by  the  aged  warrior,  who  runs  his  sword,  which  has  the  arrow 
point,  a  number  of  times  down  his  throat.  The  dancing  is  more 
violent  on  this  occasion  than  in  the  plaza,  and  therefore  the  sword 
swallowing  more  difficult  and  dangerous.  The  officers  of  the  fra- 
ternity are  followed  to  the  floor  by  all  the  members  (except  two  or 
three  young  children),  generally  two  at  a  time,  sometimes  three. 
Some  hold  the  sword  down  the  throat  twenty  seconds,  others  ten 
seconds,  the  usual  time  being  five  seconds.  One  man  holds  two 
swords  at  once  in  his  throat  seven  seconds.  On  three  occasions  the 
swords  are  run  down  one  another's  throats  during  the  most  violent 
motions  of  the  dance."  Toward  the  close  of  the  dance  a  director  of 
the  Mu'waiye  visits  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  joins  in  the  dance. 

The  novices  do  not  take  their  seats  from  the  beginning  to  the  close 
of  the  night  ceremonial.  The  male  novice  becomes  so  exhausted  dur- 
ing the  night  as  to  be  in  danger  of  fainting,*  and  a  small  blanket  is 
laid  under  his  feet  as  a  rest  for  them.  Popcorn  water  and  the  red 
medicine  previously  referred  to  are  drunk  frequently  during  the  night, 
and  one  or  two  members  of  the  choir  are  stimulated  with  whisky 
brought  in  by  the  old  woman  of  the  house.  Shortlv  after  midnight 
the  drinking  of  whisky  begins  in  the  back  room.  It  is  dealt  in  by 
both  male  and  female  members  of  the  family.  One  woman  buys  a 
horse  with  a  small  glass  of  whisky  and  a  handsome  string  of  beads 
with  half  a  glass.  The  morning  star  is  carefully  watched  for,  and  its 
appearance  above  the  horizon  is  the  signal  for  the  ceremonies  in  the 
chamber  to  cease.  The  aged  warrior  closes  the  dance,  holding  the . 
po'nepoyanne c  in  his  right  hand  and  a  bow  and  arrows  in  his  left. 

The  'Hle'wekwe  and  dancers  now  leave  for  the  house  where  the 
et'-towe  were  placed  and  those  who  are  not  too  drunk  to  stand  venture 
from  the  back  room  into  the  ceremonial  chamber  and  join  in  drunken 
revelry.  Though  the  conduct  of  many  of  the  guests  in  the  house  of 
the  et'towe  during  the  night  is,  in  a  quiet  way,  most  insinuating  and 
indecorous,  those  associated  with  the  fetishes  perform  their  duties  in 
great  seriousness.  The  four  et'towe  are  still  side  by  side  in  their 
baskets  of  meal  on  the  ledge  on  the  north  side  of  the  room,  about  mid- 
way. The  aged  woman  having  charge  of  the  et'tone  of  the  Ai'yaho'kwe 
tlan  sits  west  of  the  line  of  et'towe,  and  the  old  woman  having  charge  of 
the  et'tone  of  the  To'nashikwe  clan  sits  on  her  right,  the  bearers  of 

"While  accidents  seldom  happen  from  swallowing  the  sword,  death  is  sometimes  the  result.  This 
is  attributed  to  a  bad  heart  or  to  the  unfortunate  having  been  touched  by  another. 

bSuch  an  exhibition  of  weakness,  were  he  to  succumb,  would  be  unfortunate  for  his  standing  in 
the  fraternity. 

cSee  p.  117,  note  a. 


steven-son]  HLE  WEKWE  479 

these  two  et'towe  sitting-  next,  and  next  to  them  two  of  the  'hlu"sipowe- 
bearers.  The  aged  woman  in  charge  of  the  et'tone  of  the  To'wakwe 
elan  sits  east  of  the  et'towe,  the  woman  in  charge  of  the  et'tone  of  the 
'Ko'ioktakwe  elan  sits  on  her  left,  the  two  bearers  of  these  et'towe 
sit  next,  and  the  other  two  'klu"sipo\ve-bearers  are  next  to  them.  The 
Mu' waive  and  their  a'mosi  and  a'mosono"kia  sit  quietl\r  through  the 
night  on  the  ledge  at  the  south  side  of  the  room  opposite  the  et'towe,. 
except  when  one  of  the  a'mosi  visits  the  'Hle'wekwe  chamber. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  'Hlem'mosona  bearing  the  'kle'et'tone  eight  of 
the  'Hle'wekwe  take  seats  east  of  the  two  boxes,  which  are  now  at  the 
east  end  of  the  room,  and  play  on  the  notched  sticks,  the  rest  of  the 
fraternity  grouping  themselves  near  the  boxes.  The  four  et'towe  are 
lifted  from  the  baskets  by  the  old  women  and  handed  to  the  et'towe- 
bearers,  and  the  'Hlem'mosona  hands  the  'hle'et'tone  to  a  woman  of  the 
fraternity.  The  et'towe-bearers  are  joined  by  two  men  having  the 
bows  and  arrows,  and  they  form  in  line,  facing  east,  just  as  the}r  did  in 
the  plaza  in  the  previous  morning.  The  two  novices  stand  before  this 
line,  also  facing  east.  The  wives  of  the  fraternity  fathers  are  behind 
them,  with  a  hand  resting  on  each  shoulder  of  the  novice,  the 
shoulders  being  kept  in  slight  motion.  The  notched  sticks  with  deer- 
leg  bones  are  played  in  accompaniment  to  the  song  and  rattle  while 
the  et'towe  are  waved  downward,  with  the  same  inclination  observed 
in  the  plaza.  They  are  never  moved  upward,  as  the  prayers  are  for 
cold  rains  and  snows  to  fall  to  prepare  the  Earth  Mother  for  the 
embrace  of  the  Sun  Father. 

At  sunrise  the  singing  ceases  and  the  'Hlem'mosona  receives  the 
'hle'et'tone  in  the  basket,  and  the  two  men  hand  him  the  bows  and 
arrows.  Each  of  the  other  et'towe-  bearers  delivers  her  et'tone  to  the 
old  woman  in  charge  of  it,  she  receiving  it  in  a  basket.  The  baskets 
are  deposited  in  line  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  and  after  the  "Hlem'- 
mosona prays  over  them  the  old  women  carry  the  et'towe  and  the 
Mu' waive  carry  the  'hla'we  to  the  houses  where  they  are  kept,  two 
of  the  'hla'we  being  deposited  with  each  et'tone.  The  'Hlem'mosona, 
accompanied  by  the  members  of  the  'Hle'wekwe,  carries  the  'hle'- 
et'tone in  the  basket  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  'Hle'wekwe, 
but  afterward  removes  it  from  the  basket  and  lays  it  on  the  ledge, 
upon  which  he  first  sprinkles  meal.  He  now  removes  the  eight  eagle 
plumes  from  across  the  bowl  of  medicine  water,  shaking  the  pollen 
from  the  plumes  into  the  water,  and  administers  the  water  from  a 
shell  to  each  member  of  the  household,  including  the  infants.  The 
drinker  says:  "Ta'chumo  (father)."  The  'Hlem'mosona  replies: 
'•Cha'limo  (child)."  Each  one  now  takes  meal  in  the  left  hand  from 
the  pottery  meal  basket  and,  waving  the  hand  around  the  head  from 
left  to  right  four  times,  throws  it  upon  the  et'tone  for  physical  puri- 
fication and  good  health.     Meal  is  afterward  taken  with  the  right 


480  THE    ZLTNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

hand  and  sprinkled  op  the  St'tonS,  that  one  may  not  die,  but  grow  old 
and  sleep,  to  wake  as  a  little  child  in  Ko'thluwala'wa  (abiding  place  of 
the  Council  of  the  Gods),  where  the  Zufiis  go  for  a  time  after  death. 
During  the  prayers  the  women  of  the  paternal  and  maternal  clans  of 
the  novices  are  bringing  large  bowls  of  food,  and  the  center  of  the 
floor  soon  bears  evidence  of  preparation  for  an  elaborate  feast.  At 
the  conclusion  of  the  prayers  over  the  'hle'et'tone,  We'wha,  not  a 
member  of  the  fraternity  but  a  member  of  the  house,  addressing  the 
assemblage,  in  the  presence  of  the  guests  of  the  night,  says: 

"My  children,  those  of  you  who  would  be  members  of  the  frater- 
nity of  the  'Hle'weke,  prepare  corn  meal  and  choose  a  father,  that  you 
may  become  one  of  them.  In  five  worlds  below  all  was  dark;  in  five 
worlds  below  all  was  unclean.  The  'kia'et'tone,  chu'et'tone,  mu'et'tone, 
and  'hle'et'tone  came  up  to  the  light  of  the  Sun  Father  and  passed  to 
the  land  of  the  creation  of  the  gods,  our  children  becoming  gods; 
but  first  those  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  were  water  snakes,  tortoises,  frogs, 
and  tadpoles.  'Kia'et'tone  and  chu'et'tone  passed  to  Hal'ona,  but 
'hle'et'tone  and  mu'et'tone  traveled  with  the  'Hle'wekwe  by  the  far 
north  road  to  Shi'papolima  and  the  house  of  Po'shaiyanki,  where  we 
lived  four  years  [time  periods],  and  after  that  time  we  arose  and  trav- 
eled to  the  west  and  made  our  home  at  To'3'akwi  'kiai'akwi  [Nutria 
spring  place],  where  we  lived  four  years,  and  again  we  arose  and  passed 
to  the  west  to  Top'apkwinna  [Black  rocks].  Here  the  'Hlem'mosona 
spoke  to  us  saying:  'I  am  old.  I  will  go  no  farther.  Here  I  shall 
make  my  home  for  all  time.  Now  we  are  near  I'tiwanna;  I  will  go  on 
farther  with  you.'  Addressing  his  deputy,  he  said:  '  I  give  to  you  my 
pok'et'tone  [the  ancient  sword].  You  [referring  to  others  of  his  fra- 
ternity] will  go  to  Hal'ona  I'tiwanna  [ant  middle  place],  and  when  you 
wish  snows  and  cold  rains  make  te'likinawe  and  bring  them  hither  [to 
the  spring]  and  I  will  receive  them  and  carry  them  to  the  Kok'ko 
A'wan  [Council  of  the  Gods],  at  Ko'thluwala'wa,  for  the  road  from 
my  house  here  leads  to  that  house."0 

Thanks  are  now  given  for  the  food,  and  after  making  the  proper 
offering  to  the  dead  of  the  fraternity  all  enjoy  the  feast.  Then  the 
ceremonies  close. 

The  'Hlem'mosona  returns  the  'hle'et'tone  with  its  associated  fetishes, 
including  the  bows  and  arrows,  to  its  chamber  in  a  house  of  the  'Ko'*- 
loktakwe  clan.  He  carries  the  sword  blades  in  the  cougar-skin  sack 
to  his  home.  The  basket  and  slender  stick  which  is  attached,  carried 
by  Mu'chailiha'nona,  the  ancient  bowl  and  bear's  feet  skins,  the  stone 
fetishes,  and  the  sword  handles  are  kept  in  a  back  storage  room  of  the 
ceremonial  house.* 

a  The  writer  has  given  such  portion  of  the  prayer  as  she  was  able  to  hear. 

11  \  large  stone  cougar,  brought  out  only  in  cases  of  severe  illness,  is  secreted  beneath  plastering  in 
a  niche  in  the  wall  of  the  ceremonial  chamber. 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.  CXII 


SHRINE    OF    THE    GODS    OF    WAR,    SHOWING    TEHL'NAWE    (STAVES)     USED    IN 
CEREMONIAL    OF    'HLE'WEKWE,    THE    SWORD    SWALLOWERS 


STEVENSON] 


481 


After  the  close  of  the  morning  feast  the  tehl'nawe  are  carried  by 
such  members  of  the  fraternity  as  belong  to  the  A'pi'fashiwanni  to 
their  homes,  and  later  in  the  morning  they  are  taken  to  the  shrines 
of  the  Gods  of  War.  which  are  situated  at  the  four  cardinal  points. 
Each  shrine  is  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Zuni,  the  tehl'nane  for  the 
north,  with  its  accompanying  stick,  being  deposited  at  the  shrine  by 
the  aged  warrior  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity.  The  names  of  these 
shrines  arc  as  follows:  Al'ahoimuPhlakwi,  north  shrine;  Ha'wikonakwi, 
west  shrine;  I'shana  an  tekiapoa  'san'nakwi,  south  shrine  (see  plate 
CXll  ):  To'nashi  an  te'kiapoakwi,  east  shrine.  These  shrines  are  on 
elevated  ground.  They  are  built  of  rock,  the  opening  being  on  the. 
east  side,  covered  by  a  stone  slab.  The  south  shrine  is  superior  to 
the  others.  It  is  in  horseshoe  form,  built  of  flat  stones,  with  a 
dome-like  top.  On  removing  the  slab  at  the  entrance  on  the  east 
side  many  prayer  plumes  are  seen  planted  in  the  ground.  The 
tehl'nawe  for  the  Zenith  and  Nadir  are  deposited  at  the  east  shrine. 
The  tehl'nawe,  being  taller  than  the  walls  of  the  shrines,  are  placed 
on  the  outside  against  the  walls.  The  'Hle'wekwe  deposit  prayer 
plumes  in  January  and  February  within  the  walls  of  these  shrines, 
where  they  remain  until  it  becomes  necessary  to  throw  them  to  one 
side  to  make  room  for  others. 

The  la'showawe  worn  by  the  a'mosi  and  a'mosono"kia  of  the 
A'pr'liishiwanni  and  those  worn  by  the  a'mosi  and  a'mosono"kia  of 
the  Mu'waiye  are  made  into  prayer  plumes  after  the  closing  cere- 
monies, the  paternal  parents  or  brothers  preparing  those  for  the 
women.  The  plumes  of  the  former  party  are  planted  in  the  fields 
with  prayers  to  the  u'wannam  A'pi'^lashiwanni  (rain-maker  warriors), 
deceased  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood,"  and  those  of  the  others 
are  offered  in  the  field  to  the  A'wan  'Si'ta  (Great  Mother)  et'tone, 
which  bring  rains  and  fructification,  with  praj^ers  for  snows  and 
winter  rains.  The  two  men  and  the  women  go  separately  to  plant 
their  plumes. 

Four  days  afterwards  each  fraternity  father  dresses  sheep  for  a 
feast  to  be  given  to  his  newly  initiated  child,  while  the  women  of  his 
household  bake  the  meal  and  flour  previously  ground.  The  families 
of  each  novice  are  also  busy  preparing  meal  and  other  gifts,  which 
are  to  go  to  the  house  of  the  fraternity  father.  About  the  same  time 
the  newly  initiated  member  accompanies  the  fraternity  father  a  short 
distance  east  of  the  village  and  deposits  the  prayer  plumes  given  at  the 
time  of  initiation  to  the  rain-makers  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  for  snows  and 
winter  rains,  that  the  crops  may  be  plentiful,  and  that  the  people  may 
have  health  and  happiness.  The  four  ears  of  corn  given  the  novices 
at  initiation  are  kept  until  planting  time  and  then  planted  in  the  field 

a  The  rain-maker  warriors  are  lightning-makers  who  assist  the  rain-makers  with  their  lightning 
arrow?. 

23  eth— 04 31 


482  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

with  the  other  corn.  On  the  return  from  plume  planting-  the  novice's 
head  is  bathed  in  yucca  suds  by  the  wife  or  female  relative  of  the  fra- 
ternity father,  and  a  feast  is  enjoyed  at  the  fraternity  father's  house. 

FEBKl  ARl     CEREMONIAL    OF   THE    'HLE'WEKWE 

The  January  ceremonial  is  repeated  in  February  with  but  slight 
variation.  If  no  members  are  to  be  received,  the  initiation  ceremo- 
nies are  omitted  and  the  decorations  are  left  off  the  west  wall  of  the 
ceremonial  chamber.  Instead  of  the  black  breechcloth  seen  in  Janu- 
ary, a  white  embroidered  kilt  held  on  by  a  white  embroidered  sash 
and  a  woman's  red  belt  is  worn,  with  a  fox  skin  pendent  at  the  back. 
The  fraternity  dance  once  in  the  plaza  after  the  early  ceremony  with 
the  et'towe  and  return  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  for  their  morning 
meal.  At  noon  the  two  a'mosi  of  the  circle  dance  visit  the  plaza  by  the 
western  street.  The  leader  carries  a  small  purple  wicker  basket  of 
meal,  such  as  was  used  in  the  January  ceremonial;  the  other  carries 
the  tehl'nawe.  The  bearer  of  the  tehl'nawe  takes  his  position  south- 
cast  of  the  boxes,  and  the  leader  places  the  basket  in  his  right  hand, 
and  then  removes  the  notched  sticks  and  bones  from  the  boxes,  laying 
them  upon  the  ground,  reverses  the  position  of  the  boxes,  placing  the 
larger  one  south  of  the  other,  and,  taking  the  small  basket  of  meal 
deposits  it  under  the  larger  box,  and  leaves  the  plaza  by  the  route 
he  entered.  In  a  few  moments  three  musicians  arrive  and  sit  by 
the  boxes,  and  the  'Hlem'mosona,  carrying  the  original  sword  and 
one  with  a  feathered  handle,  appears  through  the  eastern  covered 
way  and  repeats  the  swallowing  of  the  swords  in  the  manner  pre- 
viously described.  After  making  the  circuit  he  stops  again  at  the 
north  end  and  swallows  first  the  sword  with  feathered  handle  and  after- 
ward the  ancient  sword.  The  swallowing  of  the  swords  is  repeated  at 
the  six  points,  but  he  makes  the  circuit  each  time  before  swallowing 
them.  After  the  sword-swallowing  is  repeated  at  the  six  regions  the 
'Hlem'mosona  stands  before  the  boxes  and,  facing  them,  waves  the 
swords  over  the  boxes  to  the  six  regions  and  prays.  At  the  close  of 
the  prayer  the  swords  are  carried  in  a  circle  over  the  boxes,  brought 
to  the  lips,  and  all  that  is  good  in  them  is  inhaled.  The  musicians 
pray  aloud  at  the  same  time.  The  retired  'Hlem'mosona  stands  at 
the  western  entrance  and  observes  the  ceremony  with  the  deepest 
interest.  As  soon  as  the  'Hlem'mosona  leaves  the  plaza  the  circle 
dance  begins. 

Before  '2  o'clock  the  'Hle'wekwe  are  assembled  in  the  plaza  to 
dance.  The  women  carry  two  eagle-wing  feathers  in  the  right 
hand,  the  sword  in  the  left,  except  in  the  case  of  the  most  expert 
female  sword-swallower,  who  has  a  sword  in  each  hand.  The  'Hle'- 
wekwe dance  three  times  in  the  plaza,  and  during  the  third  dance 
the  leader,  who  is  midway  the  dancers,  takes  from  his  three  frater- 


stevenson]  thle'wekwe  483 

nity  children  the  swords  and  swallows  them  in  succession.  Finally 
he  runs  four  swords,  one  after  the  other,  down  his  throat,  allows  the 
four  to  remain  several  seconds  and  then  withdraws  them  all  at  the 
same  time.  The  ceremony  in  the  plaza  closes  with  the  'Hlem'mosona 
standing  before  the  boxes  and  praying'  while  he  waves  the  swords  over 
the  boxes  and  draws  the  sacred  breath  (see  plate  cxiv).  After  their 
return  from  the  last  plaza  dance  the  *Hle'wekwe  form  lines  vis-a-vis 
at  the  west  end  of  the  room,  running  east  and  west.  Each  fraternity 
father,  after  taking  his  sword  into  his  mouth,  places  the  end  of  it  in 
the  mouth  of  his  fraternity  child  that  the  child  may  not  die,  but  live 
to  he  old,  and  sleep  to  awake  as  a  little  child  in  Ko'thluwala'wa. 

The  closing  outdoor  eeremou}7  now  occurs  which  is  described  in  the 
January  ceremonial,  except  that  the  two  men  of  the  Bear  clan  wear 
white  buckskins  around  them  instead  of  the  sacred  embroidered  blan- 
kets. The  male  novice,  who  stood  in  front  of  the  group  of  singers  in 
January,  now  has  his  place  among  them  and  sings,  and  a  different 
member  of  the  Dogwood  clan  leads  the  et'towe  and  'hla'we  bearers. 
The  night  ceremonial  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  and  the  ceremonies  in  the 
house  of  the  et'towe  are  the  same  as  those  described  in  the  account  of 
the  January  ceremonial. 

The  ceremonies  observed  in  January,  1897,  corresponded,  with  few 
exceptions,  to  those  of  former  years.  Owing  to  the  death  of  an  adopted 
brother  of  a  prominent  member  of  the  fraternity  and  also  of  the  house 
where  the  fraternity  holds  its  meetings,  there  was  no  dancing-  in  the 
plaza,  and  the  only  sword-swallowing  out  of  doors  was  done  by  the 
'Hlem'mosona  and  his  warrior.  The  'Hlem'mosona  first  appeared 
alone  and  swallowed  his  swords;  afterward,  in  company  with  a  war- 
rior, both  swallowed  their  own  swords  and  others  carried  by  the  war- 
rior. At  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  a  man  who  took  the  place  of  catcher 
sat  on  a  chair  in  the  east  end  of  the  room,  and  a  novice,  who  was  a 
young  girl,  sat  on  a  blanket  spread  on  the  floor  at  his  feet;  he  had 
his  hands  on  her  shoulders.  The  fraternity  stood  in  two  opposing 
lines.  The  ceremony  of  presenting  the  mi'ha,  corn,  and  prayer  plumes 
occurred  exactly  as  before  described.  White  embroidered  kilts  were 
worn  by  the  men  instead  of  the  dark  ones.  The  novice  accompanied 
the  group  of  'Hle'wekwe  who  appeared  in  the  plaza  at  the  sunset 
ceremony. 

ORDER   OF    THE    KIA'LA^ILO "  (SPRUCE    TREE) 

The  ceremony  of  the  order  of  the  Kia'la'silo  occurs  in  February  in 
connection  with  the  one  described  and  for  the  purpose  only  of  initiat- 
ing a  member.  The  ceremonial  in  which  the  initiation  into  this  order 
occurs  is  the  same  in  all  particulars  as  others  described  excepting  the 
variations  here  noted.     A  man  is  seldom  long  a  member  of  the  'Hle'- 

a  Pseudotsuga  douglassii. 


484  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.js 

wekwe  before  joining  the  Kia'la'silo.  He  is  usually  requested  by  the 
'Hlem'mosona  to  join  the  order.  If  he  consents,  the  'Hlem'mosona,  on 
the  second  day  of  the  ceremonial,  selects  a  director  to  conduct  a  party 
to  collect  spruce  trees.  The  'Hlem'mosona  places  meal  in  the  palm  of 
the  man's  left  hand  and  directs  him  to  go  the  same  day  for  the  trees. 
The  man  afterward  wraps  the  meal  in  a  corn  husk.  He  is  accom- 
panied by  six  men  of  the  fraternity,  who  assist  in  cutting- and  bringing 
to  the  ceremonial  chamber  the  trees,  which  are  always  collected  south 
of  the  village,  since  the  distance  in  other  directions  to  such  trees  as 
they  wish  is  much  greater.  The  leader  or  director  ascends  a  tall  tree 
and  attaches  a  la'showanne  of  a  single  fluffy  eagle  plume  to  the  tip 
of  the  top  branch,  saying:  "I  wish  the  kia'la'silo  for  the 'Hle'wekwe; 
in  a  little  while  we  will  dance.  I  ask  that  ourselves  may  not  be  made 
ill  by  swallowing  the  kia'la'silo.  I  pay  you  with  this  la'showanne." 
When  he  descends  from  the  tree  the  men  sprinkle  its  base  with  meal 
from  the  corn  husk  and  look  about  for  the  best  tree  near  it,  since  it 
is  not  necessary  to  choose  the  tree  nearest  the  one  with  the  plume. 
The  selected  tree  is  supposed  to  be  cut  down  with  an  ancient  stone  ax, 
but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a  modern  ax  is  also  secretly  used.  The  same 
ancient  ax  is  supposed  to  be  used  in  cutting  the  other  trees,  one  for 
each  member  of  the  order  and  one  for  the  novice.  The  trees,  wdiich 
are  about  3  inches  in  diameter  and  12  to  15  feet  high,  are  transported 
crosswise  on  the  backs  of  the  men  by  ropes  which  pass  around  the 
forehead.  Though  the  distance  is  several  miles,  they  must  always 
make  this  trip  on  foot. 

During  the  absence  of  the  tree-collectors  the  'Hlem'mosona  asks  the 
novice,  and  if  there  be  more  than  one  he  asks  each  one  separately. 
whom  he  wishes  for  a  fraternity  father.  He  replies,  "I  do  not 
know."  Then  one  is  chosen  by  the 'Hlem'mosona,  who  takes  meal 
from  the  basket,  places  it  in  a  corn  husk,  folds  the  husk,  and,  stoop- 
ing before  the  chosen  fraternity  father,  who  remains  seated,  lays  the 
package  in  his  hands;  clasping  the  man's  folded  hands  he  offers  up  a 
prayer.  The  fraternity  father  afterward  distributes  a  pinch  of  this 
meal  to  each  of  the  women  of  his  clan,  as  mentioned  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  initiation  into  the  Sword  order. 

At  sunrise  the  work  of  making  the  sword  at  the  butt  of  the  tree 
begins.  The  first  chip  from  each  tree  is  cut  with  the  stone  ax  by  the 
man  who  acted  as  director  to  the  tree-collectors,  and  the  tree  is  passed 
on  to  the  man  who  is  to  use  it  in  the  dance,  and  he  fashions  the  sword. 
When  the  swords  are  completed  each  maker  attaches  to  the  top 
branch  of  the  tree  a  la'showanne,  composed  of  a  turkey  feather,  an 
eagle  plume,  and  feathers  from  the  birds  of  the  six  regions.  The 
tree  director  gives  a  hit  of  root  medicine  to  each  one, the  same  as  that 
placed  in  the  novice's  mouth  at  initiation  into  the  Sword  order,  and 
thev  chew  this  and  draw  their  swords  through  the  mouth  four  times 


stevesson]  MA/TKIC   'hLAN'nAKWE  485 

to  cover  them  with  the  medicine.  The  trees  are  now  hung  to  the 
rafters,  except  the  one  made  by  the  fraternity  father  for  the  novice, 
who  also  makes  one  for  himself.  This  tree  is  laid  in  the  middle  of  the 
floor  with  the  sword  end  pointing  west. 

At  sunset  the  fraternity,  including,  as  before,  the  women  who  are 
on  the  north  side  of  the  room,  stand  and  sing.  After  one  song  for 
snows  and  rains  the  tree  director  puts  a  bit  of  the  root  medicine  into 
the  mouth  of  the  fraternity  father,  who  stands  before  the  collection  of 
fetishes  at  the  west  end  of  the  room.  After  receiving  the  medicine 
the  fraternity  father  takes  the  novice  by  the  left  wrist  and  leads  him 
close  to  the  ladder,  standing  south  of  the  novice,  while  both  face  west. 
Stepping  to  the  middle  of  the  floor,  the  fraternitj^  father  lifts  the  tree 
with  the  sword  end  pointing  downward,  passes  the  top  out  through 
the  hatchway,  and  hands  the  tree  to  the  novice,  who,  facing  south, 
attempts  to  swallow  the  sword,  but  fails.  The  tree  is  returned  to  the 
fraternity  father  and  he  swallows  the  sword.  After  three  songs  for 
snows  and  rains  the  fraternity  father  places  the  tree  with  the  others, 
and  the  men  smoke,  the  novice  joining  the  group. 

The  trees  are  carried  to  the  plaza  on  the  fifth  day,  when  the  sword 
ends  are  swallowed  during  the  dances.  After  the  dances  the  trees  are 
placed  in  their  former  elevated  position  in  the  ceremonial  chamber, 
and  after  the  early  morning  ceremoiry  they  are  carried  on  the  backs 
of  six  men  (different  men  from  those  who  brought  them)  to  a  mesa 
about  4  miles  north  of  the  village,  where  the  trees  are  laid  upon  the 
ground  with  the  sword  ends  pointing  to  the  west.  Meal  is  sprinkled 
over  the  trees,  and  prayers  are  offered  for  snows,  rains,  and  the  gen- 
eral good  health  of  the  people.  When  the  novice's  head  is  bathed, 
on  the  fifth  morning,  the  fraternity  father  presents  him  with  a  few 
yards  of  calico  or  some  simple  gift,  this  being  the  only  gift  from  the 
fraternity  father  to  the  novice. 

Ma"ke  'hlan'natcwe  (Great  Fire  Fraternity) 

The  Ma"ke  'hlan'nakwe  (Great  Fire  fraternity'),  has  three  orders: 
Kok'ko  mlan'na  (Great  god),  which  is  under  the  patronage  of  three 
anthropic  gods,  Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  Shits'ukia,  and  Kwe'lele;  I'wen- 
ash'nawe  (knowledge  of  sucking)  or  0'na3'a'nakiaa  (Mystery  medicine), 
and  Ma"ke  'Hlan'na  (Great  Fire).  The  latter  order  has  several  divi- 
sions— Pi'anni'hle  (Sword),  Kia'la'silo  (Spruce),  Sho'tikianna  (Arrow),6 
Pa'oti'we''  (Navaho  dance),  and  Po'sikishirf  (commonly  interpreted 
spruce  tree).     The  officers  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  consist  of  a 

n  The  officers  of  O'naya'nakla  have  valuable  songs  for  relieving  delayed  parturition  and  are  called 
in  when  the  doctresses  fail  to  relieve  the  patient. 

frSho'  is  from  sho'li.  arrow  reed;  ti'klanna  is  another  expression  for  ti'kili  (fraternity). 

c  Pa  is  from  A'pachu  (Xavaho). 

dPo'sikishi  is  the  name  of  a  bird  which  frequents  the  kia'la'silo  (Pseudotsuga  douglassii).  The 
sword  swallowed  in  the  Po'sikishi  ceremony  is  fashioned  at  the  base  of  a  kia'la'silo. 


486  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ahn.23 

mo'sona  (director)  of  tln>  fraternity,  pe'kwin  (deputy)  to  the  director, 
a'kwamosi  (maker  of  medicine  water),  a'kwape'kwin  (deputy)  to  the 
a'kwamosi,  'hlem'mosona  (wood  director;  the  order,  however,  is  known 
as  the  sword,  the  blade  being  made  of  wood,  hence  the  name),  te'hai1- 
toy'nona  (music-maker,  flutist),  pi'"lashiwanni  (warrior),  a'lunakwe 
(walking  about),  general  managers,  and  couriers. 

"Long,  long  ago"  two  members  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity,  one 
belonging  to  the  Eagle  clan,  the  other  to  the  Batlger  clan,  went  to  the 
northeast  and  there  met  the  Ke'pachu "  (buckskin  Navahos),  whom 
they  found  to  have  a  language  similar  to  their  own;  and  these  people 
understood  mystery  medicine,  it'sepcho,  sword  swallowing,  and  arrow 
swallowing.  The  two  A'shiwi  returned  to  their  village,  bringing 
songs  from  the  Ke'pachu.  and  since  that  time  the  Great  Fire  fraternity 
have  suiig  only  the  songs  of  the  Ke'pachu,  and  the  a'kwamosi  has 
been  of  the  Eagle  clan  or  child  of  the  clan'' and  his  pe'kwin  of  the  same 
clan.  The  sword  director  has  been  of  the  Badger  clan  or  a  child  of 
this  clan  and  his  pe'kwin  of  the  same  clan. 

The  following  stanzas  are  in  the  Ke'pachu  tongue:'' 

SONG    ASSOCIATED    WITH    PRACTICING    OF    MYSTERY    MEDICINE 
I 

Eniniya'  achu'yia  tai'wayaia'  tai'wayaia'  Ta'kuluwaye  tai'wayaia'  eni'niya' 
eni'yaia'. 

Ya'eniya  eniyae'na  ya'eniya'  eniya'  aha'ena'  Hea'  ya'eniya'  hea'ena  hea'ena 
hea'ena  hea'ena  hea'heya     Hea'heya  ena'  ena'  hea'ena'. 

II 

Eya'   lienia'   eyaha'   henia'   eya'  eya'   he na'  Eyaha'  eyaha'  he na' 

liena'  eniya'  yalia'  ena'  yaha'e na'. 

Eyaha'  eyahena'  eyaha'  eyahena'  eyahena'  eyaha'  e yaha'hena'. 

Eyaha'  ahena'  eyahena'  eyahe na'. 

SOXGS    USED    IN    THE   SWORD-SWALLOWINC.    CEREMONY 
J 

Ai.  .yi'..yi-.yi..yi  ye. .he. .ena'  ai..yi'. .yi. .yi  ye. .he.. ena'  ai'yi..ye..he.. 
ena'  aiyL.ye.  .he.  .ena'  eni..ya.  .lie'  ya'..he..na  ya'hena  akulawa'  ni'yashi 
knlape'hu  i'tati'niye  'si'ita  pi'anni'hle  'si'ita  niehihlhkai  'si'ita  tanilth  ki'islii  shi'shi 
ye'la  'si'ita  tanilth  ki'ishi  ai'L.yi..yi    ye. .he. .ena'  ai'i..ye..he..ena'  eniya  hoi. 

II 

Ilea'  le'ya  ena'  hea'  hea'  ena'  hea'  ena'  hea'  ena'  hea'  ena'  ya  ena'  hee'. 
Ni'ye  kache/  kn'nu'  niye'  ku'lawa  ine' aye  kachfi'  pi'anni'hle  seya'taspa  alth'su 
na'si  yaye'  hena'  tuhu'  yi'ta  eniya'     Ya  eniya'  he  eniya'  ku'lawa. 

a  Ke  from  kem'me  buckskin;  piiehu,  one  who  wears  the  hair  brushed  buck.  The  Zufli  name  for 
Navaho  ia  A'pftchu,  singular  pa'chin,  iliese  Indians  wearing  their  hair  baek  from  Ihe  face. 

bSee  l.i-t  of  elans. 

-'['he  writer  was  not  aware  until  a  short  lime  before  her  departure  from  Zufii,  in  1902,  that  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity  songs  were  not  in  Zuni  but  in  the  "  Ke'pachu"  tongue,  since  it  is  almost  impos- 
sible to  distinguish  words  amid  the  din  of  rattle  and  drum. 


stevenson]  ma/tke  'hlan'nakwe  487 

order  of  kok'ko  'hlan'na 

While  this  order  is  known  as  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  (Great  God),  there  are 
threa,  anthropic  gods  associated  with  it,  Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  Shits'ukia, 
and  Kwe'lele,  who  are  supposed  to. live  in  the  east  near  Shi'papolima," 
home  of  Po'shaiyanki,  the  Zuiii  culture  hero. 

The  order  of  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  can  be  joined  onty  when  these  gods 
are  summoned  to  the  village  by  an  illness  which  produces  swelling  of 
any  part  of  the  body.  They  possess  great  power  over  such  maladies, 
but  must  not  be  called  upon  until  all  other  efforts  have  failed  to  effect 
a  cure. 

The  following  story  is  implicitly  believed  by  the  Zuilis: 

In  the  olden  time  the  god  Shumai'koli"  traveled  from  the  west  to  the  east,  and  the 
Kok'ko 'hlan'na  was  passing  a  little  to  the  west,  and  they  met.  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  was 
the  first  to  speak.  He  inquired  of  the  stranger:  "Who  are  you,  and  what  is  your 
business?'-  Shumai'koli  replied:  "Who  are  you,  and  what  is  your  business?" 
"Well,"  said  Kok'ko 'hlan'na,  "I  have  medicine  here  that  will  quickly  kill  a  man 
if  I  put  it  on  him."  Then  Shumai'koli  told  him  to  try  it  on  him  if  he  wanted  to. 
"All  right,"  said  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  "  I  will."  He  then  rubbed  his  medicine  over 
the  body  of  the  Shumai'koli,  who  soon  began  to  swell  all  over;  even  his  fingers 
were  four  times  their  normal  size.  After  being  in  this  condition  four  or  five  days, 
Shumai'koli  cried:  "  I  am  almost  dead.  You  must  take  off  your  medicine;  it  will 
kill  me."  The  Kok'ko 'hlan'na  then  removed  his  medicine,  and  said,  "Now,  let 
me  see  you  try  your  medicine,"  and  the  Shumai'koli  covered  the  Kok'ko  'thlan'na 
with  his  medicine,  and  almost  immediately  his  legs  and  arms  and  every  part  of  the 
body  twisted  like  ropes;  and  he  called  t8  the  Shumai'koli  to  remove  his  medicine  at 
once  or  he  would  die,  that  he  was  nearly  dead  then;  and  the  Shumai'koli  removed 
the  medicine.  Then  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  shook  hands  with  the  Shumai'koli  and 
said:  "Your  medicine  is  better  than  mine.  I  could  live  but  a  short  time  with  your 
medicine,  while  you  could  live  a  long  time  with  mine.  You  are  my  elder  brother, 
and  you  will  come  to  my  house."  These  gods  have  since  this  time  lived  near  one 
another. 

When  a  member  of  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  wishes  another  to  join  his 
order  he  makes  known  to  him  his  wish.  If  the  one  invited  accepts, 
he  carries  meal  wrapped  in  a  corn  husk  to  the  member,  who  becomes 
the  fraternity  father  of  the  novice;  but  should  the  novice  already 
be  a  member  of  another  order  of  the  fraternity,  the  meal  gift  is  not 
necessary. 

Ceremony  for  the  Cure  of  Sore  Throat 

A  ceremonial  to  cure  a  sore  and  badly  swollen  throat,  observed  by 
the  writer  in  1891,  is  here  described: 

Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  Shits'ukia,  and  Kwe'lele  (see  plates  xxvi,  xxvn, 
and  cxv)  arrive  near  sunset  and  ascend  to  the  roof  of  the  house  of 
the  invalid,  who  is  a  3'oung  man.  This  is  the  signal  for  the  patient 
to  be  placed  on  a  pallet  in  the  middle  of  the  floor.  'The  half-reclin- 
ing body,  facing  east,  is  supported  by  the  chosen  fraternity  father, 
who  must,  of  course,  be  a  member  of  the  order  of  Kok'ko  'hlan'na. 
Only  the  patient  and  members  of  this  order  may  be  present.     The 

a  See  p.  407. 


4SS  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ask.  23 

invalid  is  nude,  except  the  breechcloth.  When  the  patient  is  a 
female  she  wears  the  usual  clothes  minus  the  pi'toni  (a  piece  tied 
in  front  and  falling  over  the  hack).  The  male  members  of  the 
order  group  at  the  south  wall  and  midway,  facing  the  choir.  The 
female  members  sit  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  room.  Blankets 
are  arranged  so  as  to  form  a  dressing  room  for  the  personators 
of  the  gods  at  the  east  end  of  the  room.  The  gods  stamp  and 
dance  on  the  roof  until  it  is  time  to  descend  through  the  hatchway 
into  the  chamber  below,  the  custom  being  to  enter  the  house  about 
dusk.  Shits'ukia  (warrior  or  aid  to  Kok'ko  'hlan'na)  carries  giant 
yucca  in  the  left  hand  and  a  rhombus  in  the  right.  Kwe'lele  carries 
the  yucca  in  the  right  hand  and  in  the  left  sticks  for  producing  tire  by 
friction  and  an  unlighted  cedar  brand.  Shits'ukia  precedes  Kok'ko 
'hlan'na.  who  carries  giant  yucca  in  each  hand,  down  the  ladder,  as  he 
always  leads  this  god,  who  has  tiny  eyes.0 

A  female  member  of  the  order,  holding  her  mi'li  (insignia  of  the 
Mystery  medicine  order)  and  sacred  meal  basket,  sprinkles  meal  as  she 
leads  the  gods  from  the  roof  to  the  room ;  passing  from  left  to  right, 
they  encircle  the  patient  four  times,  the  choir  singing  to  the  accompani- 
ment of  rattle  and  pottery  drum.  Upon  halting,  Shits'ukia,  taking 
meal  from  his  belt,  runs  a  line  with  his  four  lingers  across  the  body  to 
the  waist,  beginning  at  the  left  shoulder  of  the  patient;  and  Kok'ko 
'hlan'na,  standing  before  the  patient,  places  his  hands  to  the  middle  of 
his  own  forehead,  as  he  clasps  the  vrucca  in  both  hands  and  then  runs  it 
over  the  meal  lines  indicated  by  Shits'ukia.  Kwe'lele  simply  passes 
around  the  patient;  but  should  Kwe'lele  be  chosen  by  the  patient 
instead  of  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  the  places  of  these  two  gods  would  be 
reversed.  The  gods  again  pass  around  the  invalid,  and  Shits'ukia 
draws  the  meal  lines  from  the  right  shoulder  across  to  the  waist,  and 
Kok'ko  'hlan'na  repeats  the  strokes  with  the  yucca.  Again  they  encir- 
cle the  patient,  and  the  lines  are  drawn  from  left  to  right  across  the 
knees,  which  are  close  together,  and  the  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  repeats  the 
motion  with  the  yucca.  After  another  round,  Shits'ukia  draws  lines 
of  meal  from  right  to  left  over  the  knees,  and  Kok'ko  'hlan'na  brings 
the  yucca  over,  and  again  the  meal  lines  are  made  across  the  back. 
Instead  of  beginning  at  the  shoulders  in  crossing  the  back,  he  begins 
at  the  waist,  running  the  lines  upward  to  the  shoulder.  The  yucca 
always  follows  the  meal  lines.  After  the  back  is  crossed  the  arms  of 
the  patient  are  extended  forward  and  kept  close  together  while  they 
are  crossed  with  the  meal  and  yucca.  The  palms  of  the  hands  are 
turned  upward  and  crossed  together  in  the  same  way.  Kok'ko  'hlan'na 
now  stands  at  the  side  of  the  patient,  and  removing  his  mask  hands 
it  to  tin-  patient's  fraternity  father,  who  places  it  over  the  invalid's 

'i  A  pregnant  woman  Avoids  looking  upon  the  mask  ol  Kok'ko 'hlan'na,  that  her  child  may  not 
have  small  eyes,  since  the  Zunis  regard  large  eyes  as  a  mark  of  beauty. 


stevesson]  ma/tke  'hlan'nakwe  489 

head;"  and  after  lie  expectorates  through  the  small  month  hole  in  the 
mask,  the  fraternity  father  removes  it  and  hands  it  to  the  wearer,  who 
returns  it  to  his  head. 

The  three  gods  now  retire  behind  the  curtain.  After  removing 
their  masks  they  return  to  the  room,  taking  seats  of  their  choice,  and 
all  the  members  of  the  division,  except  the  three  personating  the 
gods,  the  woman  who  leads  them,  the  fraternity  father,  and  the  inva- 
lid.'' who  remains  on  his  bed,  go  to  their  homes  for  the  evening  meal. 
Those  remaining,  including  the  invalid,  are  served  in  the  chamber  of 
the  invalid  by  his  female  relatives. 

Members  of  the  order  return  to  the  room  of  the  invalid  about  9 
o'clock  and  resume  their  former  seats.  Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  Shits'ukia, 
and  Kwe'lele  are  personated  during  the  night  by  different  male  mem- 
I  »ers,  who  retire  behind  the  curtains  to  don  the  dress.  Female  members 
wear  the  dress  of  other  gods  over  their  own,  but  not  the  masks.  They 
receive  their  regalia  behind  the  curtain  and  ascend  with  it  to  the  roof, 
male  members  accompanying  them  to  assist  in  dressing.  When  fully 
attired  they  descend  into  the  room  and  dance.  The  night  is  consumed 
in  dancing,  the  men  and  women  wearing  the  costumes  of  gods  accord- 
ing to  the  will  of  the  director  of  the  division.  The  women  remove  the 
regalia  in  the  room,  but  not  behind  the  curtain.  At  dawn  three  mem- 
bers of  the  order,  who  may  be  of  an}T  clan,  make  fire  with  the  fire 
sticks  of  the  Kwe'lele.  They  sit  in  the  center  of  the  room  where  the 
invalid  reclined  in  the  early  evening.  Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  Shits'ukia,  and 
Kwe'lele  are  now  personated  by  those  who  performed  over  the  invalid, 
the  two  former  stamping  about  while  the  fire  is  being  made.  At  the 
same  time  the  director  of  the  division  bathes  the  Kwe'lele  under  each 
knee  with  medicine  from  a  medicine  bowl,  and  the  bowl  is  afterward 
placed  near  the  fire-makers.  The  man  who  produces  the  fire  moves 
the  crushed  cedar  fiber  back  and  forth,  and  another  lights  the  cedar 
brand  from  it  and  dips  the  brand  in  the  medicine  water.  The  director 
now  carries  the  medicine  bowl  to  the  invalid,  who  reclines  against  his 
fraternity  father  seated  against  the  north  wall  and  west  of  the  choir, 
and  gives  him  several  drinks  directly  from  the  bowl.  The  remainder 
of  the  medicine  is  afterward  drunk  by  the  invalid. 

The  three  gods  led  by  the  woman  who  preceded  them  to  the  chamber 
now  go  some  distance  east  of  the  village,  and  when  they  return  the 
fraternity  father  places  the  invalid  in  his  old  position  in  the  middle 
of  the  floor  and  leaves  him.  The  gods  encircle  him  four  times,  and 
two  of  them  ascend  to  the  roof,  led  by  the  woman  as  before.  Kwe'- 
lele. who  remains,  stands  with  a  foot  on  each  side  of  the  sick  man's 
head,  holding  the  fire  stick  in  his  left  hand  and  the  drill  in  his  right. 
He  also  holds  in  his  left  hand  four  cakes  of  bread  strung  on  a  yucca 

a  When  KweHele  is  chosen  his  mask  is  placed  over  the  patient's  head  instead  of  that  of  Kok'ko 
lhlan'na.  , 

&1£  the  patient  is  able  he  may  take  a  seat  in  the  room  wherever  he  chooses,  but  he  must  not  leave  it. 


490  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

ribbon,  three  of  which  are  in  ring  form  while  the  fourth  is  a  perforated 
disk.  Holding  his  hands  close  together  Kwe'lele.  bending  forward, 
moves  them  over  the  patient  from  the  head  down  the  center  of  the  body 
to  the  feet.  He  now  stands  at  each  side  of  the  shoulders  and  runs  his 
hands  down  the  body  to  the  feet,  and  standing  each  side  of  the  upper 
arms  he  runs  his  hands  down  to  the  feet,  and  repeats  the  same,  stand- 
ing over  the  forearms,  which  are  extended  down  the  body.  Again 
standing  each  side  of  the  lower  legs,  which  are  close  together,  he 
extends  his  hands  toward  the  head,  drawing  them  downward;  passing 
around  to  the  left  side  of  the  patient,  and  again  standing  each  side  of 
the  head,  he  runs  the  hands  down  to  the  heart,  laying  the  string  of  bread 
over  it.  With  female  patients  the  bread  is  laid  upon  the  dress  and  not 
next  to  the  nude  body.  He  then  leaves  the  house  to  join  the  other 
gods  on  the  roof.  The  gods  now  depart,  Shits'ukia  leading,  followed 
by  Ivok'ko 'hlan'na  and  Kwe'lele  in  file;  they  all  encircle  the  village 
and  pass  on  over  the  eastern  road  to  their  home  near  Shi'papolima.0 
After  the  gods  leave  the  chamber  the  fraternity  father  hands  the 
string  of  bread  to  the  invalid,  who  eats  three  pieces  and  throws  the 
fourth  to  a  dog  which  has  been  brought  into  the  room  by  his  mother- 
in-law  for  the  express  purpose  of  receiving  the  bread.*  The  dog's 
eating  the  bread  that  has  been  laid  upon  the  heart  of  the  invalid  is 
supposed  to  absorb  the  disease  from  the  invalid.  After  the  bread  has 
been  thrown  to  the  dog  the  wife  of  the  fraternity  father  places  a 
bowl  of  yucca  suds  near  him,  and  the  fraternity  father  presents  the 
invalid  with  four  ears  of  corn,  two  prayer  plumes,  one  to  the  Sun 
Father  and  the  other  to  the  Moon  Mother,  and  a  calico  shirt  or  some 
such  gift.  Each  member  present  dips  a  handful  of  suds  and  deposits 
them  on  the  head  of  the  invalid,  after  which  the  head  is  thoroughly 
washed  by  the  wife  of  the  fraternity  father.  The  invalid  becomes  a 
member  of  the  order  of  Kok'ko  "hlan'na  through  the  treatment 
described,  without  further  ceremony.  A  feast  follows,  furnished  by 
the  wife  and  immediate  relatives  of  the  invalid,  who  also  send  gifts  of 
flour  and  meal  to  the  house  of  the  fraternity  father. 

INITIATION    IXTO    THE    ORDER   OF    O'NAYA'nAKI A <: 

The  ceremonial  described  was  observed  by  the  writer  in  1891.     The 
fraternity  convenes  on  the  11th  of  November.'' 
The  first  day  is  consumed  in  decorating  the  tablet  altar,  preparing 

a  In  reality  they  go  a  •-hurt  distance  from  the  village  and  exchange  their  regalia  for  their  ordinary 
clothing,  which  is  secreted  under  the  blankets  of  several  attendants,  who  follow  the  gods  at  a 

res] thll  distance.    These  same  attendants  bring  back  the  masks  and  other  paraphernalia  of  the 

gods,  which  is  also  hidden  under  their  blankets. 

i>  When  the  invalid  is  able  i"  do  bo  he  goes  to  the  door  and  throws  the  bread  outside  to  the  dog, 
but  when  this  i^  impossible  the  dog  is  brought  in  by  a  female  relative  of  the  patient,  or  by  a  relative 
of  his  wif,-,  should  he  be  married.    These  women  are  not  present  during  the  ceremonial. 

c  Referred  t,»  by  the  fraternity  as  L'wenash'nawe  (knowledge  of  sucking). 

(f  One  may  belong  to  the  three  orders  arid  every  division  of  the  Fire  order  or  to  only  one  or  a  portion 
of  these.  Though  a  member  of  tlie  fraternity  may  be  present  at  the  meetings  of  other  than  his  own 
orders,  he  participates  only  in  the  proceedings  of  the  order  or  orders  to  which  he  belongs,  except  for 
taking  part  in  the  dancing. 


.. 


■%msLi, 


V 


ALTAR  OF  i..AN'NAKWE  (GREAT  FIRE  FRATERNITY) 


MEl'OTYPE    CO..    BOSTOh. 


Stevenson]  MA     KE      HLAN  NA.KWE  491 

the  cups  to  servo  as  the  base  for  the  mi'wachi"  to  be  given  to  the  ini- 
tiates, and  making  a  dry  or  sand  painting.  Four  artists  decorate  the 
altar  while  others  grind  the  paints.  The  grinding  is  done  on  stone  slabs 
L2  by  LS  inches,  slightly  hollowed.  The  blue-green  paint  is  made  from 
copper  ore,  the  red  from  red  ocher,  the  yellow  from  yellow  ocher,  and 
the  black  from  a  black  clay  combined  with  a  conserve  of  fruit  of  yucca 
baccata.  All  the  members  of  Mystery  medicine  prepare  prayer  plumes. 
By  sunset  the  altar  is  erected  and  the  animal  and  other  fetishes  are 
placed  before  it,  and  the  sand  painting  is  completed.  The  painting  is 
made  as  follows:  Four  lines  of  white  powder  form  a  square,  and 
segments  of  a  circle  are  drawn  with  black  on  the  inner  side  of  the 
lines:  the  square,  excepting  the  segments,  which  symbolize  black  rain- 
clouds,  is  covered  with  white  pigment,  and  cones  of  white  are  formed 
over  the  square.  Plate  cxvi  shows  the  altar  previous  to  placing  all 
the  objects  belonging  with  it  and  to  the  making  of  the  sand  painting. 

A  meal  is  now  served  to  those  present,  but  before  the  members 
indulge,  a  quantity  of  the  food  is  collected  and  deposited  before  the 
altar.  After  eating,  the  members  leave  the  ceremonial  chamber,  and 
later  in  the  evening,  about  8  o'clock,  they  return  one  after  another 
until  the  room  is  well  filled.  The  male  members  of  the  Mystery 
medicine  order  bring  rolls  of  sheepskin  on  their  backs,  to  serve  as 
beds  during  their  hours  of  sleep  the  next  three  nights.  The  women, 
except  the  novices,  return  to  their  homes  to  sleep. 

First  night.  Each  member  of  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  brings 
his  mi'li.  which  is  handed  to  the  deputy  director,  who  places  it  by  the 
altar.  As  the  men  of  the  order  gather,  they  group  on  the  south  side 
of  the  room  and  toward  the  west  end,  where  they  chat  and  smoke. 
The  female  members  and  the  women  invited  to  dance  take  seats  on  the 
north  ledge,  until  it  is  quite  full;  then  they  sit  on  the  floor  in  front  of 
those  on  the  ledge. 

The  women  to  be  healed  sit  on  the  floor  at  the  east  end  of  the  room. 
They  wear  ordinary  dress,  with  limbs  and  feet  bare;  many  have  their 
infants  with  them.  The  male  invalids,  who  are  nude  except  a  cotton 
breechcloth,  gather  on  the  south  side  of  the  room  and  near  the  east 
end.  Both  sexes  remove  their  moccasins  on  entering  the  ceremonial 
chamber.  By  9  o'clock  both  men  and  women  of  the  order  are  busy 
with  their  personal  adornment.  The  feet  and  lower  portions  of  the 
legs,  and  the  hands  and  arms  to  the  elbow,  are  painted  white.  The 
men  wear  black-wool  breechcloths;  the  women  wear  ordinary  dress, 
with  neck  and  limbs  bare.  The  novices — a  woman,  a  girl  of  10  years, 
and  a  girl  of  not  more  than  i  years,  each  with  a  fraternity  parent  by 
her  side — sit  on  the  north  ledge  near  the  altar,  the  woman  being  at  the 
west  end  of  the  line,  and  the  youngest  girl  at  the  east  end.  The  flutist 
sits  immediately  behind  the  altar  and  to  the  north  side.  Three  officers 
of  the  fraternity  sit  behind  the  altar  and  south  of  it.     The  a'kwamosi 

«  See  p.  416. 


492  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

sits  on  his  folded  blanket  in  front  of  the  altar  and  to  the  north  side, 
while  ;i  warrior  of  the  fraternity  has  his  seat  in  front  of  it  to  the  south 
side. 

When  all  are  assembled,  the  fraternity  parents — two  being-  men,  the 
other  the  A'wan  'sita"  (Great  Mother)  of  the  fraternity  (see  plate 
cxvii)  —  distribute  meal  from  corn  husks  to  each  person  present,  the 
meal  being-  received  in  the  palm  of  the  left  hand.  The  male  members, 
and  afterward  the  women,  sprinkle  the  meal  over  the  altar  and  fetishes. 
The  a'kwamosi  forms  a  cross  of  meal,  symbolic  of  the  four  regions, 
upon  the  stone  floor  near  the  altar,  and  places  the  medicine  bowl  in  the 
center  and  his  prey-god  fetishes  at  the  points  of  the  cross,  and  those 
for  the  Zenith  and  Nadir  by  the  side  of  the  one  at  the  eastern  tip.  The 
song  opens  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle,  and  immediately  a 
woman  deposits  a  vase  of  water  by  the  a'kwamosi;  at  the  same  time 
he  raises  the  medicine  bowl  upward  six  times,  and  prays  to  the  Beast 
Gods  of  the  six  regions,  while  the  warrior  beats  time  with  his  eagle- 
wing  plumes.  As  soon  as  the  medicine  bowl  is  returned  to  the  cross, 
the  drum  is  struck  and  the  a'kwamosi  dips  a  gourdful  of  water  from 
the  vase;  at  the  same  moment  the  warrior  stands  before  the  altar  and 
whirls  the  rhombus,  calling  the  clouds  to  gather  quickly.  This  deafen- 
ing noise  continues  throughout  the  consecrating  of  the  water.  Water 
is  dipped  six  times  from  the  vase,  and  each  time  the  gourdful  of  water 
is  held  over  the  medicine  bowl,  while  the  a'kwamosi  offers  a  prayer  to 
the  appropriate  Beast  God.  The  six  fetishes  are  dropped  separately 
into  the  bowl,  a  prayer  being  repeated  each  time  invoking  the  presence 
of  these  gods.  Meal  sprinkled  into  the  water  completes  the  consecra- 
tion. The  a'kwamosi  now  dips  his  eagle  plumes  into  the  water  and 
sprinkles  the  altar,  while  at  the  same  time  the  other  warrior  of  the 
fraternity  and  another  officer  of  the  order  wrap  their  blankets  about 
them  and  collect  the  food  from  before  the  altar  in  two  basket  trays, 
which  they  rest  on  the  blankets  over  the  left  arm,  and  leave  the  cham- 
ber to  deposit  the  food  in  the  river  to  the  Beast  Gods.  The  Great 
Mother  now  hastens  to  the  fireplace,  and,  lifting  ashes  in  her  right 
hand,  deposits  them  in  a  heap  before  the  dry  painting.  Two  men  now 
leave  the  choir,  each  having  an  eagle  plume  in  each  hand,  and  dip  the 
ashes  with  the  plumes.  The  head  is  turned  over  the  left  shoulder,  the 
right  arm  is  drawn  back  as  far  as  possible,  and  with  a  sort  of  sweep  it 
is  brought  forward  and  the  eagle  plume  held  in  the  right  hand  strikes 
the  under  side  of  the  plume  held  in  the  left,  the  two  men,  side  by 
side,  striking  their  plumes  simultaneously.  The  ashes  are  thrown  first 
to  the  East,  then  to  the  North,  West,  South,  Zenith,  and  Nadir,  for 
physical  purification  ot  those  present.  After  repeating  the  throwing 
of  ashes  to  the  six  regions  by  striking  the  plumes,  they  dip  them  in 

o  Though  white-haired  and  aged,  she  is  considered  the  most  efficient  female  theurgist  in  Zuni. 


> 

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stevenson]  ma/tke  thlan'nakwe  493 

the  medicine  bowl  and  sprinkle  all  present.  The  two  who  carry  out 
the  food  from  before  the  altar  return,  and  the  three  novices  begin  to 
dance,  keeping  in  line  before  their  seats,  facing  first  the  east,  and  then 
the  west.  They  dance  until  the  close  of  the  practicing  of  the  medi- 
cine, which  consumes  an  hour.  The  child  of  4  years  is  one  of  the  most 
energetic'  and  the  best  dancer  in  the  line.  As  soon  as  the  three  dancers 
are  on  the  floor,  two  other  men  leave  the  choir  and,  skipping  and  hop- 
ping  about,  gesticulate  beast-like  before,  the  altar,  and  very  soon  their 
bodies  become  the  abiding  places  of  the  Beast  Gods  and  they  begin 
practicing  upon  the  patients.  A  woman  deposits  a  large  bowl  south 
of  the  center  of  the  room  beside  an  aged  woman  who  sits  on  the  floor. 
During  the  healing  the  theurgists  throw  themselves  almost  prostrate 
on  the  floor  and  suck  at  the  exposed  parts  of  the  bodies  of  the  invalids, 
and  then  ejecting  into  their  hands  the  material  supposed  to  have  been 
removed,  throw  the  hands  up,  or  wave  them,  and  profess  to  deposit 
the  material  in  the  large  bowl  presided  over  by  the  old  woman.  As 
each  theurgist  completes  the  drawing  out  of  the  disease,  he  gives  a 
kind  of  strangling  cough  and  takes  a  gourdful  of  water  which  is 
handed  to  him  by  the  woman,  and  gargles  his  throat,  expectorating 
into  the  bowl.  Several  of  the  infants  are  supposed  to  be  ill,  but  from 
the  way  their  bright  eyes  glisten  as  their  mothers  dance  them  on  their 
laps,  keeping  time  with  the  choir,  one  can  hardly  believe  in  their 
suffering.  The  babies  sleep  little  during  these  hours,  and  seem  to 
delight  in  all  they  see.  As  soon  as  the  theurgists  cease  practicing,  the 
song  changes,  and  all  the  women  along  the  north  ledge  rise,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  Great  Mother  gives  a  pinch  of  ashes  to  eaich  officer  and 
member  of  the  choir,  and  she  and  the  two  fraternity  fathers,  each  hold- 
ing two  eagle- wing  plumes  in  the  right  hand  and  ashes  in  the  left,  form 
in  line,  facing  north,  and  approach  the  novices.  When  near  them  the}- 
turn,  facing  south,  each  fraternit}'  parent  being  immediately  before 
his  child,  and  at  the  same  time  they  hold  the  eagle  plumes  over  their 
shoulders,  each  novice  catching  the  tip  ends  of  the  plumes  of  her  fra- 
ternity parent.  The  youngest  novice  has  to  be  raised  in  order  to 
touch  the  plumes,  the  mother  of  the  child  securing  her  to  the  frater- 
nity father's  back  by  means  of  a  piece  of  cotton  cloth.  The  wife  or 
sister  of  the  fraternity  father  stands  back  of  the  novice,  with  a  hand  on 
each  shoulder  of  the  latter.  In  this  way  all  advance  toward  the  south 
side  of  the  chamber,  in  three  files,  the  Great  Mother's  file  being  to  the 
west;  then  they  turn,  wheel  fashion,  and  face  the  east,  and  the  women 
attendants  take  seats  on  the  north  ledge,  while  the  fraternity  parents 
seat  their  children  on  the  floor  a  short  distance  before  the  altar, 
facing  east  and  take  their  seats  behind  them.  Each  fraternity  parent 
extends  the  feet  on  each  side  of  the  child  and  draws  her  head  back 
until  it  rests  on  the  bosom,  the  eyes  of  the  novice  being  covered  by 


494  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

the  hands  of  the  fraternity  parent.  A  warrior,  wearing  his  war  pouch, 
and  on  his  head  his  plume  wand,  now  dances  before  the  novices,  bending 
and  wildly  gesticulating;  passing  around  by  the  north  side  of  the  altar, 
he  stands  his  two  eagle-wing  plumes  upward  in  his  bow  wristlet  and 
slips  a  bear's  foot  skin  on  his  left  hand.  He  takes  one  of  the  diminu- 
tive mounds  from  the  sand  painting,  and  returning  by  the  south  side 
of  the  altar,  he  throws  himself,  with  one  knee  bent  and  the  other  leg 
extended  backward,  before  the  couple  at  the  south  end  of  the  line, 
and  places  the  material  from  the  dry  painting  to  the  heart  of  the  frater- 
nity child  of  the  (Treat  Mother.  Clawing  over  the  novice,  he  indulges 
in  extravaganza,  throwing  his  arms  outward  and  upward;  he  then 
returns  to  the  altar,  dances  a  moment  or  two  before  it,  takes  a  second 
mound  from  the  painting,  and  applies  it  to  the  heart  of  the  novice  mid- 
way the  line.  After  the  third  novice  has  passed  through  the  rite, 
the  warrior  returns  to  the  first  novice,  growling  and  gesticulating, 
and  throws  himself  forward  and  sucks  at  the  spot  where  the  material 
from  the  dry  painting  has  been  placed.  Waving  the  supposed 
extracted  material  about  his  head,  he  approaches  the  altar,  and,  danc- 
ing wildly,  passes  by  the  south  side  and  appears  to  deposit  the 
extracted  material  in  a  bowl.  In  this  particular  ceremony  the  suck- 
ing is  done  at  the  heart  only,  and  is  for  the  purification  of  the  heart. 
He  no  sooner  sucks  at  the  heart  of  the  second  novice  than  a  female 
theurgist  repeats  the  same  rite  with  the  girl  at  the  south  end  of  the 
line,  and  continues  with  the  other  two  novices;  one  after  another  from 
the  choir  repeat  the  form,  until  every  theurgist  of  the  fraternity  has 
drawn  evil  from  the  heart  of  the  novice,  each  one  aiming  to  outdo  the 
other  in  extravaganza.  No  one  omits  to  pass  around  the  altar  from 
the  north  side  in  going  to  the  bowl  to  deposit  the  material  supposed 
to  be  drawn  from  the  hearts  of  the  novices. 

The  women  are  as  enthusiastic  as  the  men,  but  are  awkward,  while 
the  men  are  wonderfully  graceful.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  cere- 
mony each  novice  is  assisted  to  her  feet  by  the  fraternity  parent,  who 
leads  her  to  the  altar,  where  they  both  pray,  and  afterward  she  is  led 
to  her  place  on  the  ledge  on  the  north  side  of  the  room.  When  the 
novices  have  taken  their  seats  the  warrior  carries  out  the  bowl  of 
supposed  extracted  material.  Two  men  leave  the  choir  and  appear 
before  the  altar  just  as  the  Great  Mother  deposits  ashes  before  it,  and 
the  former  ceremony  of  sprinkling  ashes  for  purification  is  repeated. 
Those  present,  still  holding  in  their  left  hands  the  meal  previously 
distributed,  wave  their  hands  four  times  around  their  heads,  from  left 
to  right,  whenever  the  dancers  strike  the  ashes  from  their  plumes. 

After  the  sprinkling  of  ashes  to  the  six  regions  is  repeated,  all  but 
the  really  ill  people  stand  and  pray  aloud.  The  prayer  closes  shortly 
before  2  in  the  morning,  and  the  male  members  gather  about  the 
altar,  and  afterward  the  female  members,  to  sprinkle  meal  and  receive 


stevensoni  ma'tke  thi.an'nakwe  495 

a  draft  of  medicine  water  from  the  a'kwamosi.  The  women  return  to 
their  homes  two  hours  after  midnight,  but  the  men  remain  and  sleep 
in  the  ceremonial  chamber.  The  second  morning  tinds  the  men  occu- 
pied making  prayer  pinnies  and  mi'wachi  for  the  novices. 

Second  night.  Most  of  the  men  have  their  bodies  zigzagged  in 
white,  symbolic  of  lightning,  and  each  man  wears  a  wreath  of  yucca 
ribbon.  The  female  theurgists  wear  their  conventional  dress  and  red- 
colored,  fluffy  eagle  plumes  attached  to  the  forelock;  their  feet  and 
legs  halfway  to  the  knee,  and  hands  and  arms  midway  to  the  elbow, 
are  painted  white.  The  altar  and  the  floor  before  it  are  white  with 
meal,  sprinkled  by  the  members  of  the  fraternity,  and  a  line  of  meal 
crossed  four  times  extends  from  the.  altar  to  the  ladder.  The  Beast 
Gods  pass  over  this  line  to  be  present,  for  the  time  being,  in  the  bodies 
of  the  theurgists.  The  animal  fetishes  by  rhe  altar  influence  the 
spiritual  presence  of  the  Beast  Gods. 

The  ceremonial  opens  with  the  consecration  of  water,  according  to  the 
ritual  previously  described.  At  10  o'clock  a  warrior  dances  before  the 
altar,  not  moving  from  the  spot  upon  which  he  first  stands.  He  holds 
an  eagle-wing  plume  in  each  hand,  which  he  extends  alternatelj*  toward 
the  altar.  After  a  time  he  dips  the  plumes  in  the  medicine  water  and 
sprinkles  the  altar,  afterward  sprinkling  to  the  six  regions.  Two 
theurgists  now  leave  the  choir  and  dance  wildly  before  the  altar,  after- 
ward dashing  madly  about,  growling  like  the  beasts  the}*  represent. 
They  are  soon  joined  by  two  female  theurgists.  The  warrior  whirls  the 
cloud  cluster  surmounted  by  A'chiyala'topa  (being  with  wings  and  tail 
of  knives),  which  is  suspended  above  the  altar,  by  touching  it  with  his 
eagle  plumes  held  in  the  right  hand,  that  the  clouds  of  the  world  ma}' 
gather  over  Zuiii.  He  also  sprinkles  the  altar  and  choir  at  intervals, 
and  sprinkles  the  women  twice  by  dipping  his  plumes  into  the  medicine 
water.  After  the  theurgists  who  are  now  on  the  floor  form  in  two  tiles, 
three  in  each,  and  face  first  north  and  then  south,  the  warrior  gradually 
becomes  wilder  in  his  gesticulations  before  the  altar,  bending  until  he 
almost  kneels  before  it,  which  he  leaves  every  now  and  then  to  join  the 
dancers  or  to  heal  the  sick.  A  guest  from  the  pueblo  of  Sia,  who 
belongs  to  the  Fire  fraternity  of  that  pueblo,  goes  to  the  fireplace  and 
stamps  in  the  fire  and  literally  bathes  himself  in  the  live  coals.  He 
then  takes  a  large  coal  in  his  right  hand,  and  after  rubbing  his  throat 
and  breast  with  it  he  places  it  in  his  mouth.  Others  of  the  Fire  fra- 
ternity also  play  with  the  coals,  rubbing  them  over  one  another's  backs. 
As  the  night  wanes,  the  cries  of  the  theurgists  become  louder  and 
wilder,  and  the  time  of  the  dance  grows  faster.  The  women  are  as  wild 
as  the  men.  Mothers  move  their  infants'  tiny  fists  in  time  with  the 
rattle,  drum,  and  song.  The  men  keep  their  upper,  arms  rather  close  to 
their  sides  as  they  raise  their  hands  up  and  down.  The  lines  of  dan- 
cers often  break  into  a  promiscuous  mass.    Now  and  then  a  man  drags 


496  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.23 

a  woman  (<>  the  floor,  compelling  ber  to  dance.  Again  the  dancers  run 
about  healing  the  sick.  Two  or  mure  theurgists  sometimes  grab  ;it 
the  same  patient  simultaneously.  The  patient  often  rubs  his  hands  up 
the  back  of  the  theurgist  during  the  healing. 

The  a'kwamosi  stands  by  the  altar  keeping  time  with  his  plumes, 
held  in  each  hand  and  moved  simultaneously  up  and  down.  An  aged 
man.  much  crippled  with  rheumatism,  who  comes  late  in  the  evening, 
receives  treatment  from  many  of  the  theurgists,  who  seem  especially 
interested  in  his  ease.  The  largest  number  of  women  observed  on  the 
floor  at  any  one  time  is  seven,  and  these,  with  the  number  of  men 
crowding  the  floor,  form  a  curious  living  kaleidoscope.  The  dance 
closes  shortly  before  midnight.  The  a'kwemosi  dips  his  plumes  into 
the  medicine  water  and  places  the  quill  ends  to  the  lips  of  the  Sia 
guests.  First  the  men  and  then  the  women  group  about  the  altar, 
each  receiving  a  draft  of  medicine  water  from  the  a'kwamosi,  and 
sprinkle  the  altar  with  meal.  Then  the  women  leave  for  their  homes 
with  their  wideawake  babies  on  their  backs.  The  men  remain  in  the 
ceremonial  room. 

Third  night.  The  ceremony  is  somewhat  delayed  by  the  making 
of  flash-light  pictures,  much  effort  being  necessary  to  succeed,  as  the 
fraternity  at  large  make  strong  objection.  The  officers  of  the  fra- 
ternity finally  prevent  any  interference. 

The  members  of  the  order  are  devoid  of  paint  or  other  decoration, 
except  the  yucca  wreath  and  fluffy  eagle  plume.  At  half  past  10 
o'clock  the  room  is  well  tilled,  the  choir  having-  previously  grouped  in 
the  designated  place.  The  a'kwamosi  is  seated  as  usual  by  the  medi- 
cine bowl  at  the  altar,  and  the  medicine  water  is  prepared.  A  warrior 
of  the  fraternity  now  comes  before  the  altar  and  moves  his  eagle-wing 
plumes  up  and  down.  In  a  moment  or  two  the  director  dances  before 
the  altar  and  then  proceeds  to  heal  the  sick.  After  sucking  his  first 
patient,  who  is  a  woman,  he  throws  the  supposed  extracted  material 
into  the  tire.  His  next  subject  is  the  a'kwamosi,  from  whose  side  he 
"■draws"  an  object  and  throws  it  into  the  fire.  He  afterward  deposits 
tlie  material  supposed  to  come  from  his  patients  in  the  bowl  presided 
over  by  the  aged  woman.  For  some  time  he  practices  healing  alone, 
when  his  exquisitely  graceful  movements  can  be  clearly  observed. 
When  the  director  retires,  the  warrior  moves  from  his  position  before 
the  altar,  and  a  second  theurgist  comes  to  the  floor.  Dipping  his 
plumes  in  the  medicine  water,  he  sprinkles  the  choir  and  dances  wildly 
before  the  altar,  twisting  and  bending  his  body,  and  proceeds  to  prac- 
tice on  the  patients.  In  a  few  moments  he  is  joined  by  two  female 
theurgists,  who  perform  curious  antics  before  the  altar,  bending  first 
one  knee  and  then  the  other.  Gradually  the  number  of  theurgists  on 
the  floor  increases,  leaving,  however,  a  sufficient  body  to  continue  the 
song.     One  of  the  practicing  theurgists  is  a  Sia  guest  invited  to  take 


stevensox]  MA/TKE    ?HLAN'nAKWE  497 

part  in  the  healing.  He  falls  on  one  knee  before  the  altar,  his  back  to  it, 
then  rises  and  proceeds  to  practice.  Touching  one  of  the  women  with 
the  tips  of  his  two  eagle-wing  plumes,  he  extends  his  hand  and  receives 
the  stone,  which  he  professes  to  draw  from  the  body  by  the  touch  of 
the  plumes,  and  holds  it  up  to  view.  The  trick  is  beautifully  and 
gracefully  performed."  The  Sia  theurgist  stomps  in  the  fire  with  his 
bare  feet,  and  runs  about  with  a  large  live  coal  in  his  hand,  finally 
rubbing  it  over  his  nude  body.  The  scene  is  dramatic  when  the  floor 
becomes  crowded  and  the  theurgists,  jumping  about  in  groups  in  squat- 
ting positions,  manipulate  their  eagle-wing  plumes  as  they  approach 
the  invalids.  As  one  touches  an  invalid  the  others  of  the  group  draw 
near,  waving  their  plumes,  which  are  usually  held  in  the  left  hand 
during  the  dance  or  sucking,  and  pointing  them  toward  the  sick  one. 
Occasionally  two  theurgists  practice  upon  an  invalid  at  the  same  time, 
the  others  manipulating  their  plumes  about  him. 

For  a  time  no  woman  is  on  the  floor;  then  one  appears,  doing  her 
share  in  the  healing.  A  warrior  stands  back  and  to  the  south  of  the 
altar,  keeping  time  with  a  plume  held  in  each  land.  A  second  warrior 
also  beats  time  with  his  plumes  while  he  remains  seated  at  the  south 
side  of  the  altar.  The  a'kwamosi  retains  his  standing  position, 
keeping  time. 

At  11  o'clock  the  director  of  the  fraternity  and  a  woman  leave  the 
chamber,  each  carrying  a  pinch  of  meal,  which  they  sprinkle  outside, 
and  a  Sia  Indian  steps  to  the  door  and  throws  out  a  pinch  of  meal,  aft- 
erward gargling  his  throat  to  cleanse  it,  and  returns  to  the  choir.  All 
the  dancers  but  one  now  leave  the  floor.  He  performs  extravaganza 
before  the  altar  for  a  time,  and  resumes  dancing,  when  he  is  joined  by 
a  female  theurgist,  who  gives  the  most  peculiar  screeches  as  she  awk- 
wardly jumps  about  the  floor.  After  a  time  a  man  joins  the  couple 
and  the  three  dance  sidewise,  one  behind  the  other,  up  and  down  the 
room.  Iu  moving  toward  the  altar  they  face  south,  and  as  they  dance 
from  it  they  face  north. 

Shortly  after  11  the  first  of  these  dancers  goes  outside  the  house  and 
gargles  his  throat,  the  second  man  returns  to  the  choir,  and  the  female 
theurgist  is  left  alone  on  the  floor.  After  dancing  violentl}T  for  a  time 
she  is  joined  by  another  woman,  who  holds  her  eagle  plumes  in  her 
right  hand.  The  two  dance  until  twent}*  minutes  after  midnight. 
The  position  of  the  arms  of  the  women  in  dancing  seldom  varies,  the 
upper  arms  being  kept  close  to  the  body,  and  the  lower  extended  out- 
ward. When  they  take  their  seats  all  draw  in  a  sacred  breath  from  their 
eagle  plumes,  and  the  officers  of  the  Mystery  medicine  order  repeat  a 
prayer.  The  warrior  now  carries  out  the  4)owl  containing  the 
extracted  matter  and  buries  the  contents.     The  a'kwamosi  administers 

a  The  Sia  are  more  expert  than  the  Zufiis  in  the  theurgistic  performances  and  in  playing  with  fire. 
23  eth— 04 32 


-t'.'S  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

;i  draft  of  medicine  water  to  each  person  present.  The  men,  and 
afterward  the  women,  gather  about  the  altar  and  pray,  and  the  women 
return  to  their  homes,  the  men  remaining  in  the  ceremonial  chamber. 

Faurth  night.  The  four  walls  of  the  ceremonial  chamber  are  orna- 
mented with  paintings  of  the  cougar  in  j'ellow,  bear  in  black,  badger 
while  spotted  in  Mack,  wolf  in  gray,  and  a  second  bear  in  dark  gray- 
followed  by  a  cub.  A  black  thread  outlines  each  figure  except  the 
cub.  The  hearts  are  shown  in  red,  with  a  line  extending  from  the 
heart  to  the  mouth  in  the  same  color.  A  red-colored  fluffy  eagle 
plume,  insignia  of  Mystery  medicine,  is  attached  to  the  outline  near 
the  head  of  each  animal.  The  altar  is  elaborate  with  its  fetishes  and 
other  accessories. 

Although  the  opening  of  the  ceremonial  is  not  until  11  o'clock,  the 
personal  adornment  commences  at  9,  the  men,  as  usual,  painting  first 
their  own  limbs  and  then  the  bodies  of  one  another  in  red  hematite 
and  then  in  micaceous  hematite.  Both  of  the  paints  are  scraped  and 
mixed  in  water.  The  women  decorate  in  white  their  own  feet  and 
legs  halfway  to  the  knee  and  their  hands  and  arms  midway  to  the 
elbow.  Some  time  is  consumed  in  this  decoration,  and  the  process  is 
evidently  enjoyed.  Finally  all  is  completed  and  the  men  group  in 
the  southwest  end  of  the  room. 

Members  of  the  A'pi"lashiwanni  are  privileged  to  be  present  at  the 
meetings  of  all  the  fraternities,  but  they  are  not  alone  the  privileged 
ones.  Others  may  not  only  be  present  by  invitation  of  the  director  of 
a  fraternity,  but  they  ma}'  be  active  in  the  healing.  It  is  quite  com- 
mon for  the  director  of  a  fraternity  to  invite  members  of  another 
organization  to  join  him  in  his  ceremonies.  On  the  present  occasion 
two  men  and  a  woman  of  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity  and  other  guests 
from  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  one  being  a  woman,  arrive  and  are 
greeted  with  marked  cordiality,  though  pronounced  formality,  and 
shown  seats  on  the  ledge  at  the  west  end  of  the  room  near  the  choir. 
The  two  theurgists  from  .Sia,  who  have  been  present  each  night,  are 
also  cordially  received  and  shown  seats  on  the  south  ledge. 

At  the  outset  sacred  meal  is  given  from  corn  husks  into  the  palm  of 
the  left  hand  and  afterward  medicine  is  distributed  from  corn  husks. 
The  meal  is  sprinkled  on  the  altar  and  the  medicine  is  taken  into  the 
mouth  of  the  one  who  receives  it  and  expectorated  on  the  bod}'  and 
afterward  rubbed  over  the  body  with  the  right  hand.  A  warrior  and 
another  male  member  carry  out  food  from  before  the  altar,  each  pro- 
viding himself  with  a  pinch  of  meal  from  a  basket  before  it,  and  the 
a'kwamosi,  who  sits  as  usual  to  the  north  side  of  the  altar,  after 
making  a  cross  of  meal  upon  which  the  medicine  bowl  is  to  stand, 
signals  the  choir  to  begin  by  raising  the  bowl.  The  ritual  attending 
the  making  of  the  medicine  water  does  not  vary  from  that  previously 
described. 


stevexson]  MA/TKE    THLAN'NAKWE  499 

The  two  who  left  the  chamber  to  offer  food  to  the  Beast  Gods  return 
before  the  completion  of  the  consecration  of  the  water,  and  the  war- 
rior whirling  the  rhombus,  steps  back  to  give  them  room  by  the 
altar  to  sprinkle  meal  and  to  pray.  At  the  close  of  the  preparation 
of  the  medicine  water  the  a'kwamosi  stands  and  sprinkles  it  oh  the 
altar  with  his  plumes,  after  which  a  female  theurgist  collects  ashes 
from  the  fireplace  with  her  plumes  and  deposits  them  in  a  heap 
before  the  altar.  Immediately  the  drum  is  heard  in  addition  to  the 
rattle,  and  two  men  leave  the  choir  for  the  floor  and  lift  the  ashes  just 
deposited,  with  their  plumes.  One  skips  down  the  north  side  of  the 
room,  the  other  the  south  side;  crossing-  at  the  far  end,  they  return  on 
opposite  sides,  proceeding  in  an  ellipse.  As  they  pass  down  the  room 
they  sprinkle  the  people  with  the  ashes,  and  on  their  return  they  grace- 
fully manipulate  their  plumes,  still  held  in  each  hand.  Meeting  near 
the  altar,  they  stand  for  a  moment  side  by  side,  facing  north,  and  then 
turn  and  face  the  west.  Extending  the  right  arm  backward  and  the 
left  arm  forward,  the}-  simultaneous^'  strike  the  plume  held  in  the 
left  hand  with  the  one  held  in  the  right,  by  a  long  under  sweep  of  the 

right  hand,  exclaiming  at  the  moment,  Hu hu hu 

hu uh.     The  process  of  sprinkling  the  people  and  striking  the 

plumes  is  then  repeated.  Again  they  lift  ashes  and  sprinkle  them  to  the 
Ea-t.  North,  West,  South,  Zenith,  and  Nadir,  lifting  ashes  each  time  for 
each  region.  The  sprinkling  to  the  six  regions  is  repeated  and  the  two 
return  to  the  choir,  when  two  others  leave  it.  At  this  time  four  women 
form  a  line,  extending  east  and  west,  and  dance.  After  extravaganza 
before  the  altar,  the  two  men  dash  about,  healing  the  sick.  Other  theur- 
gists  appear  on  the  floor,  and  the  number  of  dancers  increases.  Owing 
to  the  presence  of  invited  guests,  the  novices  adjourn  to  another  place  at 
midnight,  to  be  decorated.  Each  f  raternit}'  parent  is  preceded  by  his 
fraternity  child.  The  Great  Mother,  who  is  before  the  other  frater- 
nity parents,  carries  a  kettle  of  kaolin  mixed  with  water,  to  be  used  on 
the  novices.  As  soon  as  the}'  depart  the  floor  is  cleared,  and  though 
the  choir  remains  in  position,  there  is  no  music  during  the  hour's 
absence  of  the  novices,  this  being  the  only  rest  for  the  singers  from 
the  opening  of  the  ceremony  in  the  evening  to  the  following  morning 
at  7  o'clock  or  later. 

After  an  absence  of  an  hour  the  novices  and  their  fraternity  parents 
return,  the  wee  one  being  carried  on  her  fraternity  father's  back;  the 
feet  and  legs  halfwa\-  to  the  knees  and  the  hands  and  arms  halfway  to 
the  elbows  are  painted  white.  They  wear  the  ordinarj'  dress  and  red 
belt,  and  the  hair  is  done  up  in  the  usual  way.  A  circle  of  white  paint 
with  hawk  down  attached,  symbolic  of  the  clouds  of  the  world,  crowns 
the  head.  The  chin  and  upper  lip  are  also  painted  in  kaolin  and  covered 
with  the  down.  An  owl  and  a  raven  feather  are  crossed  on  the  wrist 
and  held  in  place  by  yucca  ribbons,  the  owl  feather  pointing  outward, 


500  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann. -3 

the  other  pointing  inward.  The  novices  are  led  to  seats  on  the  north 
ledge  near  the  altar  by  their  fraternity  parents,  the  younger  girl 
sitting  on  her  mother's  lap. 

The  return  of  the  novices  is  the  occasion  for  reopening  the  song. 
and  in  a  few  minutes  the  dancing  begins,  the  director  of  the  fraternity 
being  the  first  to  appear  on  the  Moor.  He  dances  before  the  altar. 
bending  and  twisting  his  body  and  growling  animal-like,  every  little 
while  dashing  up  to  an  invalid  and  "'drawing  disease"  from  the  body. 
During  the  fifteen  minute-  that  he  practices  a  warrior  stands  to  the 
south  side  of  the  altar,  holding  his  eagle  plumes  in  each  hand,  con- 
stantly extending  first  one  hand  and  then  the  other.  When  the  director 
retires  behind  the  altar  the  novices  form  in  line  and  dance  (the  young 
child  being  held  on  the  back  of  a  woman  by  means  of  cotton  cloth). 
Theurgists  from  time  to  time  cease  their  healing  to  join  in  the  dance. 
The  noise  of  the  choir  increases  in  volume  until  the  close  of  the  medi- 
cine practice  previous  to  the  closing  ceremony  of  initiation,  except 
for  five  minutes  allowed  to  all  for  rest.  Occasionally  the  woman 
holding  the  child  is  relieved  and  sits  for  a  while,  but  this  is  not  often. 

Five  male  and  two  female  theurgists  are  soon  at  work  upon  the 
patients.  Gradually  others  come  to  the  floor  until  about  twenty  are 
dashing  about  madly  among  the  sick.  Sometimes  four  theurgists  are 
sucking  at  one  man.  As  the  night  wanes  and  the  floor  becomes  more 
crowded  the  scene  grows  more  and  more  wild  and  weird  and  the  excite- 
ment is  intense.  The  women  appear  even  more  excited  than  the  men. 
though  they  are  far  from  graceful,  and  their  attempts  at  legerdemain 
are  very  poor.     The  Great  Mother,  however,  is  one  of  the  experts. 

Among  the  vast  number  suffering  from  real  or  imaginary  ills  a 
few  are  seriously  afflicted.  Though  several  theurgists  pretend  to 
extract  from  the  writer's  forehead  (she  is  suffering  from  headache) 
material  "shot"  in  by  witches,  it  is  impossible  for  her  to  discover 
the  clever  tricks.  Large  pebbles  and  yards  of  yarn  seem  to  be  drawn 
from  her  forehead.  A  Sia  guest  apparently  extracts  a  large  stone. 
Occasionally  some  one  is  caught  nodding,  and  is  at  once  wakened  by  a 
neighbor  in  no  very  kind  tone.  Sleeping  at  such  times  is  regarded  as 
most  disrespectful  to  the  Beast  Gods,  only  young  infants  being  accorded 
the  privilege.  At  times  the  theurgists  dance  in  groups:  then  again 
the  men  and  women  form  into  several  parallel  lines,  facing  first  the 
south  and  then  the  north,  as  they  dance  back  and  forth  from  west 
to  east.  Usually  there  are  more  men  than  women  on  the  floor.  A 
theurgist  from  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  followed  by  three  of  his 
fellows,  who  appear  to  lie  charmed  by  their  leader,  enters  the  chamber 
in  semicrawling  position,  and  after  holding  a  crystal  for  a  moment 
to  the  breast  of  an  invalid — the  crystal  showing  the  seat  of  the  dis- 
ease— he  touches  the  spot  with  his  two  eagle  plumes  with  a  trem- 
bling motion,  and  while  one  of  the  party  sucks  the  spot  he  continues 


stevenson]  ma'?ke  'hlah'nakwe  501 

the  motion  with  the  plumes  over  the  body.  The  theurgist  who 
extracts  the  cause  of  the  disease  distorts  his  face  and  body  in  his 
efforts  to  be  rid  of  the  foreign  material.  Finally  he  draws  many 
yards  of  yarn  from  his  mouth.  Again  the  leader  with  his  followers 
approaches  an  invalid  and  rubs  his  plumes  over  the  body  with  a 
peculiar  trembling  motion;  and  placing  the  crystal,  which  he  holds  in 
the  left  hand,  against  the  body,  he  touches  the  plumes  held  in  the 
right  hand  to  the  spot  indicated  by  the  crystal,  and  with  the  tip  ends 
of  the  plumes  draws  disease  near  the  surface  and  sucks  the  spot,  and 
after  great  distortions  he  gradually  succeeds  in  ''drawing"  several 
yards  of  string. 

Most  of  the  extracting  of  disease  is  done  by  sucking,  but  in  some 
instances  the  plumes  only  are  used  to  draw  disease  to  the  surface, 
when  the  material  is  caught  with  the  hand.  The  best  manipulating  is 
near  the  writer.  Stones  varying1  in  size  from  minute  to  that  of  a 
pigeon's  egg,  bits  of  old  cloth,  and  strings  of  various  kinds  are  exhib- 
ited by  the  theurgists.  The  men  always  show  what  the}'  are  supposed 
to  have  extracted,  the  band  being  first  waved  toward  the  invalid,  and 

with  the  exclamation,  "Hu hu_ hu hu uh." 

Usually  each  theurgist  waves  the  hand  containing  the  extracted  mate- 
rial before  the  altar  previous  to  depositing  it  in  the  large  bowl  pro- 
vided for  the  purpose,  but  the  women,  except  the  Great  Mother,  keep 
their  hands  closed  wThile  waving  them,  and  no  sound  is  heard  when  the 
hand  is  opened  over  the  bowl.  Though  generally  the  theurgist  casts 
the  supposed  extracted  material  into  the  bowl,  the  first  time  he  usu- 
ally throws  it  into  the  fire;  then  he  takes  a  pinch  of  meal  from  the 
basket  before  the  altar  and  leaves  the  chamber  to  sprinkle  it  outside 
with  a  prayer.  Sometimes  a  theurgist  wears  the  skin  of  a  bear's  foot 
on  his  left  hand;  again  one  is  worn  on  each  hand.  When  a  dozen  or 
more  theurgists  are  on  the  floor,  their  bodies  thrown  forward  until 
they  appear  like  the  animals  they  personate,  growling  and  wrangling 
with  one  another,  the  scene  is  weird  and  impressive. 

At  half  past  3  o'clock  the  healing  performances  close  for  a  time. 
The  dance  ceases  and  the  novices  form  in  line  behind  their  fraternity 
parents,  who,  facing  south,  extend  an  eagle  plume  over  each  shoulder, 
the  ends  of  which  are  caught  by  the  novice,  while  the  wife  or  sister 
of  the  fraternity  parent  is  behind  and  rests  a  hand  on  each  shoulder 
of  the  novice.  In  this  way  they  advance  several  steps  toward  the 
south  and  stand  for  a  moment,  when  the  Great  Mother,  who  is  at 
the  west  end  of  the  line,  turns  toward  the  east,  and  they  all  swing 
wheel  fashion.  The  shoulders  of  the  novices  are  moved  in  time  with 
the  choir,  and  the  novices  make  a  similar  motion  with  the  plumes. 
Again  they  wheel  around  by  the  north  and  face  west,  when  they  receive 
consecrated  water  from  the  a'kwamosi,  who  administers  it  from  a 
shell. 


502  THE    Zl'Nl    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

After  this  ceremony  with  the  novices  the  dancing  is  resumed  and 
the  theurgists  continue  their  practicing  upon  the  sick.  Three  young 
and  charmingly  graceful  hoys,  wearing  white  cotton  breechcloths, 
their  bodies  painted  white,  now  appear  for  the  first  time  among  the 
dancers,  a  number  of  whom  are  women.  The  adult  novice  is  led  upon 
the  Moor  to  receive  her  tirst  lesson  in  healing.  She  is  very  awkward 
as  she  is  dragged  about  by  her  fraternity  father,  who,  after  touching 
his  plume  to  some  portion  of  the  body  of  an  invalid,  has  the  pupil  suck 
the  spot.  She  afterward  pretends  to  deposit  something  from  her  mouth 
into  her  fraternity  father's  right  hand,  and  he  dashes,  with  her  arm 
through  his,  to  the  bowl  and,  holding  his  hand  close  to  it,  appears  to 
dmp  in  some  object.  When  novices  receive  their  first  instruction  no 
objects  are  seen  or  sounds  heard  in  making  the  deposit  in  the  bowl 
The  wee  one  is  carried  on  the  back  of  her  fraternity  father,  who  throws 
himself  almost  prostrate  upon  the  floor,  jumps  about  in  a  squatting 
position,  and  performs  curious  feats  when  he  is  not  extracting  disease. 
The  child  takes  no  part  in  the  healing,  as  one  must  have  reached  the 
age  of  discretion  before  attaining  to  the  degree  of  practicing  medicine. 
After  some  fifteen  minutes  the  fraternity  children  are  returned  to 
their  places,  and  they  at  once  join  in  the  dance,  the  jTounger  one  dan- 
cing with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  her  elders.  One  of  the  theurgists 
carries  on  his  back  a  boy  about  eight  years  of  age,  who  has  been 
previously  initiated  into  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine,  but  is  not  }Tet 
old  enough  to  be  active  in  his  order.  This  man's  actions  are  so  violent 
that  it  is  remarkable  the  child  retains  his  position. 

The  Great  Mother  collects  ashes  from  the  fireplace  and  heaps  them 
before  the  altar,  and  the  ash-sprinklers  who  appeared  early  in  the 
evening  come  again  from  the  choir.  They  repeat  the  sprinkling  of 
the  ashes,  and  they  dance  in  front  of  the  altar  longer  and  more  vio- 
lently than  before.  After  the  ashes  are  sprinkled,  the  a'kwamosi 
administers  medicine  water  from  the  bowl  with  a  shell  to  the  men  and 
women,  and  all  sprinkle  the  altar  with  meal. 

The  novices  now  take  seats  on  boxes  in  line  facing  east.  A  bowl  of 
yucca  suds  is  brought  and  the  fraternity  parent  lifts  suds  with  his 
two  eagle-wing  plumes  and  anoints  the  head  of  the  novice.  After- 
ward each  member  of  the  order  dips  suds  with  his  eagle-wing  plumes 
and  deposits  them  on  the  head  of  each  novice,  and  then  the  head 
is  washed  by  the  wife  or  sister  of  the  fraternity  parent,  who  gives 
prayer  plumes  and  four  ears  of  corn  to  the  novice,  and  then  draws  his 
mi'li  by  the  novice's  lips,  head,  and  shoulders.  Each  member  of  the 
order  does  likewise  with  his  mi'li,  and  the  ceremony  of  initiation  into 
the  order  of  O'nava'nakia  is  closed.  Variations  of  a  minor  character 
occurred  in  the  Mystery  medicine  order  in  18*4. 

Soon  after  the  order  assembles,  one  of  the  theurgists,  who  is  also 
a  member  <>!'  the  Fire  division,  stands  before  the  altar  and  dips  the 
quill  ends  of  his  eagle  plumes  into  the  medicine  water  and  presses 


stevenson]  ma'tke  thlan'.nak:  we  503 

the  quills  to  his  nude  breast  to  receive  the  charm  of  the  medicine, 
when  he  becomes  extravagant  in  his  beast-like  performances  and 
dancing-.  He  raises  first  one  foot  then  the  other  as  high  as  possible, 
each  time  stamping  firmly  upon  the  floor;  leaps  about  in  the  wildest 
manner;  throws  himself  upon  the  floor,  maintaining'  the  most  graceful 
attitudes;  then  suddenly  rising',  dances  before  the  altar.  After  some 
minutes  he  runs  into  the  back  of  his  belt  the  two  eagle-wing-  plumes  he 
carries,  and  dashing  forward  to  the  fireplace  takes  a  large  coal  and, 
dancing  about  with  it  first  in  one  hand  and  then  in  the  other  a  moment 
or  two.  puts  it  into  his  mouth,  where  it  remains  thirty  seconds,  during 
which  time  he  indulges  in  extravaganza.  He  is  soon  joined  Iry  other 
men  and  by  women,  whose  dusk}'  forms,  moving  beast-like  in  light 
or  shadow,  according  to  the  uncertain  light  of  the  embers  in  the  fire- 
place, their  eyes  almost  as  bright  as  the  coals  in  their  mouths,  which 
scintillate  with  every  breath,  carry  one  in  imagination  to  the  regions 
of  Pluto.  The  longest  time  a  coal  is  held  in  the  mouth  is  one  minute; 
the  shortest,  thirty  seconds.  There  is  considerable  rivalry  at  such 
times,  each  one  aiming  to  outdo  the  other,  yet  all  are  filled  with  the 
spirit  of  good  nature.  When  the  coal  is  removed  from  the  mouth  it 
is  tossed  into  the  fireplace  with  a  peculiar  quick  and  graceful  motion. 
After  a  time  the  theurgist  who  came  first  to  the  floor  dips  the  feather 
ends  of  his  eagle  plumes  into  the  medicine  water  and  places  them  to 
his  mouth,  then  resumes  his  seat  in  the  choir.  Again  the  theurgists 
come  forward  two  or  three  at  a  time  and  pelt  the  members  of  the  choir 
with  live  coals,  and  then  lighting  large  bunches  of  corn  husks,  shower 
the  choir  with  the  sparks,  and  each  one  runs  the  burning  mass  into  his 
mouth. 

When  these  men  return  to  the  choir  the  women  begin  dancing,  but 
they  are  not  long  on  the  floor  when  a  young  man  of  the  Pi'anni'hle 
(Sword)  order  appears  wearing  a  war  pouch;  a  wand  is  attached  to  the 
back  of  his  head  and  a  fluffy  eagle  plume  tied  to  the  forelock.  He 
advances  to  the  altar,  and  dipping  the  feather  ends  of  his  eagle- wing 
plumes  into  the  medicine  water,  places  them  to  his  lips  and  rubs  them 
over  his  nude  body.  After  dancing  wildly  about  the  room  for  a  short 
time,  he  secures  a  sword  of  his  order  from  behind  the  altar,  and, 
dancing  before  the  altar  and  facing  it,  he  gracefully  throws  his  body 
forward,  twisting  and  turning  in  beast-like  motions.  After  a  time  he 
turns  and  faces  the  east,  and  dropping  on  one  knee  swallows  the 
sword.  When  this  rite  has  been  repeated  three  times  he  places  the 
sword  by  the  altar.  His  movements  are  the  perfection  of  grace,  and 
the  picture  presented  is  most  pleasing.  The  flutist,  who  sits  behind 
the  altar,  puffs  smoke  each  side  of  it  at  intervals.  The  healing  of  the 
sick  begins  soon  after  the  sword  swallowing,  and  the  sword  swallower 
and  two  girls  conclude  the  dance  at  midnight.  The  remainder  of  the 
ceremonial  corresponds  with  the  one  previously  described. 


504  THE    ZCN1    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

FIRE   ORDER   OF    THE    MAMKK    'hI.AN'n  AKWE   SWORD    DIVISION 

First  night.  The  tablet  altar  is  erected  as  usual  the  first  day  in  the 
ceremonial  chamber,  and  members  are  bus}'  preparing  prayer  plumes, 
the  floor  being  quite  covered  with  medicine  boxes  and  plumes.  When 
the  fraternity  convenes  for  the  night  ceremonial,  the  novice's  father 
calls  for  him  (there  being  but  one  novice  on  the  occasion  described) 
and  conducts  him  to  a  seat  on  the  north  side  of  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber. Eight  officers  of  the  different  orders  of  the  Fire  division, 
each  supplied  with  a  bundle  of  juniper  (species  not  yet  determined) 
splinters  as  long  as  from  the  heel  to  the  bent  knee,  measured  on 
the  outer  side  of  the  leg,  sit  behind  the  altar.  After  the  choir" 
sings  one  song  to  the  accompaniment  of  rattle  and  drum,  each 
officer  takes  bits  of  the  root  and  blossom  of  yarrow  (Achillea  lanu- 
losa)  into  his  mouth  and  expectorates  upon  the  splinters  six  times 
alternately,  and  deposits  the  bundle  behind  the  altar.  The  novice  now 
hands  a  husk  of  meal  to  some  member  of  the  order  and  returns  to  his 
seat;  while  the  man  receiving  the  husk  hands  it  to  the  chosen  frater- 
nity father,  saying:  "The  child  wishes  to  join  the  order."  The  chosen 
one  receives  the  meal,  saying,  "  I  wish  for  the  good  heart  and  health 
of  my  son."  and  he  distributes  the  meal  to  each  person  present,  depos- 
iting it  in  the  palm  of  the  left  hand  while  the  receiver  remains  seated. 

The  'Hlem'mosona  of  the  Sword  order  now  spreads  a  blanket  some 
distance  from  the  altar  and  removes  the  sword  blades,6  which  are 
wrapped  in  an  old  buckskin,  from  a  box  and  deposits  them  in  the 
center  of  the  blanket.  Each  member  has  his  sword  so  marked  that  he 
readily  selects  it  from  the  large  number;  he:  then  attaches  the  feath- 
ered handle  to  it,  these  handles,  when  not  in  use,  being  kept  suspended 
on  the  wall  of  an  inner  room  of  the  ceremonial  house.  After  all  the 
swords  are  arranged  with  their  handles,  each  member  of  the  order 
sprinkles  the  altar  with  the  meal  which  was  given  him  by  the  novice, 
the  novice  alone  taking  meal  from  the  meal  basket  to  sprinkle  the 
altar.  They  pass  in  file  by  the  south  side  and  around  the  altar  and 
down  the  north  side  of  the  room  to  the  east  end,  led  by  a  female 
member  of  the  fraternity  carrying  her  mi'li  and  meal  basket.  The 
'Hlem'mosona  follows  the  woman,  and  after  him  the  other  officers, 
and  then  the  order  at  large.  The  novice  follows  his  fraternity  father 
around  the  altar,  but  afterward  takes  his  seat  on  the  ledge.  When 
the  'Hlem'mosona  while  returning  to  the  altar  reaches  the  ladder 
leading  through  the  hatchway  into  the  chamber,  the  director  of  the 
dance,  who  is  midway  in  the  file,   begins  the  song.     The  sword  is 

a  While  all  the  members  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  may  be  present,  only  those  of  the  Fire  division 
are  privileged  to  form  the  choir. 

''These  blades,  which  are  of  juniper,  are  as  long  as  from  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger  to  the  tip  of 
the  thumb,  tne  fingers  extended,  and  the  thumb  and  four  fingers  crosswise,  three-fourths  of  an  inch 
wide  aUghtly  curved  and  rounded  at  the  end.    They  are  rubbed  with  Cougar  grease  and  red  hematite. 


stevensox]  MA/rKE   THLAN 'NAKWE  505 

carried  in  the  left  hand  and  the  rattle  in  the  right.  After  one  song 
is  sung,  the  'Hlem'mosona  addresses  his  people,  saying:  "  My  grand- 
fathers, my  uueles,  my  sons,  my  elder  brothers,  my  younger  brothers, 
to-night  I  commence  my  dance.  Are  any  of  my  people  sorry?  I 
want  everybody  to  be  happy  to-night."  The  dance  now  begins,  all 
passing  around  the  altar  from  the  south  side. 

A  woman  of  the  order  takes  the  novice  by  the  left  arm  and  leads  him 
through  the  line  of  dancers  to  the  middle  of  the  room,  facing  him  east, 
and  stands  behind  him  with  her  hands  on  his  shoulders,  moving  one 
and  then  the  other  forward,  while  the  hands  of  the  novice  hang  by  his 
side.  After  the  dancers  pass  around  the  altar  a  second  time,  the  woman 
who  leads  them  approaches  the  novice,  the  other  woman  at  once  retir- 
ing, and  places  her  mi'li  to  his  right  shoulder,  head,  left  shoulder,  and 
mouth,  that  lie  may  draw  in  the  sacred  life  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona," 
and  returns  to  her  place  as  leader  of  the  file.  Then  the  'Hlem'mosona 
stands  before  the  novice,  and  after  swallowing  his  sword  draws  it 
before  the  right  shoulder,  head,  left  shoulder,  and  lips  of  the  novice, 
as  was  done  with  the  mi'li,  and  returns  to  his  place.  Each  member 
repeats  the  ceremony  with  his  sword  over  the  novice,  the  dancers  in 
the  meantime  continuing  around  the  altar. 

The  fraternity  father  now  stands  before  the  novice,  and  after  swal- 
lowing his  sword*  hands  it  to  the  novice,  who  makes  an  effort  to  pass 
the  sword  down  his  throat.  The  sword  is  supposed  to  be  swallowed 
four  times  by  the  novice,  and  each  time  he  returns  it  to  the  f  ratei'nit\r 
father,  who  breathes  four  times  upon  it.6' 

On  the  present  occasion,  the  novice  failing  each  time  to  pass  the 
sword  down  his  throat,  his  fraternity  father  swallows  it  instead. 
After  the  sword  swallowing,  the  novice,  following  his  fraternity  father, 
joins  the  dancers,  who  remain  but  a  short  time  longer  on  the  floor. 
After  each  one  prays  before  the  altar  he  hands  his  sword  to  the  'Hlem'- 
mosona, who  deposits  it  on  the  buckskin  which  has  been  placed  close 
to  the  altar,  the  tips  of  the  swords  pointing  to  the  west.  The  buck- 
skin is  folded  over  the  blades,  leaving  the  handles  exposed.  After 
arranging  the  swords,  the  'Hlem'mosona  takes  his  position  near  the 
ladder,  and.  beginning  with  the  'hle'pekwin  (deputy)  to  the  'Hlem'- 
mosona, deposits  blossoms  and  bits  of  root  of  }^arrow  in  the  palm  of 
the  left  hand  of  each  member  of  the  Sword  order  who  stands  in  line 

a  See  p.  22. 

''These  Indians  are  so  clever  at  legerdemain  that  when  first  observed  the  sword  swallowing  was 
thought  to  be  one  of  their  tricks.  To  convince  herself,  the  writer  induced  a  member  of  this  order, 
after  long  persuasion,  to  visit  her  camp  and  swallow  the  sword.  Great  secrecy  was  observed  while 
the  head-kerchief  and  leather  pouch  were  removed  and  the  sword  swallowed,  and  the  Indian  to  this 
day  feels  that  he  was  guilty  of  a  great  wrong  in  swallowing  the  sword  without  the  ceremony  which 
should  attend  it. 

c  Unlike  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity,  it  is  exceptional,  so  a  prominent  member  of  the  Great  Fire  fra- 
ternity states,  for  a  novice  to  succeed  the  first  night  in  swallowing  the  sword.  He  adds:  "  I  failed 
in  every  effort  to  swallow  the  sword  the  night  of  my  initiation.  I  tried  four  times,  but  could  not 
succeed." 


50(5  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

:iml  to  the  novice.  Sonic  put  the  medicine  into  their  mouths  at  once, 
while  others  wait  until  they  are  about  ready  to  eat  the  fire.  This 
medicine  is  chewed  to  protectthe  mouth  when  the  tire  is  eaten.  After 
the  medicine  is  distributed,  the  'Hlem'mosona  places  near  the  tire- 
place  a  bundle  of  the  juniper  splinters  previously  referred  to,  and  the 
novice  is  again  conducted  by  the  woman  to  the  middle  of  the  floor. 
She  turns  him  to  face  the  east,  and  moves  his  shoulders  as  has  been 
described,  while  the  dancers  pass  twice  around  the  altar.  Again  the 
female  leader  of  the  rile  of  dancers  goes  to  the  novice  as  before,  and 
the  first  woman  returns  to  her  seat;  then  the  'Hlem'mosona  lights  the 
bundle  of  splinters  and  puts  them  into  the  novice's  mouth.  When  the 
fire  is  out  he  draws  them  over  the  novice's  shoulders,  head,  and  mouth, 
as  previously  described;  this  ceremony  is  repeated  four  times  by  each 
member  of  the  order,  a  fresh  bundle  of  splinters  being  used  each  time. 
After  this  ceremony  the  splinters  are  laid  by  the  fireplace.  The  novice 
now  passes  with  his  fraternity  father  once  around  the  altar  and  returns 
to  his  seat,  and  all  sprinkle  the  altar  with  meal,  and  pra}';  then  the 
warrior  of  the  Fire  division  carries  the  partially  burned  splinters  east 
of  the  town  and  deposits  them  at  Ku'shilowa  (red  earth). 

Second  day.  After  six  songs  are  sung  to  the  six  regions  for  snow, 
two  members  of  the  Fire  order  go  in  single  file,  the  second  man  whirl- 
ing the  rhombus,  to  collect  two  young  trees.  They  are  preceded  by 
another  man,  who  carries  a  meal  basket  and  sprinkles  meal  for  a  short 
distance  north  of  the  village.  The  trees  which  are  selected  are  about 
3  feet  high,  one  being  pifion,  the  other  another  species  of  pine. 
Three  marks  are  made  near  the  base  and  on  the  east  side  of  each  tree, 
denoting  eyes  and  mouth.  The  trees  are  cut  with  a  stone  knife  and 
are  carried  in  the  left  arm  to  the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  the  man 
who  accompanied  the  tree  collectors  beyond  the  village,  receives  them 
and  waves  them  to  the  six  regions.  The  'Hlem'mosona  afterward 
puffs  smoke  from  native  tobacco  in  a  reed  over  them  and  attaches  a 
la'showanne  of  a  single  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  to  each  tree.  The 
collectors  of  the  trees  are  careful  to  bring  young  buds  of  spruce 
and  piiion  trees  in  separate  husks,  some  of  which  are  put  into  the 
medicine  water;  the  remainder  are. afterward  distributed  to  the  fra- 
ternity at  large.  The  women  especially  are  anxious  for  the  "bud 
medicine,"  as  they  call  it,  which  is  eaten  when  a  woman  is  preg- 
nant. If  a  bo}>-  is  desired,  she  eats  the  buds  of  the  pine;  if  a  girl, 
she  takes  those  of  the  piiion.  The  wish  is  always  realized  unless 
the  woman's  heart  is  bad.  Upon  the  writer's  asking  for  the  buds 
from  a  pine  branch  brought  to  the  village  with  a  load  of  wood,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  exclaimed:  'kOh,  they  are  no  good; 
the  bough  was  not  cut  from  the  tree  while  the  old  songs  of  the  Ma"ke 
'Hlan'nakwe  were  sung." 

The  man  who  receives  the  trees  lays  them   north  of  the  swords, 


stevenson]  ma /tke  'hun'nakwe  507 

which  are  still  near  the  altar,  with  the  marks  indicating-  eyes  and 
mouth  upward,  the  upper  portion  of  the  tree  pointing  to  the  east.  At 
midnight  the  trees  are  carried  to  the  roof,  and  the  pinon  is  placed  to 
the  west  and  the  other  to  the  east  of  the  crossbar  of  the  hatchway, 
the  face  symbols  being  to  the  east,  where  they  remain  until  the  close 
of  the  ceremonial  on  the  fifth  day.  After  the  trees  are  placed  in 
position  the  eight  officers  of  the  fraternity  stand  around  them;  the 
flutist  plays,  the  warrior  whirls  the  rhombus,  while  the  'Hlem'mosona 
prays  and  sprinkles  meal  upon  the  trees."  There  is  continuous  dan- 
cing and  sword  swallowing  on  the  second  and  third  days  until  midnight, 
and  an  elaborate  display  of  playing  with  tire  on  the  third  night.  The 
visits  of  the  Sword  order  to  other  houses  are  noted  in  the  'Hle'wekwe 
ceremonials. 

A  dry  painting  about  2^  feet  square  is  made  on  the  floor  and  near 
the  altar  on  the  fourth  afternoon.  The  foundation  of  the  painting  is 
the  ordinary  yellow  sand  found  near  the  village.  Its  groundwork  is 
about  half  an  inch  in  depth.  The  measurements  are  made  with  the 
right  hand,  from  the  tip  of  the  thumb  to  the  tip  of  the  second  finger 
and  from  the  tip  of  the  thumb  to  the  tip  of  the  index  finger.  The  four 
sides  of  the  square  are  measured  in  this  way.  The  north  line  of  the 
square  is  symbolic  of  the  Hopi  country;  the  west  line,  of  the  Navaho 
country:  the  south  line,  of  the  Mexican  country;  the  east  line,  of  the 
Rio  Grande  country;  and  the  yellow  line,  running  through  the  center, 
which  is  of  corn  pollen,  is  symbolic  of  the  Zufii  country,  the  heart 
r.nd  center  of  all.  The  black  coloring  is  charred  corncob  mixed  with 
other  powdered  pigment.  The  two  human  figures  in  the  painting 
represent  Na'ke'e,  the  original  director  of  the  Great  Fire  f  raternity, 
and  his  fellow  or  younger' brother.  Zigzag-  lines  extend  out  from 
each  side  of  the  figures,  denoting  lightning.  The  war  pouch  is  indi- 
cated by  a  diagonal  line  across  the  body.  A  circular  spot  of  corn 
pollen  on  the  body  represents  the  heart.  Eagle-wing  feathers  are  held 
in  the  hands.  The  black  lines  extending  outward  below  the  knees 
represent  garters  of  blue  yarn.  Crosses  over,  the  surface  of  the  paint- 
ing, with  a  single  grain  of  corn  on  each,  indicate  stars.  When  the 
painting  is  completed  it  is  protected  by  placing  a  stone  at  each  corner, 
upon  which  pieces  of  wood  are  crossed  and  a  white  embroidered 
blanket  laid  over  the  wood. 

The  painting  is  uncovered  at  night  by  the  'Hlem'mosona  after  the 
swords  are  distributed  to  their  owners,  who  are  grouped  before  the 
altar.  If  a  blemish  is  found  on  raising  the  blanket  from  the  painting 
the  'Hlem'mosona  says,  should  it  be  near  the  pollen  line:  "I  fear 
many  of  my  people  will  die."  If  the  defect  is  near  another  line,  then 
the  people  of  the  countiw  indicated  bj  the  line  will  die. 

After  passing  once  around  the  altar  the  Sword  order  forms  in  line. 

a  The  trees  are  not  referred  to  as  such,  but  as  tesh'kwi  (not  to  be  touched,  sacred). 


508  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

The  two  small  trees  are  brought  from  the  hatchway  and  as  the  'Hlem'- 
mosona  passes  down  the  line,  he  draws  the  trees  before  the  face  of  each 
dancer  with  a  prayer,  the  dancer  drawing  a  sacred  breath  from  them. 
When  all  have  drawn  the  sacred  breath,  or  all  that  is  best,  from  the 
trees  they  are  placed  beside  the  altar,  and  the  Sword  division  visit  the 
chamber  where  the  Mu'waiye"  rehearse,  and  dance  and  swallow  the 
swords.  On  their  return  to  their  ceremonial  chamber  the  novice  is 
served  with  food,  and  then  all  present  partake  of  it. 

After  the  repast  is  finished  dancing  is  resumed  and  continues 
throughout  the  night.  At  midnight  the  'Hlem'mosona  deposits  prayer 
plumes  and  sprinkles  meal  in  an  excavation  the  depth  of  a  man's  arm 
in  the  Si'aa'  te'wita  at  the  base  of  the  ladder  east  of  the  one  which 
leads  to  the  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  with  prayers  to  Na'ke'e.  the  original 
director  of  the  fraternity.  After  the  deposition  of  the  prayer  plumes 
the  'Hlem'mosona  covers  the  cavity  with  a  stone  and  earth  so  cleverly 
that  no  one  would  dream  of  its  existence.  This  spot  in  the  plaza  is 
most  sacred  to  the  Great  Fire  fraternity,  as  Na'ke'e  is  supposed  to 
have  disappeared  into  the  earth  as  this  point,  and  no  one  must  sit  on 
the  ladder  that  runs  up  by  this  excavation  or  on  the  roof  immedi- 
ately above  it  when  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  is  present  in  the  plaza, 
for  an  et'tone*  of  a  shi'wanni  (rain  priest),  who  is  also  a  member  of 
the  Great  Fire  fraternity,  is  kept  in  the  old  house  to  which  the  upper 
ladder  leads. 

Fifth  day.  At  daylight  on  the  fifth  day  the  'Hlem'mosona  runs  his 
hand  over  the  pollen  line  of  the  painting  in  the  ceremonial  chamber 
and  places  the  pollen  he  collects  in  a  corn  husk;  and  men  and  women 
hasten  forward  to  take  a  pinch  from  the  heart  (which  is  considered 
good  medicine  for  fecundity)  of  each  figure,  each  one  having  a  corn 
husk  in  which  to  place  what  is  collected.  The  grains  of  corn  are  also 
eagerly  sought.  One,  two,  three,  or  four  grains  collected  are  planted 
apart  from  other  corn  the  coming  year,  and  the  corn  raised  from  this 
is  not  eaten,  but  kept  till  the  next  year  and  planted  in  the  field  with 
the  other  corn.  After  all  the  mi'wachi  are  removed  from  the  altar, 
the  'Hlem'mosona  brushes  the  meal  on  the  floor  about  the  altar  to  the 
dry  painting  with  his  eagle  plumes  and  lifts  the  sand  with  his  two 
hands  and  deposits  it  in  a  bowl,  which  a  woman  places  near  him,  and 
carries  it  to  the  river  where  he  deposits  the  contents.  After  the 
'Hlem'mosona  leaves  the  chamber  a  box  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the 
floor,  with  a  blanket  spread  over  it,  upon  which  the  novice  takes  his 
seat.  The  fraternity  father,  standing-  behind  the  novice,  places  over 
his  shoulders  a  blanket  (a  gift)  which  has  the  sun  emblem,  painted  on  a 
piece  of  cotton  cloth,  sewed  to  the  center  of  it,  and  steps  before  him, 
while  his  wife  stands  behind  the  novice  with  a  hand  on  each  shoulder. 

"See  p.  158.  &See  p.  1G3. 


stevenson]  MA/TKE    THLAN/NAKWE  509 

The  ceremony  which  follows  is  the  same  as  described  on  page  502  at 
the  close  of  the  initiatory  ceremonies  of  the  order  of  0'na3ra'nakia. 

Later  in  the  morning  the  chins  of  the  male  members  of  the  order 
are  painted  black  and  streaked  with  white,  symbolic  of  rain  clouds 
with  falling  rain.  The  neck  is  painted  yellow,  the  remainder  of  the 
body  black;  the  upper  portion  of  the  arms  black,  and  the  forearms 
and  hands  yellow;  each  scapula,  the  outside  of  both  arms  near  the 
shoulders,  the  breasts,  and  the  outer  side  of  the  legs  at  the  kneejoint  are 
crossed  in  double  lines  of  white;  the  upper  portion  of  the  legs  are 
white,  a  band  of  black  encircles  the  legs  about  the  knee,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  legs  and  the  feet  are  yellow.  Sometimes  these  dec- 
orations vary,  the  lower  leg  being  entirely  3'ellow.  Dance  moccasins 
are  worn.  White  and  black  beads,  the  latter  made  from  a  dried  berry, 
pass  over  the  right  shoulder  and  under  the  left  arm;  the  long  hair  is  tied 
tightly  at  the  nape  of  the  neck  with  red  }rarn  or  a  red  garter,  a  yucca 
wreath  knotted  at  both  sides  encircles  the  head,  six  eagle-tail  feathers 
arranged  like  a  spread  tail,  with  a  few  yellow  parrot  feathers  pendent 
at  the  base,  ornament  the  left  side  of  the  head.  A  fluffy  eagle  plume 
colored  red  is  tied  to  the  forelock  of  such  dancers  as  belong  to  the 
Mystery  medicine  order.  A  bow  wristlet  is  attached  to  the  left  arm,  and 
profusions  of  ko'hakwa,  coral,  and  turquoise  beads  are  worn  as  neck- 
laces. Rattles  are  carried  in  the  right  hands,  swords  in  the  left.  The 
'Hlem'mosona  carries  a  crooked  praj'er  plume  instead  of  the  rattle, 
and  his  deputy  has  instead  of  the  feathered  handle  to  his  sword  a 
tablet  carved  in  cloud  designs  and  colored  in  blue-green,  red,  yellow, 
black,  and  white,  and  further  embellished  with  the  sun  and  a  star. 
Two  white  fluffy  eagle  feathers  tip  the  cloud  design  at  the  top  of  the 
tablet.  The  'Hlem'mosona,  the  Ko'mosona  (director-general  of  the 
ki'wi'siwe),"  and  the  pa'mosona  (scalp  custodian),  who  are  members  of 
this  fraternity,  have  each  a  serpentiform  sword  denoting  lightning. h 

The  female  members  wear  their  ordinary  dress,  including  moccasins, 
with  a  folded  mi'ha  passing  under  the  right  arm  and  fastened  on  the 
left  shoulder;  the  arms  and  neck  are  bare,  and  they  wear  turquoise 
earrings  and  elaborate  necklaces;  the  hair  is  done  up  in  the  usual 
manner,  with  a  fluffy  eagle  plume  attached  to  the  forelock,  and  each 
carries  a  sword  in  her  left  hand  and  two  eagle- wing  plumes  in  her 
right. 

A  woman  carrying  a  meal  basket  leads  the  dancers  through  the 
southeastern  covered  way  in  single  tile  to  the  plaza.  Passing  to  the 
north  by  the  east  side  and  around  by  the  excavation  in  which  the 
prayer  plumes  were  deposited  the  previous  night  to  Na'ke'e,  they  join 

a  See  Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions. 

bThe  present  warrior,  who  has  been  a  member  of  the  fraternity  four  years,  was  anxious  to  possess 
such  a  lightning  sword,  but  the  'Hlem'mosona  objected  on  the  ground  that  he  had  not  been  a  mem- 
ber of  the  organization  long  enough  for  the  goodness  of  his  heart  to  be  tested. 


510  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

the  line  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity,  who  have-  completed  their  dance 
and  an-  retiring  from  the  plaza.1' 

The  members  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  pass  once  around  the 
boxes  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  before  dancing,  but  the  musicians  on  the 
notched  sticks  sit  with  bowed  heads  and  do  not  play.  Each  dance  is 
begun  with  a  barbaric  shout;  then  the  dancers  settle  down  into 
monotonous  song'.  There  is  little  or  no  variety  in  the  step;  first  one 
foot,  then  another,  is  raised  as  they  continue  to  encircle  the  boxes. 
The  'Hleni'mosona  is  the  first  to  step  from  the  moving-  circle.  At 
this  moment  all  cease  to  dance,  and  simultaneously,  like  well-drilled 
soldiers,  commence  dancing-  again,  and  reverse  the  swords,  holding- 
the  blades  upward,  while  the  'Hleni'mosona  waves  his  serpentiform 
sword  over  the  boxes  and  prays.  At  the  close  of  the  prayer  the  swords 
are  reversed  with  the  same  precision,  and  the  'Hleni'mosona  steps 
before  the  boxes  and  swallows  his  sword.  Again  they  move  on  for  a 
moment  or  two,  when  all  turn  and  face  the  center;  then  the  others  in 
turn  leave  the  circles  in  groups  and  swallow  the  swords. 

As  soon  as  one  group  returns  to  the  circle  others  step  out,  some 
swallowing  two  swords  at  once,  one  man  swallowing  three.  The  first 
group  faces  north,  the  second  faces  west,  another  south,  another  east, 
and  two  other  groups  face  east  for  the  zenith  and  the  nadir.  The  Great 
Mother  of  the  fraternity  swallows  two  swords  at  once.  It  is  noticed 
that  many  of  this  fraternity  run  the  sword  through  the  mouth  to 
moisten  it  before  swallowing  it,  but  this  is  not  done  by  the  'Hle'wekwe 
fraternity.  They  dance  five  times  around  the  boxes,  swallowing 
swords  each  time,  and  as  the  boxes  are  encircled  the  fifth  time  the 
'Hleni'mosona  swallows  his  sword  facing  north,  two  men  swallow 
theirs  facing  east,  two  men  and  one  woman  swallow  theirs  facing  south 
(see  plate  cxviii),  the  warrior  with  his  lightning  sword  and  another 
man  and  the  Great  Mother  swallow  two  swords  facing  east. 

Again  three  men  face  north,  three  men  east,  two  men  south,  two 
men  and  two  women  south,  one  man  and  two  younger  boys  east,  the 
man  swallowing  three  swords  at  once;  and  the  'Hleni'mosona  again  swal- 
lows his  sword  facing  west.  Passing  around  the  circle  he  receives 
the  swords  from  each  person,  resting  the  feathered  handles  over  his 
right  arm.  When  all  the  swords  are  collected  he  has  all  he  can  man- 
age; lie  stands  in  the  center  of  the  circle,  facing  the  east,  and  prays. 
After  the  prayer  he  motions  the  swords  to  the  six  regions  and  again 
passes  to  the  dancers,  that  each  may  take  his  sword.  When  all  have 
received  their  swords  again  those  east  of  the  ladder  draw  as  near  as 
they  may  to  the  others  on  the  opposite  side'  and  proceed  with  the 
dance,  and  at  its  close  they  make  their  exit  from  the  plaza  by  the 

nSee  i'.  169.    The  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity  and  Sword  order  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  hold  syn- 
chronal  meetings  in  January  and  February,  and  alternate  in  their  dancing  in  the  plaza. 
'•No  one  must  stand  directly  over  the  excavation  sacred  to  Na'ke'e  or  before  the  ladder. 


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stevenson]  MA/TKE    tHLAn'nAKWE  511 

eastern  covered  way.  Ere  the  last  of  the  dancers  has  disappeared 
from  the  plaza  the  music  of  the  notched  sticks  is  begun  and  the  men 
and  women  form  for  the  circle  dance  described  in  the  'Hle'wekwe 
ceremonial.  The  circle  gradually  increases  in  numbers,  through  the 
untiring  energy  of  the  a'mosi  and  the  a'mosono"kia.  Much  persua- 
sion is  often  necessary  in  order  to  secure  the  dancers. 

Ou  retiring  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  after  the  last  dance  the 
swords  are  handed  over  to  the  'Hlem'mosona  and  all  pray  before  the 
altar.     A  feast  brings  the  sword  festival  to  a  close. 

ORIGIN    OF   THE    SHO'TIKIANNA,  ARROW    DIVISION 

One  day  a  white  arrow  point,  as  long  as  from  the  tip  of  the  middle 
finger  to  the  second  joint  measured  on  the  under  side  of  the  finger, 
dropped  to  the  floor  through  the  hatchwaj7  of  the  ceremonial  chamber. 
The  director  of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  exclaimed:  "  What  is  this? " 
He  lifted  the  arrow  and,  upon  examining  it,  expressed  thanks  for  the 
gift.  He  declared  that  A'chiyala'topa  (being  with  wings  and  tail  of 
knives)  must  have  dropped  the  arrow,  wishing  him  to  institute  an 
arrow  order.  The  director  attached  the  arrow  to  a  reed  shaft,  and 
after  making  three  efforts  he  succeeded  the  fourth  time  in  running  the 
arrow  down  his  throat  to  his  heart.  He  afterward  initiated  others 
into  the  arrow  swallowing,  and  so  instituted  the  order  of  the  Arrow. 
Only  men  belong  to  this  order.  The  ceremonial  occurs  eveiw  fourth 
year  in  February,  in  connection  either  with  the  po'sikishi  (spruce 
tree)  ceremony  or  with  the  pa'et'towe  (Navaho  dance).  The  arrow 
swallowing  is  always  combined  with  sword  swallowing  and  is  syn- 
chronous with  the  sword  or  tree  ceremonial  of  the  *Hle'wekwe  in 
February. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  the  festival  of  the  winter  solstice  the  war- 
rior of  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  cuts  a  reed  square  across  the  ends, 
the  length  from  the  carpus  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger.  He  places 
a  bit  of  raw  cotton  in  one  end,  and  after  filling  the  reed  with  corn 
pollen  he  stops  the  other  end  with  cotton,  then  colors  the  reed  red, 
leaving  the  cotton  white,  and  attaches  to  the  center  of  the  reed  a 
la'showanne  (one  or  more  plumes  attached  to  cotton  cord)  composed  of 
a  fluffy  under-wing  eagle  feather,  banded  turkey  feather,  and  a  tail 
feather  from  each  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions.  A  bead,  which 
may  be  ko'hakwa  or  turquoise,  is  strung  on  the  string  attached  to  the 
la'showanne.  The  reed  is  wrapped  in  a  corn  husk  and  the  warrior 
hands  it  to  the  'Hlem'mosona,  who  sits  near  the  altar,  the  fraternitj^ 
being  convened  in  the  afternoon.  Holding  the  reed  with  both  hands, 
the  'Hlem'mosona  prays:  "  Give  me  rains,  give  me  corn,  horses,  all  ani- 
mal food,  and  other  food  and  all  clothing."  Then  he  gives  it  to  another 
officer  of  the  fraternity,  who  repeats  the  prayer.     The  reed  in  this 


512  THE    ZUNI   INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

way  is  passed  to  the  eight  officers  and  to  all  males  present,  who  repeat 
the  same  prayers.  The  warrior  of  the  fraternity  afterward  places  it 
in  a  basket. 

The  following  morning,  the  order  having  spent  the  night  in  the 
fraternity  chamber,  the  warrior,  after  taking  his  morning  meal,  car- 
ries the  reed  to  his  home;  but  soon  afterward  he  visits  O'pompia 
mountain,  and  after  reaching  a  shrine  dedicated  to  the  younger  God  of 
War,  he  selects  a  tall  tree  near  hy.  Climbing  it,  he  attaches  the  reed  to 
the  topmost  limb,  wjth  prayers  to  the  spirit  of  the  tree  to  intercede 
with  the  u'wannami  (rain-makers)  for  cold  rains  and  snows.  On  his 
return  to  the  village  he  goes  to  the  house  of  every  man  of  the  frater- 
nity and  notifies  him  to  come  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  at  night,  at 
which  time  all  assemble  and  sit  and  smoke,  and  he  announces  that  the}' 
will  have  the  arrow  dance  in  February. 

The  ceremony  described  was  in  connection  with  the  Navaho  dance" 
and  was  observed  by  the  writer  in  February,  1891.  Each  member  of 
the  Arrow  order  makes  three  prayer  plumes  to  Na'ke'e.  Two  are 
retained  and  one  is  given  to  the  director  appointed  to  collect  the 
young  pinon  and  spruce  trees  for  the  ceremonial.  The  indoor  cere-" 
mony  of  the  Arrow  order  is  substantially  the  same  as  the  Sword,  the 
main  difference  occurring  on  the  fifth  morning.  At  sunrise  on  the 
fifth  morning  the  men  make  suds  and  wash  their  heads.  The  one 
novice  also  washes  his  own  head.  The  hair,  which  the  men  must 
attend  to  for  one  another,  since  no  woman  can  come  in  or  touch  them, 
is  parted  over  the  head  and  done  up  in  the  usual  knot,  with  a  wreath 
of  yucca  around  the  head;  a  fluffy  eagle  plume  dyed  red  is  attached  to 
the  forelock  and  an  elaborate  wand  is  attached  pendent  to  the  back  of 
the  hair  near  the  crown.  Their  feet  and  legs  halfway  to  the  knees, 
and  hands  and  arms  nearly  to  the  elbow,  are  painted  white.  A  ser- 
pentine line  for  lightning  runs  up  the  outside  of  the  legs  and  upper  arms 
and  up  each  side  of  the  chest  and  each  side  of  the  back.  There  are  a 
few  variations,  one  man  having  blue-green  curves  spotted  in  red  and 
white  over  each  scapula;  another,  blue-green  up  his  right  arm  and 
yellow  up  his  left,  while  all  the  curves  on  a  third  are  of  blue- 
green  spotted  in  colors.  A  ribbon  of  yucca  encircles  the  right  wrist 
and  a  bow  wristlet  is  worn  on  the  left.  The  face  is  colored  black  to 
the  line  of  the  lips  and  painted  white  below;  hawk  down  is  applied 
over  the  white,  and  a  small  quantity  of  the  down  is  stuck  to  the  end  of 
the  nose.  A  line  of  micaceous  hematite  extends  across  the  face  below 
the  eyes.  A  black  breechcloth  with  blue  embroidered  ends  is  worn. 
Rattles  are  carried  in  the  right  hand. 

Each  one   receives  in  his  left   hand   from  tke  'Hlem'mosona  the 

"The  participants  in  the  Navaho  dance  dress  similar  to  the  Navahos. 


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stevensox]  MA/TKE   'hLAN'nAKWE  513 

arrow "  he  is  to  swallow  and  sprinkles  the  altar  with  meal  from  his 
right  hand;  then  he  passes  around  the  altar  by  the  south  side  and  takes 
his  position  on  the  north  side  of  the  room  and  to  the  west  end. 

After  the  arrows  are  distributed  the  'Hlem'mosona  takes  his  stand 
at  the  end  of  the  line  near  the  cast  wall.  The  novice,  who  has  kept 
his  seat  until  now,  passes  to  the  middle  of  the  floor  and  stands  facing 
east.  The  drummer,  who  uses  a  wooden  drum  on  this  occasion,  stands 
near  the  south  wall  and  west  of  the  fireplace.  All  dance  in  an  ellipse 
once  around  the  altar  and  return  to  their  places.  A  new  song  is 
begun,  when  the  'Hlem'mosona  advances  to  the  novice  and,  facing 
oast,  swallows  the  arrow.  After  the  arrow  swallowing  is  repeated  by 
all.  the  fraternity  father  draws  his  arrow  before  the  shoulders,  mouth, 
and  over  the  head  of  the  novice.  The  novice  makes  four  unsuccessful 
efforts  to  swallow  the  arrow.  The  party  now  start  for  the  Si'aa' 
te'wita,  preceded  by  the  drummer,  who  takes  his  place  on  the  east 
side  of  the  plaza.  The  leader  wears  a  white  cotton  shirt,  white 
embroidered  kilt,  blue  knit  leggings,  and  dance  moccasins.  The 
upper  legs  are  exposed,  but  are  not  painted.  He  carries  a  pottery 
meal  basket  and  a  po'nepoyanne  *  in  his  left  hand,  and  uses  his  right 
to  sprinkle  meal.  Each  dancer  carries  a  bow  and  arrows  in  his  left 
hand,  and  in  his  right  hand  the  arrow  he  is  to  swallow  and  also  his 
rattle  (plate  cxix  shows  the  Arrow  order  in  the  plaza).  The  boxes  of 
the  'Hle'wekwe  are  encircled  four,  times,  then  all  stand  for  a  moment, 
shouting,  liHa — ha — ha;"  the  arrow  director  steps  before  the  boxes 
and.  facing  them,  waves  his  arrow  gracefully  from  right  to  left  over 
them,  then  waving  it  in  a  circle,  he  turns  from  right  to  left  and 
swallows  the  arrow,  facing  east.  Both  the  swords  and  the  arrows 
are  held  horizontally  and  placed  to  the  mouth  while  the  head  is  erect, 
then  the  head  is  moved  gradually  backward  as  the  instrument  is 
pushed  down  the  throat.  Great  care  is  observed  in  the  feat,  only 
three  men  venturing  to  dance  while  swallowing  the  arrow.  One  man 
gives  three  quite  violent  pressures  to  the  shaft  after  the  arrow  is 
down  the  throat.  Each  one  in  turn  steps  before  the  boxes,  faces  east, 
and  swallows  his  arrow.  One  man,  failing  to  swallow  his  arrow, 
waves  it  over  the  boxes  around  which  they  dance,  and  is  then  successful. 
Groups  of  two  face  the  cardinal  points  as  they  swallow  the  arrows. 
The  arrow  dance  is  repeated  three  times  in  the  plaza,  the  order  retir- 
ing after  each  dance   to  the  ceremonial  chamber,   where  after  the 

a  These  arrows  are  not  individual  property,  but  belong  to  the  order.  Some  are  covered  with  a 
glossy  brownish  substance,  while  others  have  it  half  over  them,  and  others  only  one-third  of  the  way 
The  arrows  vary  in  size  and  form,  many  being  slightly  oval  at  the  end,  some  are  pointed,  and  all 
are  rounded  or  oval  where  they  are  attached  to  the  shaft,  which  is  slightly  curved  at  this  end. 

&  The  Great  Fire  fraternity  has  a  po'nepoyanne  similar  to  the  one  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  (see  p.  417, 
note  </  . 

23  Era— 04 33 


M4  THK    ZHNI     INDIANS  [ETH.  ANN.28 

third  dance  the  'HlSm'mosona,  standing  near  the  altar,  receives  the 
arrows  and  the  dancers  are  provided  with  their  swords  for  the  closing 
dances.  When  the  swords  are  carried  for  the  first  time,  the  'Hlem'- 
mosona, on  reaching  the  south  end  of  the  boxes,  steps  before  them 
and,  facing  west,  prays;  then  he  and  two  others  swallow  their  swords, 
and  all  by  groups  follow  in  succession  in  swallowing  the  swords,  as 
heretofore  described.  The  dance  is  suspended  for  a  time,  and  the 
'Hlem'mosona,  stepping  before  the  boxes,  prays  and  swallows  his 
serpentiform  sword. 

Immediately  following  the  dance  just  described,  the  order  of  the 
Arrow,  joined  by  the  women  of  the  Sword  order,  begins  another 
dance,  and  soon  the  'Hlem'mosona  and  a  warrior  of  the  'Hle'wekwe 
appear  from  the  western  way.  and  stepping  within  the  circle  of  dancers 
stand  before  the  boxes  and  pray.  The  dancers,  as  usual,  pass  four 
times  around  the  boxes  before  swallowing  the  sword,  the  leader  of 
the  dance  shouts  and  hoots,  and  the  'Hlem'mosona  steps  before  the 
boxes  and  the  sword  swallowing  begins. 

The  following  table  gives  the  order  in  which  the  members  of  the 
Arrow  order  and  the  women  swallow  their  swords  during  the  last 
dance  in  the  plaza: 

Two  men  and  one  woman,  facing  north.  Three  men  and  one  woman,  facing  north. 

Two  men,  facing  east.  Two  men,  facing  south. 

Two  men  and  one  woman,  facing  south.  Two  men  and  one  woman,  facing  east. 

Two  men  and  one  woman,  facing  south.  Two  men  and  one  woman,  facing  south. 

Two  men,  one  woman,  and  a  girl,  facing  Two  men,  facing  east, 

south.  Two  men,  facing  east. 

Three  men  and  one  woman,  facing  west.  'Hlem'mosona,  facing  east. 

At  the  close  of  the  sword  swallowing  the  'Hlem'mosona,  retaining 
prayer  plumes  in  his  right  hand,  collects  the  swords,  resting  them 
over  his  left  arm,  the  feather  handles  pointing  to  his  right.  Each 
dancer  lays  his  sword  on  the  arm  of  the  'Hlem'mosona,  who,  holding 
the  swords  with  both  hands,  stands  before  the  boxes  and  prays  that 
A'chiyala'topa  and  the  Beast  Gods  will  intercede  with  the  rain-makers 
for  cold  rains  and  snows.  All  the  members  stand  with  folded  arms 
during  the  prayer,  which  lasts  three  minutes.  The  'Hlem'mosona  now 
passes  around  the  ellipse,  that  each  one  may  receive  his  one  or  more 
swords. 

All  but  two  now  clasp  hands  and  form  into  a  broken  circle,  and 
the  musicians  at  the  boxes  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  play  on  the  notched 
-licks  and  sing,  joined  by  the  drummer,  who  stands  to  the  north  of 
the  plaza.  The  dancers  shake  their  rattles  and  sing  as  they  jump 
back  and  forth  toward  the  center  of  the  circle,  holding  their  swords 
in  the  left  hand,  the  feathered  handles  pointing  inward.  This  move- 
ment, so  like  one  of  the  children's  games  of  civilization,  creates  much 
glee  among  the  dancers  and  many  of  the  spectators,  though  some  of 


stevensoni  ma'tke  '"'hlan'n akwe  515 

the  latter  express  indignation  at  the  burlesquing  of  the  sacred  circle 
dance.  After  a  time  the  clasped  hands  are  extended  outward  while 
they  dance.  When  the  Arrow  order  leaves  the  plaza  the  musicians 
change  their  song  to  melodious  strains,  and  the  circle  dance  is  per- 
formed previous  to  the  appearance  of  the  'Hle'wekwe.  This  frater- 
nity, the  Great  Fire,  and  the  circle  dancers  alternate  in  dancing  in 
the  plaza  throughout  the  day.  With  each  repetition  of  the  latter  the 
numbers  are  increased.  When  the  Great  Fire  fraternity  return  to 
the  ceremonial  chamber  for  the  last  time  the  swords  are  handed  over 
to  the  'Hlem'mosona,  who  places  them  for  the  time  being  by  the 
altar.  The  fraternity  father  gives  the  novice  four  prayer  plumes, 
four  cars  of  corn,  and  enough  calico  for  a  shirt  The  head  and  hands 
of  the  novice  are  bathed  by  the  wife  of  his  fraternity  father  at  the 
wife's  house,  and  he  enjoys  a  meal  with  him  and  others  of  the  family, 
after  which  the  wife  of  the  fraternity  father  accompanies  the  novice  to 
his  house,  carrying  a  bowl  of  food  and  the  bowl  his  head  was  washed 
in  as  gifts  from  his  fraternity  father. 

PO"SIKISHI — DIVISION    OF   THE    SPRUCE    TREE 

At  the  present  time  this  order  has  but  two  female  members,  and 
the  trees  handled  by  them  are  smaller  than  the  others.  While  the 
celebration  of  the  tree  swallowing  occurs  only  at  initiation  in  the 
'Hle'wekwe  fraternity,  it  is  not  dependent  upon  this  rite  with  the 
Great  Fire  fraternity.  This  festival  is  synchronous  with  the  two 
fraternities. 

The  day  the  order  convenes  the  member  and  novices  each  make  three 
prayer  plumes  to  Na'ke'e.  The  officers  make,  in  addition  to  these, 
one  to  each  of  the  Beast  Gods  of  the  six  regions.  Each  man  reserves 
two  of  his  prayer  plumes  and  gives  one  to  the  deputy  director, 
who  gathers  all  into  a  kia'etchine  (a  group  of  prayer  plumes  wrapped 
together  at  the  base),  which  he  places  in  a  basket.  The  other 
prayer  plumes  are  also  placed  in  baskets,  each  man  tying  together 
the  two  he  retains.  The  eight  a'mosi  (directors  of  the  different 
orders)  sit  in  the  middle  of  the  room  around  the  baskets  of  plumes, 
while  the  others  of  the  order,  including  the  women,  sit  together 
and  sing  to  Na'ke'e  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  wooden  drum, 
no  rattles  being  used.  They  begin  thus:  ''We  are  to  swallow  the 
tree;  we  ask  that  our  throats  may  not  be  made  ill."  The  baskets  of 
plumes  are  now  placed  on  the  ledge  in  the  west  end  of  the  room,  and 
they  adjourn  to  their  homes  for  the  remainder  of  the  night.  The 
following  morning  about  9  o'clock  they  return  to  the  chamber  and  sing 
six  songs,  one  to  the  Beast  God  of  each  of  the  six  regions,  to  intercede 
with  the  rain-makers  for  cold  rains  and  snows.  After  these  songs  the 
deputy-  'Hlem'mosona  followed  by  a  warrior  whirling  the  rhombus, 


516  THE    ZUSl    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  28 

leaves  with  the  kia'etchine  he  made  the  previous  da}',  and  as  he  passes 
out  of  the  room  the  female  members  stand  in  line  and  sprinkle  meal 
on  tlic  group  of  plumes.  The  two  are  led  for  a  short  distance  north  of 
the  village  by  a  man  carrying  a  meal  basket  and  sprinkling-  meal.  He 
returns,  and  the  others  continue  on  their  journey  to  collect  two  small 
trees,  one  pine  and  the  other  pifion,  which  are  brought  and  deposited 
in  the  manner  described  in  the  January  ceremonial  of  the  Sword  order, 
except  that  the  la'showanne  for  each  tree  is  an  undertail  banded  turkey 
feather  instead  of  the  fluffy  eagle  plumes.  A  flint  arrow  attached  to  a 
shaft  is  placed  between  the  trees  when  they  are  planted  on  the  roof  by 
the  hatchway,  to  remain  through  the  ceremonial.  The  directors  hold 
a  ceremony  over  the  trees  on  the  roof  similar  to  the  one  described  in 
January,  and  the  trees  are  sprinkled  with  meal  each  morning  by  the 
members  of  the  order.  After  the  ceremony  over  the  trees,  there  is  no 
more  singing  during  the  night  unless  some  one  should  cough.  During 
the  ceremonies  in  the  fraternity  chamber  the  feet  must  be  kept  close 
together,  whether  the  person  be  sitting  or  lying  down,  and  the  arms 
must  not  be  extended  outward  or  upward  except  when  using  the  sword 
or  sprinkling  the  meal.  Should  this  rule  not  be  observed  the  corn 
would  be  stunted  in  its  growth. 

The  flutist  and  a  warrior  to  the  fraternity  sit  on  their  sheepskins  in 
the  middle  of  the  floor  for  awhile,  the  latter  speaking  in  whispers  to 
his  rhombus,  the  other  to  his  flute." 

After  the  early  meal  on  the  third  morning  in  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber the  'Hlem'mosona  selects  a  man  as  director  and  five  others  and 
sends  them  for  pine  trees,  which  are  collected  south  of  the  village. 
Each  tree  is  marked,  before  it  is  hewn,  with  three  dots  to  denote  the 
eyes  and  the  mouth.  All  take  their  turn  in  cutting  the  trees,  which 
arc  brought  on  the  backs  of  the  men,  held  in  place  by  ropes;  they 
arrive  about  sunset.  The  trees  are  slid  down  the  ladder  through  the 
hatchway  into  the  ceremonial  room,  where  they  are  received  by  six 
men.  As  the  trees  descend  the  ladder,  animal-like  3Tells  are  given. 
All  the  trees  remain  in  the  middle  of  the  room  while  the  choir  sings 
and  the  director  puffs  smoke  from  a  reed  cigarette  through  the  boughs. 
The  trees  are  afterward  suspended  b\T  ropes  from  the  ceiling  at  the 
east  end  of  the  room,  the  eyes  and  mouth  sides  upward.  A  feast  is 
now  served;  but  previous  to  eating,  a  quantity  of  the  food  is  taken 
from  all  the  bowls  and  placed  before  the  altar  by  a  warrior,  and  it 
is  afterward  divided  by  him  into  five  heaps  before  the  altar.     Six 

'  Thv  us,-  of  the  rhombus  itnil  flute  at  this  time  is  to  bring  snows  and  rains  quickly.  Those  instru- 
ments are  placed  by  the  heads  of  the  flutist  and  the  warrior  when  they  lie  down,  and  should  one  eough, 
the  iliifi-l  plays  and  tlie  warrior  whirls  his  rhombus,  and  every  one  must  immediately  rise  and  stand 
until  the  music  ceases,  when  all  present  draw  a  breath  and  the  director  and  all  sprinkle  the  altar 
with  meal  and  ascend  the  ladder  and  sprinkle  meal  on  the  trees;  then  there  is  no  more  sleep  during 
the  night.  Should  a  member  be  caught  nodding,  he  is  awakened  by  another  member  with  lighted 
husks  or  sticks,  and  they  musl  sing  and  dance  until  sunrise,  when  the  altar  and  afterward  the  trees 
are  again  sprinkled  with  meal. 


stevenson]  MA/TKE   THLAN'NAKWE  517 

officers  take  scuts  behind  the  altar,  and  the  a'kwamosi  sits  north 
and  the  warrior  south  of  it.  The  'Hleni'mosona  now  says:  ''I  hope  all 
will  lie  happy,  no  one  will  be  sad  or  ill."  Then  addressing  the  flutist 
and  warrior:  "You  remain  here  and  make  rains  and  snows  for  me." 
Five  men  appointed  to  carry  out  the  five  heaps  of  food,  offer  it  in 
the  river  to  the  deceased  members  of  the  fraternity.  The  warrior 
whirls  the  rhombus  and  the  flutist  plays  on  his  flute  until  the  return 
of  the  men.  when  all  sprinkle  the  altar  with  meal. 

The  'Hleni'mosona  now  gives  young  buds  of  spruce  and  pinon,  which 
are  in  separate  husks,  to  the  a'kwamosi,  who  gathers  them  into  one 
husk  and  proceeds  to  prepare  the  medicine  water  to  protect  the  throat 
from  being  injured  by  the  sword.  He  first  deposits  in  the  water 
six  pinches  of  the  buds  and  then  six  stone  fetishes,  consecrating  the 
water  with  the  ceremonies  heretofore  described.  After  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  medicine  water  the  order  dances  for  a  short  time,  and  then 
all  retire  for  the  night;  but  if  an}^one  coughs,  there  is  a  repetition 
of  the  flute  playing  and  whirling  of  the  rhombus  and  dancing  the 
remainder  of  the  night. 

The  swords  are  made  on  the  fourth  morning.  The  novice,  who  is 
instructed  by  his  fraternity  father,  makes  his  own  sword.  When  a 
woman  is  initiated  her  sword  is  made  by  her  fraternity  father.  The 
swords  are  fashioned  like  those  of  the  Sword  order,  at  the  butt  of  the 
tree,  the  trunk  being  slender  (there  are  no  serpentiform  swords  fash- 
ioned by  the  order  of  the  Kia'la'selo).  The  swords  are  afterward 
rubbed  with  cougar  grease  and  red  hematite.  This  same  hematite  is 
used  by  the  Indians  on  their  faces  to  protect  them  from  sunburn,  and 
to  color  the  plumes  worn  03^  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  and  objects 
sacred  to  the  Bow  priesthood. 

The  'Hleni'mosona  brings  out  six  stone  knives,  each  one  a  color  of 
one  of  the  six  regions,  which  are  used  to  polish  the  swords.  When 
the  sword  is  completed  the  maker  attaches  a  la'showanne  of  a  turkey 
feather  to  the  top  of  the  tree  from  which  his  sword  is  fashioned,  and 
the  tree  is  deposited  in  the  east  end  of  the  room,  with  the  sword  pointing 
east. 

If  there  is  to  be  no  initiation  the  dry  painting  described  in  the  Janu- 
ary ceremonial  is  omitted.  The  'Hleni'mosona,  who  sits  at  the  south 
end  of  the  line  of  officers,  now  gathered  near  the  east  end  of  the  cham- 
ber, rises  and  leads  them  to  the  altar,  which  they  all  sprinkle  with 
meal.  The  altar  is  afterward  sprinkled  by  the  members  at  large,  who, 
after  sprinkling  the  meal,  pass  by  the  south  side  around  the  altar  and 
return  to  their  positions  at  the  east  end  of  the  room. 

The  'Hleni'mosona,  with  the  sword  end  of  his  tree  resting  over  his 
left  arm  and  the  tree  extending  on  the  floor,  now  approaches  the  novice, 


518  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

who  has  taken  his  position  near  the  center  of  the  room,  facing  east," 
;ind  gives  him  a  sprig,  which  he  holds  in  his  left  hand,  of  the  same 
medicine  that  was  distributed  in  the  initiation  into  the  Sword  order. 
After  giving  the  medicine,  the  'Hlem'mosona  turns  and  faces  east,  and 
running  the  top  of  the  tree  through  the  hatchway  in  the  roof,  swallows 
the  sword  al  t  he  end  of  the  tree,  while  the  order  sings  to  the  accompani- 
ment of  the  drum.  After  withdrawing  the  sword  he  passes  it  before 
the  lips  and  each  shoulder  of  the  novice,  and  places  his  tree  across  ropes 
near  the  ceiling  at  the  east  end  of  the  room,  and  takes  his  place  behind 
the  altar.  The  deputy  'Hlem'mosona  repeats  the  ceremony  with  his 
tree,  and  after  placing  it  by  the  other  near  the  ceiling,  takes  his  seat 
by  the  'Hlem'mosona.  The  other  six  officers  of  the  fraternity  repeat 
the  ceremony  with  their  trees  each  one  when  through  taking  his  place 
behind  the  altar;  and  then  each  member  of  the  order  repeats  the  same 
ceremony,  the  order  at  large  gathering  near  the  drummer.  The  fra- 
ternity father  of  the  novice  now  goes  through  the  performance  also 
and  then  runs  the  novice's  tree  through  the  hatchway  and  hands  it  to 
him,  and  the  latter  attempts  to  run  the  sword  down  his  throat.  When 
the  novice  fails,  the  fraternity  father  takes  the  tree  and  runs  the 
sword  four  times  before  the  lips  of  the  former,  who  draws  a  breath 
each  time.  The  fraternity  father  now  returns  the  tree  to  the  novice, 
who  again  fails  to  swallow  the  sword.  Two  other  efforts  are  unsuc- 
cessful, and  the  fraternity  father  repeats  the  passing  of  the  sword 
before  the  lips  of  the  novice,  and  depositing  it  with  the  others,  he 
returns  to  his  place  by  the  drummer.  The  afternoon  ceremony  closes 
with  the  singing  of  one  song,  after  which  a  feast  is  enjoyed  in  the 
ceremonial  chamber. 

A  few  hours  later  preparations  begin  for  the  night  ceremonial, 
which  is  a  repetition  of  that  described,  the  personal  decorations  being 
much  the  same  as  when  they  appear  in  the  ceremony  of  the  Sword  divi- 
sion. After  one  dance  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  each  mem- 
ber of  the  order  swallows  the  sword  portion  of  the  tree,  they  then  take 
their  swords  with  feathered  handles  instead  of  the  trees  and  visit  the 
house  where  the  Mu'waiye  of  the  'Hle'wekwe  fraternity6  are  rehears- 
ing and  dance  and  swallow  the  sword;  returning  to  their  chamber, 
young  buds  of  spruce  and  pinon  are  administered  by  the  deputy  to 
the  fraternity  at  large,  and  all  retire  for  the  night  but  the  eight  offi- 
cers who  visit  Si'aa'  te'wita  to  deposit  prayer  plumes  to  Na'ke'e.  The 
flutist  plays,  the  warrior  whirls  the  rhombus,  and  four  keep  watch 
to  see  that  no  intruder  appears  while  the  other  two  deposit  prayer 
plumes.  After  the  return  of  the  officers  from  the  plume  planting,  the 
fraternity  are  privileged  to  sleep  in  any  part  of  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber, and  no  amount  of  coughing  necessitates  their  rising  to  dance. 

•ill  there  is  more  than  one  novice,  the  'Hlem'mosona  begins  with  the  one  at  the  north  end. 
fcSeep.  458. 


stevexson]  MA/TKE   THLAN'NAKWE  519 

The  morning"  ceremony  begins  about  7  o'clock,  when  the  'Illem'- 
uiosona,  holding  six  couples  of  eagle-wing  plumes,  representative  of 
the  six  regions,  takes  his  seat  on  a  stool  near  the  center  of  the  room  and 
not  far  from  the  fireplace.  The  a'kwamosi  sits  on  his  wadded  blanket 
to  the  left,  and  the  deputy  sits  on  the  right  of  the  'Hlem'mosona. 
When  the  deputy  takes  his  seat  he  deposits  a  medicine  bowl  before  the 
a'kwamosi,  and  immediately  a  female  member  of  the  fraternity  places 
a  vase  of  water  and  a  gourd  near  him.  The  a'kwamosi  combines,  as 
before,  young  buds  of  spruce  and  piiion  in  one  husk.  The  flutist  sits 
facing  the  'Hlem'mosona  and  the  warrior  stands  before  the  a'kwamosi. 
The  members  of  the  order  at  large  are  grouped  about  the  drummer  on 
the  southwest  side  of  the  chamber.  The  deputy  first  dips  six  gourd- 
fuls  of  water  from  the  vase  and  empties  them  into  the  medicine  bowl, 
each  time  motioning  to  the  six  regions;  the  a'kwamosi  then  takes  a 
pinch  of  the  spruce  and  piiion  buds  from  the  husk  he  holds  in  his 
left  hand  and  deposits  them  in  the  left  palm  of  the  deputy,  who  takes 
them  with  his  right  hand  and,  motioning  to  the  six  regions,  drops 
them  into  the  medicine  bowl.  This  is  repeated  six  times,  each  time 
the  a'kwamosi  putting  the  pinch  of  buds  into  the  deputy's  left  hand. 
Six  stone  fetishes  are  afterward  dropped  separately  into  the  bowl, 
and  the  deputy  takes  his  two  eagle  plumes  in  his  right  hand  and  draws 
them  in  the  water  from  each  of  the  four  regions  to  the  center,  and 
moves  them  from  the  zenith  to  the  center  of  the  bowl  and  stirs  the 
water  for  the  nadir.  The  flute  is  played,  the  rhombus  whirled,  and 
the  choir  sings  to  the  accompaniment  of  rattle  and  drum  during  the 
consecration  of  the  water.  When  this  is  done  the  'Hlem'mosona  hands 
the  deputy  the  six  pairs  of  eagle  plumes  separated,  which  he  lays  over 
the  bowl,  the  tips  toward  the  altar.  Then  the  'Hlem'mosona  rises  and, 
carrying  a  meal  basket,  advances  to  the  altar,  preceded  by  the  flutist 
playing  and  the  warrior  whirling  the  rhombus,  and  followed  by  the 
deputy,  with  the  a'kwamosi  and  another  officer  on  each  side.  The 
other  members  of  the  order,  the  drummer  excepted,  follow  the  officers. 
After  taking  a  few  steps  all  halt  while  one  song  is  sung.  Again  they 
advance,  with  the  beginning  of  a  new  song,  and  stand  until  it  is  finished. 
Again  advancing,  the}-  halt  while  a  third  song  is  sung;  then  they  pro- 
ceed to  the  altar,  and  the  fourth  song  is  sung.  The  flutist  does  not 
halt  after  reaching  the  altar,  but  proceeds  at  once  to  his  place  behind 
it  and  continues  playing  on  the  flute.  The  warrior  stands  in  front  and 
south  of  the  altar  and  whirls  the  rhombus.  The  song  is  enlivened  with 
animal-like  calls  upon  the  Beast  Gods  to  intercede  with  the  Council  of 
the  Gods  for  rain.  When  the  singing  ceases,  the  deputy  deposits  the 
medicine  bowl  near  the  altar,  and  all  sprinkle  the  altar  with  meal  and 
then  depart,  carrying  their  bedding  to  their  homes.  But  they  soon 
return  to  the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  the  men  have  their  heads 
washed  b\_  the  female  members  of  the  fraternity,  each  of  whom  after- 


520  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ass.  23 

ward  washes  her  own  head.  After  the  morning  meal  in  the  ceremonial 
chamber,  preparations  are  begun  for  the  outdoor  festival. 

"While  black  paint  is  being  applied  to  the  lower  portion  of  the  face 
they  sing  to  Na'ke'e,  accompanied  by  the  drum  and  rattle:  "Your 
people  are  now  preparing  for  the  dance;  they  are  happjr;  they  wish 
the  cold  rains  and  snows  to  come."  When  all  is  ready  they  ascend 
the  ladder,  each  with  his  tree,  led  by  a  woman"  carrying  her  mi'li 
and  meal  basket,  from  which  she  sprinkles  meal  as  she  advances. 

The  ceremonies  in  the  plaza  are  identical  with  those  described  in 
the  Sword  order.*  There  are  three  dances  with  the  trees  in  the  plaza. 
At  the  close  of  each  dance  the  party  returns  to  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber, the  leader  places  her  meal  basket  near  the  two  trees  by  the  hatch- 
way, and  all  sprinkle  the  trees  with  meal  before,  descending  into  the 
chamber.  Each  one  pulls  his  tree  after  him  and  lays  it  in  the  middle 
of  the  floor,  with  the  knife  pointing  toward  the  east,  the  "eyes" 
of  each  tree  looking  upward.  This  is  the  convenient  way  for  plac- 
ing the  tree  so  as  to  carry  it  out.  After  resting  a  while  the  dancers 
sprinkle  meal  over  the  altar  and  return  to  the  plaza  to  dance  and 
swallow  the  tree  sword.  After  the  third  dance  the  trees  are  returned 
to  their  former  elevated  position  near  the  ceiling,  and  the  swords 
with  feathered  handles  are  used  instead  of  the  trees  in  the  closing 
dance.  On  their  return  the  last  time'  to  the  ceremonial  chamber 
the  members  of  the  order  take  meal  from  the  basket  before  the 
altar  in  their  left  hands  and  stand  around  the  room  close  to  the 
wall,  the  drummer  standing  west  of  the  fireplace.  The  'Hlem'mo- 
sona,  beginning  with  the  officer  at  the  south  end  of  the  line,  the 
officers  being  assembled  in  the  east  end  of  the  room,  administers  the 
medicine  water.  He  passes  around,  first  b}r  the  north  wall,  giving 
each  one  a  draft,  while  all  sing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and 
drum.  Again  beginning  with  the  officer  at  the  south  end  of  the  line,  he 
takes  a  shellful  of  water  into  his  mouth,  refilling  the  mouth  when 
necessary,  and  each  one  of  the  order  throws  his  head  back  while  the 
'Hlem'mosona  sprays  the  throat  with  the  medicine  water  from  his 
mouth,  that  the  larynx  may  not  suffer  from  the  sword  swallowing. 
He  then  sets  the  bowl  before  the  altar  and  takes  a  corn  husk  filled  with 
diminutive  and  slightly  sweet  black  seeds  and  places  one  in  each  per- 
son's mouth;  then  he  returns  the  husk  to  the  altar.  Ascending  the 
ladder,  he  brings  in  from  the  hatchway  the  two  small  trees  and  arrow, 
and  standing  in  the  middle  of  the  chamber  and  facing  east  he  moves 
the  trees  and  arrow  up  and  down  in  time  with  the  song,  and  passes  to 
each  one  beginning  with  the  officers,  who  sprinkle  the  trees  with  the 

a  h  i-  Hi.-  custom  fur  a  woman  of.  an  order  to  ask  the  director  for  this  position,  (or  should  he  select 
the  others  might  feel  aggrieved. 

t>  The  danger  incurred  in  swallowing  the  sword  carved  from  the  trees  renders  the  sight  anything 
hut  pleasing  to  the  stranger,  hut  tire  Indian  spectators  become  so  enthusiastic  at  this  ceremony  that 
they  are  without  thought  of  accident  to  the  dear  ones,  for  "only  those  of  wicked  heart  can  be  injured." 


STEVENSON) 


u'ehhukwe  521 


meal  held  in  the  left  hand,  for  his  physical  purification.  The  trees  are 
passed  four  times  to  be  sprinkled  in  the  same  manner,  and  again  four 
times,  when  each  person,  catching  the  la'showanne  of  each  tree  in  his 
left  hand,  draws  a  breath  as  quickly  as  possible;  but  he  must  not  let  go 
the  la'showawe  until  his  neighbor  has  caught  them  with  his  left  hand. 
The  'Hleru'mosona  returns  to  the  middle  of  the  floor,  and  after  prayers 
he  again  passes  the  trees  four  times  before  the  order,  when  each  one 
catches  the  la'showawe  and  passes  the  feathers  through  his  mouth,  in 
order  that  any  of  the  medicine  left  in  the  mouth  from  the  swords  may 
adhere  to  the  plumes."  The  'Hlem'mosona  again  returns  to  the  middle 
of  the  floor  for  a  moment  and  again  passes  the  trees  rapidly  before  all, 
each  one  having  time  only  to  pick  off  a  bud  or  two.  Every  effort  is 
made  to  get  the  Imds  of  the  spruce  or  pifion,  according  to  the  wish  of 
the  individual,  for  a  male  or  female  child.  Returning  to  the  middle  of 
the  tioor.  the  'Hlem'mosona  holds  the  trees  until  the  song  ceases.  Still 
holding  the  trees,  he  addresses  his  people,  saying:  "We  will  have  no 
more  of  this  until  another  jTear  [four  years  hence.]  I  hope  my  people 
will  be  happy  and  keep  well.  I  hope  our  dance  and  songs  will  bring 
cold  rains  and  snows,  and  that  all  may  have  bountiful  crops.  Now, 
throw  up  your  arms."    And  all  obey  at  once. 

The  two  small  trees  are  now  placed  with  the  larger  ones,  and  the 
'Hlem'mosona  unwraps  the  arrow  point  from  the  shaft,  while  each 
member  of  the  Sword  order  takes  his  sword  with  the  feathered  handle 
in  the  left  hand  and,  expectorating  four  times  upon  it,  waves  it  around 
the  head  four  times,  from  left  to  right,  for  physical  purification.  The 
sword  is  then  separated  from  the  handle  and  the  'Hlem'mosona  places 
the  swords  in  the  skin,  which  is  wrapped  carefully  over  the  contents 
and  laid  in  the  box. 

The  following  morning  the  novice's  head  is  washed  by  the  wife  or 
daughter  of  the  fraternitj'  father,  who  gives  four  prayer  plumes,  four 
ears  of  corn,  and  some  j'ards  of  calico  to  the  novice.  The  trees, 
including  the  two  small  ones,  are  carried,  by  a  different  set  of  men 
from  those  who  gathered  them,  some  4  miles  north  of  the  village  to 
the  top  of  a  mesa  and  dropped  into  a  deep  fissure,  the  sword  ends 
pointing  to  the  east. 

U'huhtjkwe  (Eagle  Down  Fraternity) 

This  fraternity  takes  its  name  from  u'kia,  down;  reference  to  the 
down  of  eagles  and  other  birds  and  of  native  cotton.  The  U'huhukwe 
embraces  four  orders:  0'na}Ta'nakia  (Mystery  medicine),  Ma"ke  (Fire), 
Ha'lo  (Ant),  and  It'sepcho  (Jugglery).  The  last-named  order  has  no 
female  members.     The  women,  however,  are  most  active  during  the 

a  ■■  If  all  of  the  medicine  should  not  be  removed  from  the  mouth,  it  would  pass  down  and  make 
the  throat  sick." 


522  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Leth.ann.23 

exhibitions  with  fire  and  are  quite  as  enthusiastic  as  the  men  in  the 

chase  with  the  flaming  brand.     The  ceremonies  of  the  Ant' order  are 
similar  to  those  practiced  by  the  Ant  fraternity. 

CEREMONIAL    OF    INITIATION"    INTO    O'NAVa'XAKIA 

Members  of  the  fraternity  prepare  te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes)  in 
the  ceremonial  chamber  the  first  morning,  and  before  sunset  the  tablet 
altar  (see  plate  lviii),  which  is  one  of  the  most  attractive  to  be  found 
in  Zuni,  is  erected  and  the  fetishes  placed  about  it. 

The  U'huhukwe  have  some  good  animal  fetishes  of  stone,  one  a 
well-cut  image  of  the  bison,  the  horns  being  well  defined,  which  is 
the  only  representation  of  this  animal  observed  by  the  writer  among 
the  Zunis,  who  claim  to  have  but  little  knowledge  of  the  bison,  as  they 
say  it  belongs  to  the  east.  It  is,  certainly,  an  unimportant  factor  in 
Zuni  at  the  present  time.  The  bear  fetish  is  10  inches  long;  the  other 
animal  forms  are  somewhat  smaller.  The  human  figure  (female)  is 
about  IS  inches  high.  Figures  in  human  form  are  very  rare  in  Zuni, 
while  they  are  common  in  Sia. 

The  ceremonials  are  so  like  those  of  the  other  orders  of  O'naya'nakia 
(Mystery  medicine)  that  the  writer  will  describe  only  the  ceremonies 
of  the  fourth  night,  when  the  novices  appear  for  the  first  time. 

The  members  are  busy  by  8  p.  m.,  preparing  for  the  ceremonies. 
The  feet  and  legs  to  the  knees  and  the  hands  and  arms  nearly  to  the 
elbows,  of  both  men  and  women,  are  painted  white.  The  rest  of  the 
bodies  of  the  men  are  striped  or  starred  in  white.  A  line  of  mica- 
ceous hematite  runs  across  the  face  under  the  eyes,  and  a  circular  spot 
of  the  same  is  on  the  chin  and  each  cheek.  A  fluffy  eagle  plume, 
colored  red  with  dry  pigment,  is  tied,  to  the  forelock,  and  a  wreath  of 
yucca  ribbon  adorns  the  head.  A  bow  guard  is  worn  on  the  left 
wrist.  The  women  wear  the  ordinary  woven  dress,  and  elaborate 
necklaces  adorn  the  necks  of  both  the  men  and  the  women.  "When  the 
toilets  are  complete  the  women  take  their  seats  on  the  north  ledge, 
near  the  east  end  of  the  room,  and  the  men  group  on  the  south  side 
near  the  west  end.  When  the  men  indicate  their  intention  of  beginning 
the  song,  the  women  gather  on  the  south  ledge  and  to  the  east  of  the 
men.  but  they  do  not  use  the  rattle.  Each  fraternity  father  leads  his 
one  or  more  fraternity  children  to  the  ceremonial  chamber,  each  f rater- 
nit}'  child  bearing  the  large  buckskin  which  is  the  payment  to  the 
fraternity  father  for  initiation  into  the  order  of  O'naya'nakia.  After 
the  novices  have  assembled  each  one  is  decorated  by  his  fraternity 
father  as  described  on  page  499.  Yucca  ribbons  are  knotted  around 
the  wrists  and  forehead  of  each  novice,  and  a  flufly  eagle  plume  is 
tied  to  the  left  side  of  the  head,  not  to  be  removed  until  four  days 
after  the  ceremonial,  during  which  time  no  animal  food  or  grease 


stevenson]  u'huhukwe  528 

can  be  eaten.  When  the  decoration  of  the  novices  is  completed  they 
take  their  seats  in  line  on  the  north  ledge,  near  the  west  end,  the  wife 
of  the  fraternity  father  sitting  on  the  left  of  the  fraternity  child  or 
children  and  the  elder  sister  of  the  fraternity  father  sitting  on  the 
right.  The  a'kwamosi  has  his  assigned  seat  on  the  north  side  of  the 
altar  and  the  deputy  director  sits  on  the  south  side.  The  warrior, 
protector  of  the  altar  and  fetish  medicine,  sits  in  front  of  the  altar, 
just  beyond  a  mound  of  food  deposited  to  the  gods.  The  flutist  sits 
back  of  the  altar. 

There  are  two  rolls  of  corn  husks  containing  native  tobacco,  each 
roll  having  a  prayer  plume  on  each  side.  One  roll  is  in  a  niche  in 
the  north  wall  near  the  altar,  and  one  is  in  a  niche  in  the  south  wall 
immediately  opposite  the  other.  The  ceremoivy  begins  with  the  hand- 
ing of  the  rolled  husks  to  the  a'kwamosi,  who  opens  them,  and  with 
the  native  tobacco  and  corn  husks  makes  cigarettes.  The  a'kwamosi, 
the  deputy,  and  the  flutist  all  retain  their  seats  while  each  smokes  one 
of  the  cigarettes,  blowing  the  smoke  over  the  altar  and  mi'wachi,"  the 
a'kwamosi  and  deputy  from  the  front  and  the  flute  player  from  the 
back.  The  mound  of  food  placed  near  the  altar  at  the  evening  feast 
is  now  divided  b}-  the  warrior  into  two  heaps,  with  a  space  of  8  or  10 
inches  between.  A  vase  of  water  is  brought  b}r  a  woman  and  placed 
before  the  a'kwamosi,  who  raises  and  lowers  the  empty  medicine  bowl 
six  times.  As  soon  as  he  touches  the  bowl  he  begins  a  prayer  song  in 
low.  impressive  tones,  which  continues  until  the  completion  of  the  med- 
icine water.  Dipping  a  gourd  of  water  from  the  water  vase,  he  holds 
it  over  the  medicine  bowl  while  he  repeats  a  praj'er  to  the  Cougar  of 
the  North  to  be  present  in  spirit,  and  then  empties  it  into  the  bowl. 
The  second  gourdful  is  held  while  he  repeats  a  prayer  to  the  Bear  of 
the  "West.  With  the  third  gourdful  he  offers  a  prayer  to  the  Badger 
of  the  South,  with  the  fourth  a  prayer  to  the  White  Wolf  of  the  East, 
and  with  the  fifth  he  prays  to  A'chiyala'topa  (a  being  with  wings  and 
tail  of  knives)  of  the  Zenith.  The  sixth  gourdful,  as  soon  as  it  is 
dipped  from  the  vase,  is  emptied  into  the  bowl  with  pikers  to  the 
Shrew  of  the  Nadir.  Six  fetishes  are  now  taken  from  a  leather  pouch, 
and  each  one  is  raised  six  times  in  the  right  hand,  while  the  two  eagle 
plumes  taken  from  the  medicine  bowl  are  held  in  the  left  hand.  Each 
fetish  is  deposited  at  its  appropriate  point  of  the  compass,  those  of  the 
Zenith  and  Xadir  being  laid  by  the  fetish  of  the  East.  After  all  the 
fetishes  are  placed  the  a'kwamosi  takes  the  one  of  the  North  and  holds 
it  over  the  bowl,  and  after  raising  and  lowering  it  six  times  he  drops 
it  into  the  bowl.  The  remaining  five  fetishes  are  passed  separately 
through  the  same  ceremony.  Six  pinches  of  meal  are  afterward 
sprinkled  into  the  bowl,  each  pinch  being  raised  and  lowered  six  times 

a  Mi'wachi  is  plural  for  ml'li  (see  p.  416). 


524  THE    ZITNI    INDIANS  Leth.  ann.  23 

before  it  is  east  upon  the  water.  The  two  eagle  plumes  which  the 
a'kwamosi  has  in  his  left  hand  are  now  transferred  to  the  right,  and 
the  quill  ends  arc  dipped  six  times  into  the  water,  the  plumes  being 
held  in  a  perpendicular  position.  Each  time  the  a'kwamosi  stirs  the 
water  with  the1  plumes,  at  the  same  time  giving  a  most  beast-like 
growl,  he  invokes  the  prey  animals  of  the  six  regions  to  give  their 
spirits  to  the  bodies  of  his  people  that  they  may  have  the  power  to 
penetrate  the  flesh  and  see  disease. 

After  the  consecration  of  the  water  the  a'kwamosi  dips  the  feather 
ends  of  the  plumes  into  it,  and  taking  a  plume  in  each  hand  sprinkles 
the  altar,  striking  the  underside  of  the  plume  held  in  the  left  hand 
with  the  one  held  in  the  right,  keeping  both  plumes  in  a  horizontal 
position.  The  sprinkling  of  the  altar  is  l'epeated  four  times,  and 
then  the  a'kwamosi  throws  meal  six  times  over  the  altar.  Though 
the  music  of  the  choir  and  the  whirling  of  the  rhombus  are  continu- 
ous throughout  the  consecration  of  the  water,  the  impressive  tones 
of  the  a'kwamosi  and  the  sweet  music  of  the  flute  are  distinctly 
heard.  Two  members  of  the  choir  now  collect  the  food  in  front  of 
the  altar  and  throw  it  into  the  river,  to  be  borne  to  the  Beast  Gods, 
and  the  dance  begins  with  both  men  and  women,  the  warrior  being  a 
conspicuous  dancer. 

The  room  gradually  becomes  crowded  with  those  suffering  from 
some  real  or  imaginary  malady.  While  such  persons  are  often  rela- 
tives of  the  members  of  the  fraternity,  others  who  wish  to  be  cured 
may  be  present.  The  dancing  and  healing  of  the  sick  being  similar  in 
all  orders  of  Mystery  medicine,  the  writer  will  mention  onty  certain 
features  in  this  ceremonial. 

Those  men  who  have  not  already  removed  their  shirts  and  trousers 
bare  their  bodies  as  soon  as  the  first  dancers  take  the  floor.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  dance  two  members  of  the  choir,  their  bodies  painted 
white,  join  in  the  dance.  Suddenly  they  spring  before  the  altar,  and 
bending  their  bodies  low  dip  the  eagle  plumes"  which  they  carry  into 
the  medicine  water  and  sprinkle  the  altar,  each  striking  the  left 
plume  on  the  underside  with  the  right  one.  Again  dipping  the  plumes 
into  the  medicine  bowl,  the  water  is  sprinkled  to  the  North,  West, 
South,  and  East.     Each  time  the  feather  is  struck  the  dancer  cries, 

"Uh hu."     After  the  sprinkling  to  the  four  regions  has  been 

repeated  four  times  the  two  return  to  the  choir  and  two  others  come 
to  the  floor.  Dipping  their  plumes  into  the  medicine  bowl,  they 
repeat  the  sprinkling  to  the  four  regions,  calling  upon  the  Beast  Gods 
to  come.  No  women  dance  while  the  water  is  being  sprinkled,  but 
immediately  after  the  sprinkling  three  women,  dressed  in  white  cotton 
gowns  and  red  sashes,  and  holding  an  eagle-wing  plume  in  each  hand, 

a  The  eagle  pi  iimcs  curried  by  both  men  and  women  are  referred  tons  kla'klali  a'siwe  (eagle  hands), 
and  when  onee  taken  in  the  hands  most  not  be  laid  down  nntil  the  close  of  the  ceremony. 


stevenson)  u'huhi'kwe  525 

take  the  floor,  and  thereupon  a  member  of  the  choir  rushes  in  the 
wildest  manner  to  the  center  of  the  room,  dancing  with  the  women 
for  a  while,  then  performing'  the  most  curious  and  weird  antics  before 
the  altar,  while  he  invokes  the  Beast  Gods.  After  a  time  he  fairly 
pulls  the  a'kwamosi  from  his  seat,  barely  giving'  him  time  to  remove 
his  cotton  clothing,  and  leads  him  around  in  the  most  curious  manner. 
The  old  a'kwamosi  has  not  the  grace  and  symmetry  of  the  younger 
man,  and  he  appears  very  awkward.  The  leader  presently  throws 
himself  before  the  altar  and,  slipping  his  left  hand  into  one  of  the 
bear's  feet  without  removing  the  two  eagle  plumes  it  holds,  dashes 
about  wildly.  lie  circulates  among  the  choir,  growling  and  draw- 
ing the  bear's  claws  over  the  naked  backs  of  the  men,  and  frightening 
the  dancing  women  by  threatening  to  do  the  same  with  them.  The 
women  dance  about  forty-five  minutes  and  leave  the  floor,  but  the  man 
continues  his  violent  movements  for  an  hour.  In  the  meantime  a 
juggler  appears  before  the  altar.  He  moves  his  eagle  plumes  over 
the  human  image  with  queer  incantations  until  it  is  supposed  to 
catch  the  tips  of  a  plume  with  each  hand,  when  the  juggler  elevates 
it,  apparently  by  having  the  image  hold  the  tips  of  the  plumes. 
The  illusion  is  perfect.  A  woman  now  takes  a  pinch  of  ashes  from 
the  fireplace,  and  after  sprinkling  the  altar  she  deposits  some  in  the 
palm  of  the  right  hand  of  all  present.  When  the  ashes  have  been 
distributed,  the  assemblage  groups  before  the  altar,  the  men  first  and 
afterward  the  women.  Each  person  passes  the  ashes  from  right  to 
left  three  times  around  the  head  and  throws  them  upon  the  altar. 
After  all  return  to  their  seats  two  young  men  representing  the 
Chapparral  cock  skip  about  gracefully  for  a  moment  or  two  and, 
throwing  their  bodies  almost  prostrate  upon  the  floor,  take  ashes  from 
the  fireplace  with  their  plumes  and  dance  gracefully,  one  to  the  right 
and  one  to  the  left  of  the  altar,  throwing  the  ashes  upon  it  by 
striking  the  left  plume  with  the  right,  as  heretofore  described.  Again 
they  lift  ashes  from  the  fireplace  and  sprinkle  all  present  with  it. 
Returning  to  the  fireplace  for  more  ashes,  they  throw  them  to  the  six 
regions,  beginning  at  the  North.  The  sprinkling  to  the  regions  is 
repeated  four  times.     Every  time  the  ashes   are  thrown  they  cry, 

"Uh hu."     The  two   return  to  the  choir,  and  the  a'kwamosi 

administers  the  medicine  water,  dipping  it  from  the  bowl  with  a  shell, 
to  all  present,  after  which  he  repeats  a  long  litany.  At  the  end  of 
each  supplication  the  people  join  in  the  prayer.  At  the  close  of  the 
litany  the  a'kwamosi  is  joined  by  all  in  a  long  prayer  to  the  Beast 
Gods.  The  pe'kwin  sits  throughout  the  ceremonial  with  bowed  head, 
except  when  the  a'kwamosi  lights  a  cigarette  and,  taking  one  whiff, 
passes  it  to  his  deputy  to  finish.  The  dance  closes  at  daylight  and  the 
novices  receive  their  gifts  in  the  manner  heretofore  described. 

After  the  ceremony  with  the  novices,  and  as  the  first  rays  of  sunlight 


526  THE    ZDNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

come  through  the  eastern  window,  the  men  assemble  before  the  altar 
and  pray.  The  women  go  outside  of  the  house  to  offer  their  prayers 
to  the  Sun  Father,  but  return  to  sprinkle  meal  upon  the  altar  and  pray. 
The  Kia'kwemosi,  rain  priest  of  the  North,  who  is  a  member  of  the 
U'huhukwe,  removes  the  animal  fetishes  from  before  the  altar  and, 
blawingthe  meal  from  them,  gathers  them  into  his  arms.  The  owners 
of  the  mi'wachi  collect  them,  carefully  blowing  off  the  meal,  and  in  a 
few  moments  the  altar  is  bared  of  its  adornments.  A  little  later  the 
altar  itself  is  taken  apart  and  stored  away  until  required  for  future  use. 

The  February  ceremonial,  in  which  initiation  into  the  Mystery  medi- 
cine order  occurred,  was  very  much  the  same  as  the  one  described,  with 
the  addition  of  playing  with  fire,  and  there  was  a  greater  display  of 
jugglery.  The  features  not  given  in  the  December  meeting  are  here 
described. 

There  is  an  elaborate  display  of  fire  on  the  third  and  fourth  days  of 
the  meeting  of  the  fraternity,  the  members  appearing  in  the  street 
before  the  ceremonial  house  and  on  the  house  tops  with  blazing  brands 
of  cedar  fiber.  Three  He'hea  and  six  Na'wisho  (anthropic  gods)  appear 
for  the  occasion,  though  only  the  He'hea  go  to  the  ceremonial  house 
of  the  U'huhukwe.  The  He'hea  gods  have  their  nude  bodies  covered 
with  white  kaolin  and  lined  by  drawing  the  finger  nail  through  the 
paint.  A  yellow  crescent  is  painted  on  the  back  of  each  (see  plate 
cxx).  As  soon  as  they  enter  the  ceremonial  chamber  they  are  pelted 
with  tire  from  cedar  brands,  and  they  escape  to  the  street,  where  they 
create  great  amusement  by  their  pantomimical  conversations.  Being 
in  the  street  does  not  save  them,  for  the}'  are  followed  bjr  men  and 
women  with  flaming  brands,  who  chase  the  gods  up  the  ladder  to  the 
roofs,  where  they  get  more  pelting  with  tire  by  members  of  the  frater- 
nity, especially  the  women  (see  plate  cxxi).  The  gods  at  times  climb 
a  pole,  perform  gymnastics  on  the  ladders  and  a  pole  suspended  hori- 
zontally before  the  ceremonial  house.  The  men  and  women  of  the 
fraternity  also  pelt  one  another  with  fire,  not  even  sparing  the  face. 
A  very  pretty  sight  is  a  run  of  about  a  thousand  yards,  in  a  kind  of 
meander,  by  two  of  the  men  of  the  fraternity,  both  carrying  flaming 
masses  of  cedar  fiber,  the  foremost  one  flying-  like  the  wind  and  the 
other  apparently  no  less  fast,  but  he  does  not  catch  the  foremost. 
The  men  are  nude  except  for  the  black  woven  breechcloth.  The 
women  wear  their  ordinary  dress  and  knitted  leggings,  and  their  feet 
are  bare.  The  women  especially  seem  to  enjoy  the  fun.  Two  tricks 
worthy  of  mention  are  performed  at  night  in  the  ceremonial  chamber. 
A  yucca  rope  apparently  passes  through  the  body  of  another,  the  rope 
being-  held  by  a  man  at  each  end.  The  illusion  is  perfect.  Another 
trick  is  the  changing  of  a  basket  tray  of  balls  of  blue  mush.  The 
writer,  taking  one,  finds  it  to  be  as  pliable  as  firm  mush.  The  tray, 
with  the  balls  of  mush,  is  afterward  raised  high  and  waved  to  the  six 


STEVENSON] 


u'huhukwe  527 


regions  with  prayers  for  snow,  when  it  is  again  passed  and  the  balls 
are  found  to  be  as  hard  as  stones.  A  third  time  the  basket  is  passed, 
after  prayers  have  been  ottered,  and  the  balls  are  in  the  same  condition 
as  when  first  examined.  The  U'huhukwe  and  Ha'lo'kwe  (Ant)  are 
considered  the  most  expert  jugglers  in  Zufii. 

On  the  closing  evening  an  aged  member  with  white  hair  appears 
with  a  flaming  brand  at  the  house  of  one  of  the  women  of  the  fra- 
ternity who  is  tardy,  and  entering  without  ceremony  starts  her  out 
before  his  flaming  brand.  Though  this  woman  is  hourly  expecting  to 
become  a  mother,  she  is  allowed  no  freedom  of  action;  she  must  not 
omit  her  duty  to  the  fraternity. 

CEREMONIAL   OVER    A    SICK   MAN 

In  connection  with  this  fraternity  the  writer  witnessed  a  ceremonial 
over  a  sick  man  at  his  house.  The  patient  was  suffering  from. small- 
pox. Many  theurgists  had  been  called  in,  but  none  had  effected  a 
cure;  accordingly  the  Kla'kwemosi,  who  is  also  a  theurgist  of  the 
U'huhuhwe,  was  appealed  to.  He  was  surprised  at  the  beginning  of 
the  ceremony  by  the  presence  of  Mr  Stevenson  and  the  writer,  who 
had  taken  the  guard  at  the  door  unawares  while  he  was  sleeping  at  his 
post.  One  of  the  officiating  theurgists  even  declared  that  the  pres- 
ence of  the  visitors  would  be  fatal  to  the  invalid,  but  Mr  Stevenson 
and  the  writer  nevertheless  remained. 

The  room  was  dimly  lighted  by  an  old  Zufii  lamp  resting  on  the 
chimney  place.  The  Kia'kwemosi  sat  upon  a  low  stool  in  the  center  of 
the  large  room,  facing  east.  He  was  clothed  in  a  suit  of  pure  white  cot- 
ton and  his  black  wavy  locks  were  flowing.  The  head-kerchief  so  con- 
stantly worn  had  been  removed.  A  bowl  of  medicine  water,  two  eagle 
plumes,  and  a  vessel  of  sacred  meal  were  on  the  stone  floor  before  him. 
He  looked  haggard  and  seemed  to  have  aged  since,  the  afternoon.  The 
patient,  a  young  man,  partially  reclined  upon  a  blanket  spread  upon 
the  tloor  on  the  north  side  of  the  room.  His  body  was  supported  by 
his  mother.  Two  theurgists  acted  under  the  direction  of  the  Kia'kwe- 
mosi. one  standing  in  front  of  the  sick  man,  holding  an  eagle-wing 
plume  in  each  hand,  the  other  holding  two  eagle-wing  plumes  in  his 
right  hand  and  a  bowl  of  medicine  water  in  his  left,  from  which  he 
filled  his  mouth  and  sprinkled  the  man's  nude  body,  waving  the  plumes 
in  the  right  hand  over  him.  The  mouth  being  emptied  of  the  water, 
he  joined  the  other  theurgist  in  incantations  over  the  sick.  During 
the  sprinkling  of  the  medicine  water  and  the  passing  of  the  eagle 
plumes  over  the  body,  which  was  done  with  a  graceful  waving  ges- 
ture, the  Kia'kwemosi,  with  the  sacred  meal  basket  in  hand,  rose  and 
stood  before  the  patient  and  placed  pinches  of  sacred  meal  in  spots  over 
the  body,  calling  upon  the  Beast  Gods  to  give  him  power  to  call  the 
disease  to  one  of  the  meal  spots,  that  it  might  be  drawn  from  the 


528  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth  ahn.23 

patient.  "If  the  prayer  is  not  answered  and  the  disease  does  not 
show  itself,  the  heart  of  the  patient  is  not  good." 

The  Kia'kwemosi.  in  company  with  his  associates,  visited  the  patient 
four  eights,  one  of  the  Beast  Gods  being  appealed  to  each  night  to  be 
present  and  send  pure  winds  from  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth  to 
heal  the  sick.  The  first  aiffht  the  Cougar  of  the  North  was  appealed  to 
to  send  the  pish'lankwin  pi'naiye  (north  wind):  the  second  night  the 
Hear  of  the  West  was  invoked  to  send  sun'hakwin  pi'naiye  (west  wind): 
the  third  night  prayers  were  addressed  to  the  Badger  of  the  South  to 
send  ta'w  iakiia  pi'naiye  (south  wind);  the  fourth  night  the  Wolf  of  the 
East  was  besought  to  send  te'wana  pi'naiye  (east  wind). 

Only  the  mother  and  the  doorkeeper,  besides  those  officiating,  were 
present.  The  prayers  of  the  Kia'kwemosi,  which  were  repeated  aloud, 
must  not  be  heard  by  any  other  person,  else  he  would  not  be  granted  the 
desired  power.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  the  Kia'k  we- 
mosi  officiated  not  in  his  capacity  as  rain  priest,  but  as  a  member  of 
the  order  of  Mystery  medicine  of  an  esoteric  fraternity.  His  high 
priestly  position  gives  him  additional  power,  as  the  A'shiwanni  (rain 
priests,  of  whom  the  Kia'kwemosi  is  the  head)  must  be  absolutely 
pure  of  heart. 

'Chi'kialikwe  (Rattlesnake  Fraternity) 

The  'Chi'kialikwe  fraternity  is  a  division  of  the  U'huhukwe  and  was 
created  in  this  way:  A  member  accidentally  stepped  on  one  of  the 
bowls  of  medicine  before  the  altar,  breaking  the  bowl  and  spilling  the 
medicine  and  also  turning  over  a  carving  of  the  rattlesnake  which 
stood  before  the  tablet  altar.  Some  of  the  fraternity'  were  very  angry 
with  the  man  and  violent  words  followed,  until  it  was  declared  by  the 
offender's  friends  that  a  division  of  the  fraternity  must  occur.  The 
division  was  called  the  Rattlesnake,  for  the  reasons  that  the  carved 
snake  had  fallen  over  and  been  bathed  in  the  medicine-water  spilled 
from  the  bowl,  and  that  the  fraternity  quarreled  like  angry  snakes. 

The  functions  of  the  two  fraternities  are  the  same. 

Ha'lo'kwe  (Ant  Fraternity) 

This  fraternity  has  four  orders — O'naya'nakia  (Mystery  medicine); 
Hit'lo  (Ant),  sometimes  called  Pe'pe  (Broom),  because  broom  straws  are 
used  in  brushing  from  the  body  of  the  invalid  the  pebbles  ■•shot" 
into  it  by  the  ants  after  they  have  been  brought  to  the  surface  by  the 
theurgists;  It'sepcho  (Jugglery),  and  A'chiya  (Stone  knife).  The 
fraternity  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  the  A'chiya  ti'kianne." 

The  male  membership  of  this  fraternity  is  large,  but  in  1896  there 
were  only  four  female  members.    Only  men  belong  to  the  A'chiya  order. 

oTi'klanne  is  another  name  for  li'kili  (fraternity). 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.   CXXM 


A.     HOEN     A    CO..     Lith 


ALTAR  OF  HALOKWE  (ANT  FRATERNITY)  BEFORE  FETISHES  ARE  PLACED   ON  IT 


stevenson]  ha'lo'kwe  529 

Initiation  into  the  Ha'lo'kwe  order  sometimes  occurs  on  the  first 
night  of  the  meeting  of  the  fraternity  for  initiation  into  Mystery  med- 
icine, which  initiation  takes  place  on  the  last  night.  The  fraternity 
father,  having  prepared  te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes)  to  the  ants  of  the 
six  regions,  goes  at  sunset  to  the  home  of  the  novice,  who  accompanies 
him  over  the  southern  road  to  an  ant-hill.  On  reaching  the  spot  they 
stand  facing  east  while  the  fraternity  father  otters  a  prayer.  After  the 
prayer  the  fraternity  father  gives  the  novice  a  portion  of  the  prayer 
plumes  which  he  carries,  depositing  the  others  separately  on  the  ant- 
hill, then  the  novice  plants  his  there  one  b}r  one.  The  prayers  offered 
during  the  planting  of  the  plumes  are  for  rains  to  fructify  the  earth 
and  that  the  ant  gods  will  give  them  power  to  cure  disease. 

The  order  of  Ha'lo'kwe  are  the  agents  of  the  ant  gods,  and  as  such 
heal  disease  caused  by  these  gods,  who  "'shoot"  the  pebbles  from  the 
ant-hills  into  those  who  micturate  or  step  upon  them.  The  pebbles 
produce  all  sorts  of  cutaneous  troubles  and  sore  throat,  and  relief  is 
obtained  by  the  theurgists'  bringing  the  pebbles  to  the  surface, 
through  their  prayers  and  incantations,  and  brushing  them  from  the 
body  with  bunches  of  broom  straws. 

When  the  patient  is  treated  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  he  sits  upon 
a  low  stool  in  the  center  of  a  mi'ha  (white,  embroidered  blanket)  laid 
on  the  floor.  A  line  of  meal  is  sprinkled  from  the  edge  of  the  blanket  to 
meet  the  line  of  meal  which  extends  a  short  distance  before  the  tablet 
altar  (see  plate  cxxn);  the  line  is  then  continued  over  the  blanket  and 
along  the  floor  to  the  ladder;  and  then,  beginning  in  the  center  of  the 
blanket,  a  line  is  extended  to  the  north  ledge;  and,  again,  a  line  of 
meal  is  carried  from  the  center  of  the  blanket  to  the  south  ledge,  that 
the  ants,  their  spirits,  ma}'  come  over  the  meal  road  and  be  present. 
The  patient  is  present  four  nights,  and  the  process  of  healing  is 
most  curious  and  interesting.  A  number  of  the  theurgists  surround 
the  patient.  Each  has  his  two  eagle-wing  plumes  and  a  bunch  of 
broom  straws  in  his  left  hand  and  a  gourd  rattle  in  his  right,  and  with 
the  most  weird  incantations  they  invoke  the  ant  gods  to  be  present 
and  give  them  power  to  "see  the  disease."  The  Yellow  Ant  of  the 
North  is  the  one  specially  appealed  to  the  first  night;  the  second  night 
the  Blue  Ant  of  the  West  has  the  special  prayers;  on  the  third  night 
the  Red  Ant  of  the  South  is  the  special  object  of  prayer,  and  the 
White  Ant  of  the  East  is  appealed  to  the  fourth  night.  Occasionally 
there  is  a  wild  animal-like  cry  when  one  of  the  Beast  Gods  is  invoked 
to  influence  the  ant  gods  to  give  the  theurgist  power  to  see  disease. 
After  a  time  pebbles  are  brushed  off  in  showers  from  the  patient's  nude 
body.  The  Zunis  and  the  Sia  observe  the  same  method  in  curing 
disease  caused  by  angry  ants. 
23  eth— 04 34 


530  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.anh.23 

On  the  fourth  morning  the  novice  goes  with  his  fraternity  father  to 
a  deserted  ant-hill,  and  stepping  firmly  on  the  ground  he  extends  his 
right  foot  over  the  hill.  Standing  on  his  toes  he  takes  the  tips  of  the 
fraternity  father's  eagle-wing  plumes  in  each  hand  and  then  stoops 
over  the  ant-hill  while  the  fraternity  father  repeats  a  prayer.  The 
novice  does  not  relinquish  the  plumes  until  after  he  rises. 

The  prayer  plumes  made  for  novices  of  the  A'chiva  order  are  in 
length  from  the  inner  side  of  the  bend  of  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the 
middle  finger,  the  sticks  are  painted  yellow,  and  eagle  plumes  and 
feathers  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions  are  attached.  These  offerings 
are  to  A'ehivala'topa  (the  being  of  the  Zenith  with  wings  and  tail  of 
knives),  who  gave  the  knife  to  the  Ha'lo'kwe. 

Shu'maakwe 

The  Shu'maakwe  is  named  from  shu'minne,  a  spiral  shell,  because 
this  fraternity  treats  the  disease  known  as  ku'suklayakla,  which  is  a 
terrible  twisting  of  the  body,  convulsions.  If  the  pain  strikes  the 
back  of  the  neck,  the  head  twists  and  the  afflicted  one  falls.  The 
remedj-  is  to  sprinkle  urine  on  a  heated  stone  over  which  crushed 
medicine  is  sprinkled.  The  invalid,  if  he  is  an  adult,  is  carried  in  a 
blanket  by  four  men  to  the  fraternity  chamber,  where  the  principal 
men  of  the  fraternity  are  assembled;  the  altar  is  erected  and  a  meal 
painting  is  made  before  it.  The  director  of  the  fraternity  makes  a 
square  of  four  central  stalks  of  yucca,  symbolic  of  the  four  winds, 
by  crossing  them  at  the  corners  and  tying  them;  he  then  lays  the 
square  upon  the  painting.  When  the  patient  arrives,  he  is  rubbed 
with  the  medicine  from  the  hot  stone,  and  then  the  director,  while 
four  songs  are  sung,  manipulates  the  square  over  the  head  of  the  inva- 
lid, down  the  back,  arms,  breast,  legs,  and  over  the  feet.  He  then 
rolls  the  square  between  his  flattened  hands,  and  after  a  short  time  the 
yucca  drops  from  his  hands  in  the  four  original  pieces.  Should  the 
director  fail  to  undo  the  four  knots  during  the  rubbing  of  the  yucca, 
the  patient  would  surely  die. 

The  Shu'maakwe  has  for  its  patron  gods  the  Shumai'koli  of  the  six 
regions  and  their  attendant  Sai'apa  warriors.  These  gods  are  sup- 
posed to  live  in  Chi'pia,  which  is  in  the  east  and  near  Shi'papolima, 
the  home  of  Po'shaiyanki  (Zufii  culture  hero).  The  fraternity  com- 
prises two  orders — Shumai'koli  and  Fire.  It  is  stated  in  the  chapter 
on  "•Origin  and  functions  of  esoteric  fraternities"  that  the  Shu'maa- 
kwe was  organized  by  the  Shumai'koli  when  they  visited  Hal'ona  on 
the  special  invitation  of  the  pe'kwln  (sun  priest).  The  origin  of  the 
Shu'maakwe  fraternity  is  explained  in  the  following  legend: 

When  the  Shumai'koli  came  to  this  world  through  Ji'mi'klanapklatea  in  the 
northwest,  the  Sun  Father  commanded  them  to  go  to  his  house  in  the  east.  The 
distance  was  great,  and  all  the  Shumai'koli  and  all  who  accompanied  them — men, 


stevenson]  SHU'MAAKWE  531 

women,  and  children — became  foot-sore  from  long  travel.  The  Sun  Father  gave 
them  medicine — one  kind  to  drink,  the  other  to  use  externally — which  cured  the  feet 
at  once.  After  a  time  the  Shumai'koli  and  their  people  moved  from  the  Sun 
Father's  house,  going  by  his  command  to  live  at  Chi'pia,  not  far  distant.  After  the 
Shumai'koli  visited  Hal'ona  when  they  initiated  a  man  of  the  Chaparral  cock  clan 
into  the  secrets  of  the  medicine,  and  the  songs  which  the  Sun  Father  gave  to  them,« 
they  went  to  the  west  and  descended  into  a  body  of  water.  The  waters  flowed 
neither  to  the  north,  the  west,  the  south,  nor  the  east.  Since  that  time  the  Shu- 
mai'koli have  lived  in  these  two  places,  the  waters  and  Chi'pia,  and  at  each  place 
they  have  their  representatives  of  the  six  regions. 

The  Shumai'koli  masks  are  to  be  found  in  the  Hopi  and  Sia  villages, 
and  no  doubt  the  other  Rio  Grande  Indians  personate  these  gods.  A 
man  must  remain  four  days  in  his  home  previous  to  wearing  a  Shumai'- 
koli mask.  "Should  he  not  do  this  the  mask  would  stick  to  his  face  and 
break  the  skin,  and  he  would  become  crazy  and  die  in  four  daj^s.  Men 
have  been  known  to  become  crazy,  and  consequently  many  of  the  fra- 
ternity fear  to  wear  the  mask."  The  question  arises,  To  which  tribe 
may  be  accredited  the  origin  of  these  gods  ?  The  Zuiiis  not  only  have 
their  own  masks  of  Shumai'koli,  but  now  possess  those  of  the  Sia  Indi- 
ans, through  the  friendship  existing  between  the  mo'sona  (director)  of 
the  Shu'maakwe  of  Zuni  and  the  Sia  people.  The  people  of  this  pueblo 
number,  all  told,  little  over  100,  and  have  had  no  one  privileged  to  per- 
sonate the  Shumai'koli  for  some  j^ears.  During  a  visit  of  the  director 
of  the  Shu'maakwe  to  Sia  it  was  decided  that  the  Shumai'koli  masks  of 
the  Sia  should  be  given  to  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity  of  the  Zuiiis.  The 
director  of  the  fraternity,  wishing  to  make  some  return  for  the  high  trust 
reposed  in  him,  said  to  the  Sia:  "You  no  longer  have  with  you  those 
privileged  to  personate  the  Ko'yemshi;  *  all  those  who  understood  the 
preparation  of  prayer  plumes  for  the  Ko'yemshi  have  died.  Bring  one 
of  your  young  men  to  Zuni  and  we  will  initiate  him  into  the  Ko'tikili 
(mythologic  fraternity)  and  teach  him  the  prayers  to  be  made  to  the 
Ko'yemshi,  and  he  can  in  turn  teach  others,  and  you  will  again  be  able 
to  personate  these  gods."c  Accordingly,  a  delegation  of  Sia  priests, 
who  were  also  theurgists,  came  to  Zuni  with  a  young  man  in  the  winter 
of  1891.  The  youth  was  initiated  into  the  fraternity  of  Ko'tikili  at  the 
annual  ceremonial  of  voluntary  initiation,  when  several  Zuni  boys  were 
received,  the  director  of  the  Shu'maakwe  acting  as  his  fraternity 
father. a  Having  prepared  prayer  plumes  for  the  novice,  the  fraternity 
father  told  him  how  and  when  these  offerings  were  to  be  made  to  the 
A'wan  Kok'ko  (Council  of  the  Gods).  The  youth,  after  being  properly 
initiated,  was  able,  on  his  return  to  Sia,  to  impersonate  the  Ko'yemshi. 
This  interchange  of  rites  and  masks  exists  to  a  considerable  extent 
among  the  Pueblo  tribes. 

a  See  p.  411. 

*>See  p.  33.    The  Ko'yemshi  are  to  be  found  among  the  Hopi  and  Rio  Grande  Indians. 
cGods  may  be  personated  only  by  those  who  understand  the  prayers  to  be  addressed  to  them  and 
have  the  knowledge  of  making  the  prayer  plumes  for  the  special  gods  to  be  personated. 
dSee  "Voluntary  initiation  into  the  Ko'tikili." 


532  THE    ZUSl    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

The  director  of  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity  must  be  of  Po'yi'kwe 
(Chaparral  rock)  clan  and  his  pe'kwin  must  be  a  child  of  that  clan." 
Other  officers  must  be  of  tKo"Ioktakwe  (Sand-hill  crane),  Pi'chikwe 
(Dogwood)  and  Tii'kiakwe  (Frog)  clans,  or  children  of  these  clans. 
The  officers  have  the  septum  of  the  nose  pierced,  this  ceremony 
occurring  in  the  early  morning,  when  the  members  at  large  hasten 
to  lap  the  blood  as  it  Hows  from  the  wound.  The  piercing  is  done 
with  a  splinter  of  archaic  wood,  a  bundle  of  it  being  in  the  keeping 
of  the  director  of  the  fraternity.  The  aperture  is  plugged  with  a  bit 
of  wood  so  perfectly  fitted  that  it  is  scarcely  perceptible.  The  plug  is 
removed  for  ceremonials,  and  the  quill  end  of  an  eagle  plume  is  thrust 
through  the  opening. *  Sometimes  two  plumes  are  worn  on  opposite 
sides.  A  man  having  the  septum  pierced  must  observe  continence  for 
one  year.  At  the  expiration  of  this  time  he  captures  a  wood  rat  (neo- 
toma),  and  roasting  it  eats  it,  that  his  blood  may  not  be  made  impure 
by  terminating  his  period  of  continence.' 

The  director  of  the  Shu'maakwe  is  also  a  shi'wanni  (rain  priest),  his 
clan  being  Po'yi'kwe,  and  he  therefore  has  an  et'tone.  His  deputy 
and  the  warrior  of  his  fraternity  are  present  at  the  ceremonies  over 
his  et'tone. 

The  Shu'maakwe  possess  in  addition  to  their  remedies  for  convulsions  infallible 
medicine  for  rheumatic  affections  and  cramps  of  the  limbs.  This  medicine  is  some- 
thing more  than  fetishistic,  and  can  be  classed  as  bona  fide  materia  medica.  The 
medicines  of  this  fraternity  comprise  a  variety  of  plants,  several  of  which,  after  being 
ground,  are  compounded  into  small  cakes  and  sun  dried,  and  then  used  as  medicine 
internally  and  externally.  The  writer  can  testify  to  its  efficacy  in  external  use  for 
rheumatism,  since  it  relieved  her  and  also  a  member  of  her  party  after  other  medicines 
failed.  These  cakes  have  a  pungent  odor.  A  number  were  secured  and  deposited  in 
the  National  Museum. 

The  Shu'maakwe,  like  other  fraternities,  invite  women  who  are  not 
members  to  participate  in  the  dance  and  in  the  grinding  of  medicines. 
The  director  visits  the  houses  of  such  women  as  he  desires  and  invites 
them  to  be  present,  giving  each  a  small  quantity  of  meal  wrapped  in 
a  corn  husk. 

CEREMONIAL   OF    INITIATION    INTO    THE    SHU'MAAKWE 

First  day.  The  early  part  of  the  dajr  is  consumed  in  repainting  and 
erecting  the  tablet  altar,  working  upon  masks,  and  preparing  prayer 
plumes,  in  some  instances  the  women  painting  their  own  plume  sticks. 
At  3  p.  m.  the  a'kwamosi  (maker  of  medicine  water)  draws  a  cloud 

aSee  List  <■!  clans. 

ft  Tin-  wearing  of  the  plumes  through  tin-  septum  is  mil  confined  to  Shu'maakwe  ceremonials.  One 
is  privlliged  to  wear  the  plume  in  the  ceremonies  of  any  other  fraternity  in  which  he  holds  member- 
ship, and  it  is  usually  displayed. 

••  It  was  observed  that  in  a  Hopi  Fraternity  ceremonial  bits  of  a  charred  mole  were  taken  into  the 
mouths  of  tic-  members  during  the  night.  The  mole,  it  is  understood,  was  used  in  ceremonials  by 
the  early  Japanese. 


stevenson]  shu'maakwe  533 

symbol  with  meal  at  the  base  of  the  altar,  and  all  the  members  who 
are  in  Zuni,  minus  one  woman,  gather  in  the  ceremonial  chamber. 
Such  members  as  possess  a  mi'li  of  the  fraternity  on  entering-  the 
chamber  hand  them  to  an  officer,  who  deposits  them  for  the  time  being 
in  a  basket  tray.  These  fetishes,  each  having  a  zigzag  stick  symbolic 
of  lightning  standing  in  the  heart  of  the  plumes,  are  afterward  placed 
in  line  before  the  altar.  The  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  who  is  a 
warrior  to  the  fraternity,  leaves  the  chamber  after  the  completion  of 
the  meal  painting,  but  soon  returns,  when  he  is  greeted  and  returns 
greetings  as  though  he  has  not  before  been  present.  An  aged  woman 
of  the  fraternity  places  two  boxes  and  two  home-manufactured  stools 
in  line  north  and  south  before  the  altar.  The  warrior  takes  his  seat 
south  of  the  altar,  facing  east,  and  is  soon  joined  by  three  other 
officers.  As  soon  as  the  warrior  is  seated  all  present  remove  their 
moccasins.  One  woman  having  suffered  an  injury  to  her  left  foot  is 
allowed  to  retain  the  moccasin.  The  a'kwamosj. consecrates  the  medi- 
cine, as  previously  described,  dropping  in  concretion  fetishes  sacred 
to  the  held  instead  of  those  in  animal  form,  and  while  the  choir  sings 
to  the  accompaniment  of  rattle  and  pottery  drum  the  a'kwamosi 
sprinkles  the  altar.  The  director  sits  on  the  north  ledge  and  near 
the  altar,  and  a  female  member  who  sits  beside  him  deposits  a  basket 
of  prayer  plumes  in  the  northwest  corner  of  the  room — the  only  office 
she  is  observed  to  perform,  though  she  retains  the  seat  throughout 
the  ceremonial.  The  four  novices,  who  are  all  males,  sit  on  the  ledge 
not  far  from  the  director.  The  male  members  are  gathered  on  the 
south  ledge,  near  the  west  end  of  the  room,  and  the  female  members 
sit  on  the  same  ledge,  but  more  to  the  east.  There  are  present  twenty- 
live  men,  three  young  boys,  five  girls  from  6  to  11  years  of  age,  and 
six  women.  Three  of  the  women  are  old,  and  one,  known  as  the 
A/wan  'si'ta  (Great  Mother)  is  too  aged  to  participate,  but  exhibits 
unlimited  interest  in  all  her  dim  eyes  are  able  to  see;  the  next  oldest 
woman  acts  in  her  place.  In  a  short  time  the  novices  take  their  seats 
on  the  boxes  and  stools  and  the  first  four  officers  sit  on  their  wadded 
blankets  before  them.  Each  officer  places  a  corn-husk  package  of 
meal  in  the  right  hand  of  the  novice  opposite  him,  and  clasping  the 
hand  with  both  of  his  repeats  a  long  prayer.  At  its  close  he  holds 
the  hand  containing  the  husk  to  the  novice's  mouth,  that  he  may  draw 
a  breath  from  the  meal,  the  novice  praying  at  the  same  time.  This 
ceremony  continues  but  a  few  moments,  when  the  four  officers  return 
to  their  former  positions.  Then  the  a'kwamosi  sits  before  them  and 
repeats  a  litany,  to  which  all  respond;  at  its  close  the  sacred  breath  is 
drawn.  The  four  novices  now  pass  to  everyone  present,  giving  to 
each  a  pinch  of  meal  from  the  husk  referred  to.  The  meal  received 
is  wrapped  in  a  bit  of  corn  husk  and  tied,  and  each  member  starts  for 


534  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ask.  23 

Ku'shiloa  (red  earth),  a  short  distance  east  of  the  village,  to  plant 
prayer  plumes  and  sprinkle  meal. 

When  the  writer  returns  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  at  half  past 
7  in  the  evening  she  finds  a  number  of  members  alread}^  gathered 
about  the  south  ledge  chatting  by  the  light  of  a  low  fire.  As  the 
women  come  in  they  take  seats  on  the  north  ledge.  After  about 
twenty  men  have  arrived,  the  deputy  a'kwamosi  and  another  officer 
leave  the  chamber  with  corn  husks  containing  offerings,  which  they 
take  from  behind  the  altar,  and  a  warrior  at  once  removes  the  food 
which  was  deposited  near  the  altar  before  the  evening  repast  and 
carries  it  out  to  offer  it  .in  the  river  to  the  gods.  The  two  return 
in  an  hour  with  the  empty  husks,  which  they  deposit  in  their  former 
place  by  the  altar.  A  youth  now  removes  a  bunch  of  gourd  rattles 
from  the  wall  and  distributes  them  to  the  members  of  the  choir.  The 
a'kwamosi  and  a  warrior  sit  on  the  north  ledge,  near  the  altar,  and 
the  novices  also  sit  on  this  ledge.  The  deputy  a'kwamosi  and  a 
second  warrior  sit  on  the  south  ledge  apart  from  the  choir.  Three 
women  join  the  choir,  which  now  begins  the  song  to  the  accompani- 
ment of  the  rattle  and  pottery  drum.  At  the  sound  of  the  music  a 
young  man  clad  only  in  a  breechcloth,  with  his  hair  done  up  in  the 
usual  way  and  carrying  a  rattle  in  bis  right  hand,  who  is  to  personate 
one  of  the  Sai'apa  gods,  leaves  his  seat  at  the  east  end  of  the  room  and 
goes  to  the  center  of  the  floor.  One  foot,  which  has  been  severely 
injured,  is  bandaged,  and  he  walks  with  a  limp,  which,  however,  he 
soon  forgets  in  his  interest  in  the  dance.  Poised  on  one  foot,  he 
stamps  several  times  with  the  other;  then  drawing  up  the  foot  as  high 
as  possible,  with  a  sadden  spring  he  spins  around  like  a  top,  usually 
revolving  three  times,  but  on  several  occasions  he  turns  five  times 
when  balancing  on  the  left  foot.  Though  he  endeavors  to  do  the 
same  when  poised  on  his  right  foot,  he  fails  to  turn  more  than  three 
times.  Mis  figure  is  most  symmetrical  and  his  motions  graceful. 
Now  and  then  he  stands  before  the  altar  and  inhales  the  sacred  breath 
of  the  fetishes.  For  fifty-eight  minutes  he  dances  without  the  slight- 
est evidence  of  fatigue.  At  the  close  of  this  dance  the  women  gather 
before  the  altar  to  sprinkle  meal  and  inhale  the  sacred  breath,  and 
then  return  to  their  seats.  The  men  also  sprinkle  the  altar  and  pray, 
and  then  the  fraternity  is  adjourned  for  the  remainder  of  the  night. 

On  the  second  day  some  of  the  masks  and  other  paraphernalia  are 
completed.  Many  objects  are  then  added  to  the  altar.  Three  masks 
are  deposited  before  it,  the  others  are  placed  on  the  ledge  behind 
the  altar  and  covered  with  a  mi'ha  (white  embroidered  blanket). 

Second  night.  By  8  o'clock  most  of  the  company  have  assembled. 
The  director,  his  deputy,  and  a  warrior  sit  on  the  north  ledge  near 
the  altar.  Other  officers  sit  on  the  south  side  of  the  altar.  The  four 
novices  sit  on  the  north  ledge  near  the  three  officers.     Five  women 


stevenson]  shu'maakwe  535 

and  five  girls  sit  on  the  north  ledge,  nearer  the  eastern  side  of  the 
room,  the  Great  Mother  of  the  fraternity  sitting  to  the  east  end  of  the 
line.  The  choir,  which  is  grouped  in  its  usual  place,  begins  the  song 
in  low  tones.  After  the  first  stanza  two  men  leave  the  choir  and  cany 
away  to  oiler  to  the  gods  the  food  which  was  placed  before  the  altar 
when   the  evening  meal  was  served. 

A  woman  of  the  fraternity,  who  has  been  absent  from  the  village, 
now  appears  for  the  first  time.  She  takes  her  seat  with  the  others  of 
her  sex  and  at  once  removes  the  moccasins,  and  each  of  the  four 
novices  gives  her  a  pinch  of  meal  from  his  husk,  which  she  receives 
in  the  palm  of  her  left  hand.  She  wraps  it  in  a  bit  of  husk,  forming 
a  rectangular  package,  as  the  others  did  on  the  first  afternoon  of  the 
ceremonial.  Her  fraternity  father  hands  her  a  prayer  plume,  and 
then  she  leaves  the  chamber,  accompanied  by  the  fraternity  father, 
and  proceeds  to  Ku'shilowa,  where  she  plants  her  plumes  and  sprin- 
kles the  meal.  Though  the  night  is  cold  and  the  wind  piercing,  she  is 
not  deterred  from  complying  with  the  demands  of  her  cult.  After  the 
first  song  the  choir  enjoys  a  social  smoke  and  chat  for  fifteen  minutes. 
When  the  second  song  begins  two  young  men  start  the  dance  by  pulling 
several  of  the  girls  to  the  floor,  and  these  are  joined  by  three  of  the 
choir.  Other  women  (one  who  is  soon  to  become  a  mother  has  her 
belt  so  arranged  by  the  acting  Great  Mother  as  to  hide  the  form  as 
much  as  possible)  are  induced  to  join  the  ring,  uutil  all  the  women 
excepting  the  Great  Mother  are  dancing.  Others  from  the  choir  step 
in  until  a  circle  of  twenty  is  formed.  They  dance  around  from  left 
to  right,  all  but  two  holding  hands.  There  is  always  a  break  in  the 
circle,  symbolic  of  the  road  or  passageway  of  life.  Two  young  men 
who  are  to  personate  Sai'apa  gods  are  in  the  center  of  the  circle. 
They  take  their  positions,  wearing  their  cotton  trousers  and  shirts, 
but  almost  immediately  each  of  the  two  removes  his  clothing  and 
fastens  around  his  waist  a  fringe  of  buckskin  6  inches  deep  and  tipped 
with  bits  of  conical  tin.  The  two  men  dance  back  and  forth  in  the 
circle,  which  is  constantly  moving,  with  a  monotonous  side  step.  This 
dance  continues  thirty  minutes,  when  all  the  dancers  pass  to  the  altar 
and  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  life.  Coffee  is  now  served  to  the  men, 
and  after  a  ten-minute  chat  the  song  is  resumed,  the  personator  of  the 
Sai'apa  of  the  previous  evening  being  joined  by  a  companion.  The 
balancing  on  one  foot  is  varied  by  jumping  and  hopping  about  the 
room,  crying  out  in  wild,  weird  tones.  The  two  men  are  cheered  by 
the  others,  who  cry  in  a  similar  wajT.  After  dancing  thirty  minutes 
the  dancer  of  the  previous  evening  leaves  the  floor  and  his  place  is 
filled  by  a  warrior  of  the  fraternity,  who  is  far  from  graceful  in  the 
springing  motion.  An  aged  woman  and  two  girls  now  begin  dancing. 
They  aim  to  follow  the  men  in  the  springing  figure,  but  their  feet  are 
raised  only  a  few  inches  above  the  floor.     The  women,  as  well  as  the 


536  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [etb.  ann.  23 

men.  stop  frequently  before  the  altar  to  inhale  the  sacred  breath.  The 
woman  and  girls  dance  thirty  minutes,  the  former  vehement  in  her 
motions  and  in  her  efforts  to  have  the  girls,  who  appear  to  be  novices 
in  the  dance,  display  more  enthusiasm.  When  these  female  dancers 
leave  the  floor  one  of  the  first  male  dancers,  who  has  been  on  the 
floor  an  hour,  goes  out  into  the  bitter  night  wind,  his  body  glistening 
with  streaming  perspiration.  Three  other  women  and  two  men  then 
take  the  Boor  and  dance  thirty  minutes,  when  their  places  are  filled  by 
others.  As  each  dancer  leaves  the  floor  he  prays  before  the  altar  and 
sprinkles  meal.     All  the  members  sleep  in  the  ceremonial  chamber. 

Third  day.  The  members  of  the  fraternity  are  occupied  in  deco- 
rating masks  and  preparing  other  paraphernalia.  The  ceremony  of 
the  third  night  is  similar  to  that  of  the  second  night. 

Fowrth  day.  The  fourth  day  is  a  busy  one  in  completing  the  para- 
phernalia for  the  closing  scenes  and  in  preparing  prayer  plumes,  which 
they  plant  during  the  afternoon.  At  sunset  the  town  is  in  commotion 
over  the  arrival  of  a  Shumai'koli  god  from  Chi'pia,  attended  by  two 
Sai'apa.  They  are  accompanied  by  a  number  of  the  fraternity,  most 
of  them  grouped,  forming  the.  choir,  and  the  whole  party  is  led  by  a 
female  member  of  the  fraternity  carrying  a  pottery  basket  of  sacred 
meal. 

The  Shumai'koli  is  in  gorgeous  array.  The  mask,  which  covers  the 
face  only,  is  flat  and  colored  yellow,  in  personation  of  the  Shumai'koli 
of  the  North,  and  the  eyes  protrude.  The  mask  is  crowned  with  a 
bunch  of  long,  banded  turkey-tail  plumes,  some  of  which  are  tipped 
with  Huffy  white  eagle  plumes.  At  the  base  is  a  band  of  short,  black 
turkey  feathers,  somewhat  fluffy.  Two  fluffy  white  eagle  plumes  are 
each  side  of  and  at  the  base  of  the  standing  feathers.  A  white  wool 
embroidered  sash  passes  around  the  mask  outside,  the  feather  band, 
and  is  attached  at  the  back  so  as  to  have  the  two  streamers,  which 
are  securely  fastened  together,  fall  straight  down  the  back,  thus 
covering  the  entire  back  of  the  mask.  Plate  cxxiii  shows  mask  of 
Shumai'koli  of  the  Zenith. 

The  Shumai'koli  wears  a  white  cotton  shirt  with  full  sleeves,  a  mi'ha 
fastened  on  each  shoulder  and  falling  below  the  calves  of  the  legs, 
and  a  white  cotton  fringed  sash  around  the  waist  fastened  at  the  back. 
A  mass  of  buckskin  fringe  tipped  with  conical  bits  of  tin  hangs  from 
the  waist  in  front.  A  gray  skin  having  a  white  streak  down  the  back, 
which  is  not  over  12  inches  long,  is  attached  to  the  blanket  dress  about 
midway  on  the  front.  Tight-fitting  trousers  fringed  on  the  outer 
sides  extend  to  the  feet.  These  trousers  are  removed  for  the  indoor 
ceremonies  and  the  legs  are  painted  white.  Dance  moccasins  are 
worn,  with  anklets  (docked  in  black  and  white  porcupine  quills. 
Hanks  of  native  blue  yarn  with  sleigh  bells  attached  are  tied  around 
the  lees  below  the  knees  and  fall  in  tassels  on  the  sides.  A  strip  of 
reddish   buckskin,  somewhat  longer  than  the  arm  and  5  inches  wide, 


BURSA  ICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENT-,  '  N'JUAL  REPORT.     PL.  CXX  III 


MASK  OF  THE  SHUMAl'KOLI  OF  THE  ZENITH 


stevensox]  shu'maakwe  537 

with  six  eagle-wing  pinnies  attached,  is  tied  to  each  arm  near  the 
shoulder  and  allowed  to  hang  free.  A  silver-mounted  bow  guard  is 
worn  on  the  left  wrist  and  a  fox  skin  hangs  from  the  right.  A  black 
staff,  slightly  longer  than  an  ordinary  walking  cane,  ornamented  at  the 
top  and  midway  with  small  eagle  plumes,  is  carried  in  the  right  hand, 
a  mi'li  and  a  prayer  plume  being  carried  in  the  left.  A  diminutive 
blue  crook,  symbolic  of  longevity,  the  color  symbolizing  A'wonawil'- 
ona,  the  supreme  life-giving  power,  and  the  Sun  Father,  is  attached 
to  the  prayer  plume. 

The  Sai'apa  masks  cover  the  head.  The  face  of  one  is  colored  blue, 
the  other  yellow,  symbolic  of  the  sun  and  of  the  moon.  The  backs 
of  both  are  white  decorated  with  a  tadpole  in  the  center.  Each  has  a 
narrow  strip  of  light-colored  fur  running  up  the  center  of  the  face. 
Five  cylinders  about  5  inches  in  length,  circled  in  yellow,  blue,  and 
black,  run  back  from  the  forehead  011  the  top  of  the  mask.  Feathers 
are  so  placed  in  the  front  of  the  tubes  as  to  project  forward  in  line  with 
them.  From  each  side  of  the  mask  fall  long,  slender,  padded  horns, 
each  one  of  which,  where  attached,  is  so  turned  as  to  form  a  ring. 
Two  fox  skins  encircle  the  base  of  each  mask.  The  heads  of  the 
animals  are  crossed  in  front,  the  tails  hanging  at  the  back.  The  body 
of  each  Sai'apa  is  painted  white.  The  person  of  one  is  covered  with 
a  bunch  of  yucca  held  on  by  a  yucca  ribbon  passed  around  the  waist. 
The  other  wears  a  war  pouch  in  the  same  way.  Anklets  of  spruce  twigs 
complete  their  dress.  They  carry  a  burning  cedar  brand  in  the  right 
hand  and  a  bunch  of  giant  yucca  in  the  left.  The  Sai'apa  speak  and 
act  the  reverse  of  what  the}'  mean.  The}7  ask  for  food  when  they  are 
not  hungry,  when  they  wish  to  smoke  they  declare  they  have  no 
desire  for  tobacco. 

Upon  reaching  the  village,  the  Shumai'koli,  the  two  Sai'apa,  and 
others  go  at  once  to  the  ceremonial  house,  the  Sai'apa  moving  their 
burning  torches  as  they  proceed.  On  reaching  the  house  they  dance 
about  for  a  time  in  the  street  and  then,  since  a  tall  cedar  tree  bars 
the  lower  doorway,  ascend  the  outer  ladder  to  the  roof.  The  choir 
descends  into  the  chamber,  but  the  Shumai'koli  and  the  Sai'apa  remain 
for  some  minutes  on  the  roof,  the  former  running  about  in  a  peculiar 
manner,  while  the  latter  brandish  the  burning  brands.  It  is  dusk 
before  the  three  gods  descend  into  the  chamber.  Previous  to  the 
descent  the  Sai'apa  extinguish  their  brands  by  striking  them  against 
the  hatchway. 

Fourth  night.  The  night  ceremonial  begins  at  10  o'clock.  Two 
blankets  have  been  hung  near  the  northeast  end  of  the  room  so  as  to 
form  a  dressing  room.  About  9  o'clock  the  personal  decoration  of  the 
members  of  the  fraternity  begins.  Some  of  the  men  have  their  bodies 
and  limbs  colored  in  solid  white,  with  streaks  of  white  down  the  feet 
and  hands:  others  have  serpentine  lines  of  white  over  their  bodies 
and  limbs,  while  others  are  spotted  in  white  to  represent  the  heavens. 


588  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

They  give  one  another  much  assistance,  marking  the  scapula  and  back 
with  tlic  greatest  care.  On  such  occasions  the  paint  is  always  applied 
with  the  fingers.  The  female  members  paint  in  white  their  lower 
arms,  hands,  lower  leys,  and  feet.  Those  who  are  to  personate  the 
Sai'apa,  consisting  of  two  men  and  a  boy,  are  painted  in  white  from 
neck  to  toe.  They  should  appear  perfectly  nude  at  the  indoor  cere- 
monials, dispensing  even  with  the  yucca  and  war  pouch.  "The 
Sai'apa  lived  in  this  world  before  an}-  kind  of  raiment  was  known, 
and  therefore  never  had  any;  and  it  is  by  the  strict  injunction  of  these 
gods  that  all  apparel  be  dispensed  with  bjT  their  personators."" 

The  women  wear  black-wool  dresses  embroidered  in  blue,  with  red 
belts.  The  hair  is  done  up  as  usual;  the  necks  are  bare  and  adorned 
with  many  necklaces.  When  the  personal  adornment  is  completed 
each  one  receives  a  bit  of  root  in  the  mouth  from  the  a'kwamosi. 
This  they  chew,  and  then  ejecting  it  into  their  hands,  rub  first  their 
own  bodies,  then  those  of  the  others,  that  they  may  not  become 
fatigued  in  the  dance. 

The  pottery  drum  has  been  made  read}'  with  its  covering  of  hide.  A 
member  removes  the  bunch  of  rattles  from  the  wall,  and  at  10  o'clock 
the  choir  is  heard,  accompanied  by  the  rattle  and  drum.  The  first 
song  consumes  an  hour.  At  its  close  a  woman  places  a  vase  of  water 
near  the  deputy  a'kwamosi,  who  sits  by  the  south  side  of  the  altar. 
The  cloud  bowl  containing  the  bits  of  root,  which  has  stood  to  the 
north  side  of  the  altar,  is  now  placed  south  of  the  medicine  bowl.  The 
a'kwamosi  deposits  six  pebble  fetishes  for  fructification  to  the  four 
sides  of  the  medicine  bowl  and  two  others  for  the  Zenith  and  Nadir 
to  the  east  of  it.  Each  fetish  is  held  in  the  right  hand  while  he  offers  a 
prayer.  At  the  moment  the  first  fetish  is  deposited  a  warrior  rises 
and.  standing  before  the  altar,  whirls  the  rhombus,  the  flutist,  who 
sits  behind  the  altar,  plays,  and  the  choir  begins  the  second  song, 
accompanied  by  the  rattle  and  drum.  After  the  a'kwamosi  arranges 
the  fetishes,  his  deputy,  taking  a  gourd  of  water  from  the  vase,  waves 
it  to  the  six  regions  with  prayers  for  rain;  then  he  waives  it  in  a  cir- 
cle, symbolic  of  the  whole  world,  and  empties  a  portion  of  the  water 
into  the  medicine  bowl  and  the  remainder  into  the  cloud  bowl.  Six 
gouidfuls  arc  passed  through  the  same  form  and  deposited  into  the 
bowls.  Afterward  two  gourdfuls  are  emptied  into  the  bowls  without 
ceremony,  and  the  a'kwamosi  begins  the  consecration  of  the  water  in 
the  medicine  bowl,  dipping  in  the  pebble  fetishes,  etc.,  as  described 
on  page  -t'.ii!.  At  the  same  time  the  deputy  a'kwamosi  deposits  bits  of 
rooi  in  the  cloud  bowl  and  whips  the  water  rapidly  with  a  reed  held 
at  an  angle  of  about  45  .'' 

a  After  n  discussion,  continuing  over  an  hour  during  the  afternoon,  it  was  decided  that  the  Sai'apa 
should  wear  breechcloths  at  the  request  of  the  writer. 

b  Tin-  sin  hold  the  reed  perpendicularly  and  are  greater  experts  in  their  manner  of  producing  the 
suds,  which  rise  high  above  the  bowl,  but  do  not  fall  over. 


STEVENSON] 


shu'maakwe  539 


When  the  a'kwamosi  has  consecrated  the  water  a  cigarette  of  native 
tobacco  wrapped  in  corn  husk  is  handed  to  him,  and  leaving  his 
stool  he  bends  forward  on  his  knees  and  draws  smoke  from  the  cigar- 
ette six  times,  each  time  blowing  the  smoke  into  the  bowl  of  water, 
bringing  his  mouth  close  to  the  bowl.  After  the  sixth  time  he  waves 
the  cigarette  toward  the  altar,  then  to  the  six  regions  and  in  a  circle, 
and  thrusts  the  lighted  end  into  his  mouth  for  a  moment.  Then  he 
hands  the  cigarette  to  the  cloud-maker,  who  repeats  the  same  rite  over 
the  cloud  bowl  and  continues  his  work.  All  music  and  the  rhombus 
cease,  and  the  a'kwamosi  dips  his  eagle  plumes  into  the  consecrated 
water  and  sprinkles  the  altar  while  he  chants  a  pi'ayer;  at  the  same 
time  the  warrior  carries  off  the  food  from  before  the  altar.  Men  and 
women  now  form  into  a  circle  and  dance  from  left  to  right,  the  three 
Sai'apa  dancing  back  and  forth  within  the  circle.  The  cloud-maker 
continues  the  preparation  of  the  clouds,  a  ceremony  requiring  three- 
quarters  of  an  hour.  The  suds  frequently  fall  over  the  bowl  to  the 
floor.  When  this  occurs  he  lifts  them  with  his  reed  and  returns  them 
to  the  mass.  When  he  completes  his  task  he  rises,  and  standing  before 
the  altar  throws  suds  over  it,  lifting  them  with  his  reed,  while  he 
chants  a  prayer  in  very  low  tones.  After  the  dance  has  progressed 
for  a  time  the  master  of  ceremonies  removes  the  yellow-faced  mask 
from  its  place  behind  the  altar  and  carries  it,  concealed  with  a  piece 
of  new  cotton  cloth,  to  the  east  end  of  the  room  for  the  man  who  is 
being  dressed  behind  the  blankets  to  personate  the  Shumai'koli  of  the 
North.  The  dress  of  this  god  is  the  same  as  described,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  leggings.  He  emerges  from  the  dressing  room  and, 
stepping  within  the  circle,  begins  to  dance.  The  dance  closes  at  1 
a.  m..  when  all  except  the  master  of  ceremonies,  the  Great  Mother, 
the  four  novices,  two  Sia  guests,  and  the  writer  leave  the  chamber  to 
visit  the  He'iwa,  Chu'pawa,  and  Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'siwe/'  where  members 
of  these  ki'wi'siwe  and  girls  chosen  by  young  men  appointed  for  the 
purpose  spend  the  night  in  dancing.  Not  a  word  is  spoken  by  those 
who  remain  in  the  ceremonial  chamber.  Once  the  master  of  ceremo- 
nies lights  a  cigarette  and  hands  it  to  one  of  the  novices.  The  two  Sia 
guests  smoke  constantly. 

The  Shumai'koli  and  Sai'apa  are  absent  an  hour,  the  others  return- 
ing in  three-quarters  of  an  hour.  Upon  his  return  the  a'kwamosi 
chants  a  prayer  before  the  altar,  while  the  four  novices  rise  and  stand 
in  line,  live  women  alternating  with  the  men,  who  clasp  the  hands  of 
women  beside  them.  '  The  lingers  are  entwined,  the  novices'  hands 
being  above.  In  this  position  the  chain  of  hands  is  kept  in  motion 
from  right  to  left,  the  women  slightly  bending  their  knees.  Three 
women  and  a  little  girl  stand  on  the  ledge  behind  the  men,  each  one 
placing  a  hand  on  each  shoulder  of  the  man  before  her.     At  the  con- 

a  See  Ki'wi'siwe  and  their  functions. 


.r>40  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

elusion  of  his  prayer  the  a'kwaniosi  takes  his  mi'li  from  the  altar  and 
passes  it  with  a  prayer  before  the  mouth  of  each  novice,  who  draws 
the  sacred  breath.  The  motion  of  the  novices'  hands  ceases  but  twice, 
and  then  only  for  a  moment  each  time,  except  when  the  corn  is  placed 
to  their  lips,  until  6  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  women  relieve  one 
another  in  attending  the  novices. 

Thirty  minutes  after  the  ceremony  with  the  mi'li  the  dance  begins, 
ami  the  Shumai'koli  of  the  North  backs  out  of  the  dressing  room  to 
the  middle  of  the  floor,  and  suddenly  begins  turning  around  like  a 
top  in  a  manner  similar  to  the  Sai'apa.  The  Shumai'koli  dances  two 
minutes,  when  he  is  joined  by  an  officer  of  the  fraternity  from  the 
seat  formerly  occupied  b}"  the  a'kwamosi,  the  latter  being  now  seated 
at  the  west  end  of  the  room.  The  Shumai'koli,  with  his  associate  to 
his  right,  the  latter  carrying  the  bowl  of  medicine  water  in  his  left 
arm  and  an  ear  of  corn  in  his  right  hand,  approaches  the  novice  at 
the  west  end  of  the  line,  and  the  man  dips  the  ear  of  corn  into 
the  medicine  water,  and  with  the  Shumai'koli's  hand  upon  the  corn 
he  puts  it  to  the  mouth  of  the  novice.  Each  novice  has  the  corn  put 
to  his  mouth,  after  it  has  been  dipped  each  time  into  the  medicine 
water.  As  the  lips  are  touched  each  novice  ceases  to  move  his  hands. 
The  Shumai'koli  touches  the  corn  only  for  the  first  novice,  but  he 
stands  by  while  the  corn  is  put  to  the  lips  of  the  second,  and  then 
returns  to  the  floor  to  dance.  After  the  corn  is  passed  to  the  four 
novices,  the  medicine  bowl  and  corn  are  deposited  near  the  altar,  and 
the  officiating  Officer  resumes  his  seat  on  the  north  ledge,  by  the  altar; 
but  in  a  few  minutes  he  joins  the  Shumai'koli,  and  they  stand  before 
the  two  novices  whom  the  Shumai'koli  omitted,  while  the  officer  prays. 
Again  the  Shumai'koli  returns  to  the  floor,  and  after  dancing  a  few 
minutes  he  retires  to  the  greenroom,  having  been  in  the  chamber  just 
thirty  minutes. 

A  charm  fashioned  of  wood  and  similar  to  one  of  the  bars  of  the 
suspended  form  above  the  altar  is  carried  by  a  young  man  whenever 
the  Shumai'koli  appears,  the  bearer  manipulating  the  bar  before  the 
god.  which  appears  to  have  mystic  control  over  the  Shumai'koli. 
The  writer  has  observed  the  same  thing  among  the  Hopi  Indians. 
The  bearer  of  the  charm  also  carries  a  cedar-tiber  brand,  which,  how 
ever,  is  not  lighted  until  later. 

The  three  Sai'apa  now  come  to  the  floor  and  dance  most  gracefully, 
the  younger  of  the  three,  a  lad,  remaining  on  the  floor  an  hour  and 
three-quarters,  dancing  violently  all  the  time.  He  succeeds  in  turning 
but  three  times  while  poised  on  the  left  foot,  though  he  makes  numer- 
ous efforts  to  do  better.  He  can  turn  but  twice  while  balanced  on  the 
right  foot.  The  leg  is  always  drawn  up  as  high  as  possible.  The 
Sai'apa  are  soon  joined  by  dancers  of  both  sexes,  each  one  dancing 


STEVENSON]  SHU'MAAKWE  541 

until  fatigue  compels  retiring.  Many  dance  thirty  minutes,  while 
others  keep  on  the  floor  an  hour,  and  a  few  dance  two  hours." 

To  prevent  fatigue  the  dancers  lift  a  quantity  of  suds  from  the 
cloud  bowl  and  rub  them  on  their  legs.  Before  each  dancer  leaves 
the  floor,  the  eagle-wing  plumes  that  are  carried  are  passed  four  times 
over  the  lips  of  each  novice,  beginning  with  the  one  at  the  west  end  of 
the  line.  The  plumes  are  held  diagonally  to  the  mouth  and  drawn 
downward.  Afterward  each  dancer  passes  the  right  hand  across  his  or 
her  forehead  and  then  across  some  part  of  the  body  of  the  novice,  gen- 
erally the  breast  or  legs  first.  Again  rubbing  the  hand  across  the  face 
it  is  passed  over  some  portion  of  the  body  of  the  novice.  This  is 
repeated  four  times  with  each  novice.  As  each  male  member  finishes 
this  ceremony  he  returns  to  the  choir,  so  that  the  choir  is  at  no  time 
deplete  of  its  members.  The  five  remaining  Shumai'koli  appear  sepa- 
rately in  regular  order  and  dance.  After  the  god  of  the  North  comes 
the  one  of  the  West,  with  blue  face  mask,  then  red  for  the  South, 
white  for  the  East,  all-color  for  the  Zenith,  and  black  for  the  Nadir. 
The  cloud  decorations  on  the  faces  of  the  masks  differ.  The  cere- 
mony of  dipping  the  corn  into  the  medicine  water  and  placing  it  to 
the  lips  of  the  novice  is  repeated  with  the  appearance  of  each  Shu- 
mai'koli. The  same  ceremony  is  repeated  by  the  Shumai'koli  of  the 
Zenith  and  Nadir  over  two  Sia  guests,  which  is  a  mark  of  very  deli- 
cate courtesy.  The  novices  remain  standing  as  long  as  a  Shumai'koli 
is  present,  but  as  soon  as  the  god  retires,  the  novices  and  the  women 
sit  down  until  another  appears,  but  the  clasped  hands  continue  in 
motion. 

As  the  hour  for  the  rising  of  the  morning  star  approaches,  the 
participants  exhibit  much  anxiety  to  know  the  instant  the  star  appears 
above  the  horizon;  there  is,  therefore,  continual  ascending  of  the 
ladder.  The  straw  mat  which  covers  the  hatchway  is  raised  as  each 
one  goes  forth  to  look  for  the  star.  About  this  time  an  old  woman 
deposits  a  great  heap  of  corn  husks  and  a  cedar-fiber  brand  near  the 
fireplace  and  makes  a  large  fire.  Finally  the  appearance  of  the  star  is 
announced  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  mat  from  the  hatchwaj'.  The 
bar  charm  is  laid  aside  by  its  bearer,  who  immediately  lights  a  heap 
of  corn  husks  and  runs  with  the  blazing  mass  to  the  choir,  pelts  the 
singers,  and  afterward  dances  violently,  still  holding  the  husks;  and 
again  pelts  the  choir  and  again  dances.  A  number  of  dancers  now 
congregate  on  the  floor.  Rushing  to  the  fire,  the  young  man  gathers 
more  husks  and  lighting  them  pelts  the  male  and  female  dancers. 
Another  and  another  light  great  bunches  of  the  husks  until  the  room 
is  ablaze,  women  and  children   vying  with  one  another,  one  of  the 

a  This  fraternity  seems  more  devoid  of  decency  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  than  the  others,  both 
sexes  using  the  same  urinal,  which  stands  in  a  convenient  place  in  the  room,  members  of  other 
fraternities  leave  the  chamber  for  such  purposes. 


542  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.anii.23 

enthusiastic  participants  being  a  girl  less  than  6  years  of  age.  Cedar 
brands  succeed  the  husks  and  a  grand  melee  ensues.  A  warrior 
runs  up  the  ladder  and  descending  with  an  armful  of  husks  ignites 
them  and  runs  about  among  the  people  with  them  blazing  in  his  arms. 
The  excitement  grows  greater  and  greater  as  the  male  and  female 
members  run  around  pell-mell,  showering  one  another  with  sparks. 
Clubs  are  thrown  upward,  and  much  dodging  is  necessary  to  avoid 
being  struck.  Another  and  another  join  in  the  excitement  until  only 
the  drummer  and  two  companions  remain  in  the  choir:  but  the  cries 
and  yells  of  the  dancers  drown  all  other  sounds.  The  women  do  not 
seem  to  mind  in  the  least  the  sparks  showering  over  their  bare  necks 
and  arms.  They  are  too  crazed  with  excitement  to  be  conscious  of 
physical  pain.  The  aged  woman,  whose  usefulness  as  a  member  of 
the  fraternity  has  long  since  passed  away,  is  aroused  by  the  tire  dis- 
play and  her  old  wrinkled  face  brightens  with  a  lively  interest  as  she 
touches  the  writer,  when  she  is  near,  and  exclaims:  "  Kokshi!  kokshi!" 
(good!  good!)  It  must  have  been  main*  a  day  since  this  creature 
played  an  active  part  in  these  weird  scenes,  which  a  pen  picture  can 
scarcely  describe,  especially  the  fighting  with  the  great  firebrands. 

The  Shumai'koli  of  the  Nadir  leaves  the  floor  soon  after  the  begin- 
ning of  the  tire  display,  but  the  Sai'apa  remain  on  the  floor  to  the  last. 
Just  previous  to  the  close  of  this  barbaric  scene  the  tree  which  was 
removed  from  the  lower  entrance  and  carried  up  the  ladder  and  then 
down  into  the  chamber  early  in  the  evening  is  taken  from  the  room 
through  the  lower  door  and  stood  outside,  the  door  being  left  open. 
After  the  fire  fight,  prayers  are  offered  before  the  altar,  and  the  tree, 
which  has  a  la'showanne  composed  of  a  banded  turkey  feather,  a  fluffy 
white  eagle  plume,  and  feathers  of  the  'si'liliko  (Falco  sparverius 
deserticolus,  desert  sparrow),  hawk,  and  'hlai'aluko  (Sialia  arctica, 
mountain  bluebird),  attached  to  the  topmost  branch,  is  planted  in  the 
center  of  Si'aa'  te'wita.  and  the  fraternity  dance  around  it  for  two 
hours  and  then  return  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  to  enjoy  a  feast. 
Later  in  the  morning  the  fraternity  reappear  in  the  plaza,  and  after 
dancing  around  the  tree  all  return  to  the  chamber  to  remain,  except 
I  he  charm-bearers  and  those  who  personate  the  gods. 

As  is  the  custom  with  other  fraternities,  youths  and  maidens  are 
appointed  by  this  fraternity  to  procure  dancers  from  the  town  at 
huge,  the  youths  choosing  the  women  and  the  girls  the  men.  The 
youths,  who  are  designated  as  a'mosi  (directors),  wear  black  shirts  of 
native  weave,  trimmed  in  bright  red  and  green  ribbons,  or  velveteen 
shirts,  when  this  material  can  be  secured,  velveteen  knee  breeches, 
deerskin  moccasins  and  leggings  colored  a  reddish  brown,  and  red 
garters.  The  breeches  and  leggings  have  lines  of  silver  buttons  on 
the  outer  sides.     Lines  of  micaceous  hematite  under  the  eves  denote 


a 

o 


stevenson]  shu'maakwe  543 

officei^ship.  The  girls  wear  the  conventional  dress,  with  a  white 
blanket  wrap  bordered  in  red  and  blue,  and  white  moccasins  with 
highly  polished  black  soles.  Both  sexes  wear  turquoise,  earrings  and 
profusions  of  ko'hakwa,  turquoise,  and  coral  beads,  and  the  girls  wear 
their  silver  necklaces  in  addition  to  these.  Each  youth  carries  a  ball 
of  yarn  and  a  large  needle  to  be  used  in  securing  the  blanket  wraps 
of  those  who  dance.  The  dancers  usually  form  two  concentric  circles. 
The  drummer  sits  cast  of  the  tree  and  uses  a  wood  drum  covered  with 
hide.  As  the  dancers  become  fatigued,  or  when  for  other  reasons  they 
do  not  wish  to  remain  on  the  ground,  they  drop  out  at  the  close  of  a 
dance:  hut  their  places  are  soon  tilled. 

The  six  Shumai'koli  appear  both  separately  and  in  couples  in  the 
plaza  and  dance.  Two  Sai'apa  are  in  attendance  (see  plate  cxxiv). 
Each  Shumai'koli  is  accompanied  by  a  charm-bearer;"  whenever  he 
waves  the  charm  the  Shumai'koli  backs  off  a  distance  and  then  starts 
forward  while  the  charm-bearer  vigorously  manipulates  the  charm  to 
draw  the  god  to  him.  The  two  Sai'apa  perform  a  variety  of  antics; 
they  climb  the  tree  and  run  up  the  ladders  to  the  houses  above, 
begging  for  melons  and  bread,  which  the}r  deposit  beside  the  tree. 
The  Sai'apa  return  at  intervals  to  the  ceremonial  chamber.  At  times 
none  of  the  gods  are  to  be  seen  in  the  plaza,  but  the  dance  is  contin- 
uous. At  sunset  two  of  the  Shumai'koli  gods  and  the  Sai'apa,  one 
of  the  latter  whirling  the  rhombus,  depart  over  the  eastern  road  with 
those  who  accompanied  them  to  the  village. 

Preparation  of  medicine.  The  day  preceding  the  ceremony  is  con- 
sumed in  collecting  medicinal  plants.  A  plant  closely  resembling- 
water  cress  (not  yet  classified),  but  having  a  much  more  pungent  odor, 
is  gathered  at  the  base  of  the  mesa  north  of  Kwil'li  yal'lanne  (Twin 
mountain),  several  miles  north  of  Zuni. 

When  the  writer  enters  the  ceremonial  chamber  about  10  o'clock 
the  room  appears  in  general  confusion,  though  the  tablet  altar  has 
been  erected.  Six  mi'wachi  are  placed  in  line  on  the  cloud  symbol  of 
white  meal.  The  mi'li  of  one  of  the  officers  of  the  fraternitj'  stands 
on  the  meal  line,  which  extends  outward  from  the  cloud  sj'mbol.  A 
sacred  meal  basket  is  on  the  line  before  the  mi'li,  another  meal  basket 
is  to  the  north,  and  two  medicine  bowls  with  serrated  rims  stand  on 
the  north  and  south  sides  of  the  altar.  The  other  bowls  and  a  basket 
tray  are  for  the  use  of  the  medicine  cakes  (see  plate  cxxv).  A  large 
quantity  of  some  variety  of  plant  is  heaped  near  the  southwest  corner 
of  the  room,  with  a  quantity  of  squash  blossoms  scattered  over  it. 
Near  by,  and  also  on  the  south  side  of  the  room,  is  another  mass  of 
plants  which  appear  to  be  the  same  as  the  former,  only  younger,  the 
latter  having  white  blossoms,  the  whole  plant  measuring  less  than  12 

a  The  charm-bearer  does  not  appear  in  the  picture,  being  absent  when  the  photograph  was  taken. 


544  THE    ZUN1     INDIANS  [eth.ann.28 

inches  in  height.  Near  this  heap  is  a  quantity  of  root  about  3  inches 
in  diameter.  On  the  north  side  of  the  room,  and  more  to  the  east, 
is  a  quantity  of  wild  sage  and  a  howl  containing  the  flower  tips  of 
the  plant.  Groups  of  men  are  near  each  collection  of  plants  and  at 
once  begin  work.  The  plants  in  the  southwest  end  are  broken  into 
bits  and  deposited  in  large  bowls  together  with  the  squash  blossoms. 
The  younger  plants  are  also  separated  and  put  into  bowls,  the  roots 
are  prepared  and  cut  into  small  pieces  and  deposited  in  bowls,  and  the 
leaves  are  removed  from  the  stems  of  the  sage  and  also  placed  in 
bowls.  One  plant  is  separated  into  small  clusters  and  placed  in  bowls 
with  a  small  quantity  of  water  that  it  may  remain  fresh.  The  work  is 
industriously  pushed  forward,  and  by  ■>  o'clock  all  the  medicine  is 
arranged  and  the  floor  is  in  order.  Six  very  old  grinding  stones  or 
mills,  much  worn  from  use,  are  placed  on  the  floor  on  the  north  side 
not  tar  from  the  altar,  upon  skins  and  cloths,  with  just  space  enough 
lift  ween  the  mills  and  the  ledge  for  the  grinders  to  kneel.  The  grind- 
ing begins.  The  medicine  of  all  the  fraternities  is  ground  principally 
by  invited  guests,  who  also  take  part  in  the  dancing,  the  girls  and 
women  relieving  one  another. 

As  the  grinders  and  dancers  arrive  they  take  seats  on  the  north 
ledge,  near  the  east  end  of  the  room.  Other  women  also  sit  in  this 
locality,  and  several  sit  near  the  choir.  When  all  are  present  the 
a'kwamosi.  who  carries  a  meal  basket  in  his  left  hand,  gives  a  pinch 
of  meal  to  each  female,  and  prays  about  a  minute  over  each.  The 
meal  is  received  in  the  left  hand,  but  it  is  changed  to  the  right  when 
the  women  go  to  the  altar  to  pray  and  sprinkle  the  meal.  Six  grind- 
ers are  now  dressed  by  the  warrior  and  another  member  of  the  frater- 
nity. Only  the  pi'toni  and  the  moccasins  are  removed.  The  usual 
woven  dress  is  covered  with  a  mi'ha  fastened  on  the  right  shoulder 
and  passing  under  the  left  arm,  and  a  white  cotton  fringed  sash  is  worn 
tied  at  the  back.  The  hair  is  hanging  and  tied  loosely  with  a  red 
garter  at  the  nape  of  the  neck;  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  is  attached 
to  the  fore  part  of  the  head.  The  neck  and  arms  are  bare,  and  silver 
beads,  bangles,  and  rings  are  worn,  besides  the  elaborate  necklaces  of 
ko'hakwa.  turquoise,  and  coral.  Each  girl  is  led  separately  to  the  mill 
by  the  a'kwamosi,  who  carries  an  eagle-wing  plume  in  each  hand,  the 
girl  holding  the  tips  of  the  plumes.  She  passes  behind  the  mills,  while 
the  a'kwamosi  walks  before  them.  They  now  face  one  another,  the 
girl  still  holding  the  plumes.  The  first  girl  is  led  to  the  most  western 
mill,  the  others  follow  in  succession.  After  each  girl  is  in  position 
the  a'kwamosi  places  a  hand  on  each  shoulder  and  motions  her  to  the 
~ix  regions,  carrying  the  head  forward  and  back  for  the  Zenith  and 
the  Nadir.  An  aged  woman  and  a  man  take  seats  before  the  mills. 
Each  ha-  a  large  bowl  of  the  mixed  plants  to  the  right;  there  are  also 
two  small  bowls  containing  bits  of  turquoise  and  ko'hakwa  (white  shell 


stevexso.n]  shu'maakwe  545 

beads).  These  two  perform  the  double  duty  of  supplying  the  mills 
with  the  medicine  and  rearranging  the  elaborate  ornaments  of  the 
grinders  when  necessary,  each  having  three  mills  and  three  grinders  in 
care.  The  song  is  now  begun  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle. 
One  woman  remains  near  the  choir  but  she  does  not  sing.  The  song  is 
low  and  in  minor  key.  The  aged  man  and  woman  who  sit  by  the  mills 
deposit  on  each  mill  bits  of  turquoise  and  ko'hakwa,  which  the  girls 
crush  to  powder;  to  this  several  pieces  of  the  root  medicine  are 
added.  The  various  plants  are  lifted  from  the  bowl  dripping  wet  and 
squeezed  before  placing  on  the  mills;  sometimes  a  little  water  is  added. 
Each  additional  plant  is  ground  as  it  is  placed  on  the  mill.  The  grind- 
ing appears  to  be  hard  work,  and  the  girls'  heads  bob  up  and  down  as 
they  proceed  with  the  grinding.  At  times  the  a'kwamosi  wipes  the 
dripping  faces  of  the  girls  by  slipping  a  cloth  under  the  long  bangs 
without  pushing  the. hair  aside.  When  the  medicine  is  thoroughly 
crushed.  fully  an  hour  being  required  to  reach  the  desired  result,  the 
grinder  works  it  into  cakes  and  hands  it  to  the  attendant,  who  deposits 
it  in  one  of  the  large  bowls  used  for  this  purpose  which  stands  north 
of  the  altar.  The  a'kwamosi  assists  the  grinders  from  the  mills  in  the 
same  manner  as  they  are  led  to  them.  Their  dress  and  adornments  are 
removed  and  placed  on  others  who  are  to  take  their  places  at  the  mills. 
The  garters  are  also  removed  from  the  hair. 

As  soon  as  the  second  party  takes  its  turn  at  the  mills  the  character 
of  music  changes,  the  drum  is  used  in  addition  to  the  rattles  and  the 
songs  appear  to  be  martial  in  character,  the  time  being  more  rapid 
than  hefore.  A  youth  in  the  choir  is  an  attentive  listener,  wishing 
to  learn  the  songs." 

At  this  time  the  a'kwamosi  stands  before  the  altar  keeping  time 
with  his  feet  and  two  eagle  plumes  held  in  each  hand.  He  dips  the  tips 
of  his  plumes  into  the  medicine  water  and  touches  them  to  the  four  ser- 
rated points  of  the  bowl  and  motions  them  up  and  down  for  the  Zenith 
and  Nadir;  he  afterward  sprinkles  the  altar  and  fetishes  and  the  cross- 
bar above  the  altar  with  the  medicine  water  and  starts  the  latter  whirl- 
ing. Afterward  he  dances  in  the  middle  of  the  floor  for  a  time  and 
returns  to  the  altar  to  repeat  the  sprinkling  and  whirling  of  the  cross- 
bar, which  must  be  kept  in  motion.  Five  men  and  ten  women  begin 
the  dance  in  groups  of  three,  a  man  between  two  women.  The 
a'kwamosi  leads  the  dancers.  He  holds  a  corn  husk  horizontally, 
catching  it  at  each  end  and  his  two  partners  hold  each  an  eagle-wing 

a  During  this  ceremonial  the  writer  discovered  that  the  Shu'maakwe  songs  were  not  in  the  Zufii 
tongue,  but  in  Pima.  The  officers  of  the  fraternity  were  much  annoyed  because  of  her  discovery. 
There  is  still  much  to  be  learned  concerning  this  fraternity,  the  most  interesting  features  being  its 
origin  and  its  association  with  the  Pimas.  Friar  Marcos  de  Niza  mentions  in  the  account  of  his  travels 
in  the  present  New  Mexico  that  he  met  an  old  Cibolan  Indian  among  the  Pimas.  II  it  be  true  that 
Cibola  and  Zufii  land  are  one  and  the  same,  then  the  old  man  Niza  referred  to  was  a  Zufiian. 
23  eth— 04 35 


f>4l)  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann .23 

plume  in  the  same  manner.  The  four  men  who  follow  catch  the  ends 
of  the  plumes  held  by  their  partners.  The  acting  Great  Mother  fol- 
lows alone,  with  her  eagle  plume.  They  all  pass  around  the  room  in 
an  ellipse  from  west  to  east,  starting  from  the  south  side  with  a  for- 
ward step  With  the  right  foot,  then  the  left,  each  time,  especially  the 
men.  raising  the  foot  high;  the  women  are  not  very  successful  in  their 
efforts  to  raise  their  feet  high  from  the  floor.  The  arms  are  extended 
outward  in  unison  with  the  music.  The  song  is  spirited  and  the  drum 
and  rattles  resound  through  the  room.  The  dancing,  which  is  most 
pleasing,  continues  until  sunset,  when  the  a'kwamosi  dips  ashes  from 
the.  altar,  which  he  has  previously  placed  there  from  the  fireplace, 
and  sprinkles  the  dancers.  The  sprinkling  of  the  dancers  is  repeated 
four  times  and  then  ashes  are  lifted  and  thrown  out  of  the  door, 
when  all  inhale  a  sacred  breath.  The  sprinkling  of  the  ashes  is  for 
physical  purification.  Each  male  dancer  passes  his  hands  over  his 
face,  the  entire  body  dripping  with  perspiration,  and  rubs  them  over 
the  faces  of  his  partners,  then  passing  his  hands  over  his  breast  and 
arms  rubs  their  arms,  but  he  does  not  touch  their  breasts.  After 
repeating  the  rubbing  over  his  legs,  he  rubs  his  hands  over  the  lower 
legs  of  his  partners,  and  the  backs  are  rubbed  in  the  same  manner. 

At  sunset  the  two  sets  of  grinders  stand  in  line  north  and  south  in 
the  east  end  of  the  room  and  face  east.  Each  grinder  has  a  female 
vis-a-vis  who  is  supplied  with  a  bowl  of  yucca  suds,  and  each  grinder 
has  her  forelock  and  then  her  hands  washed  with  the  suds  by  the 
woman  immediately  before  her.  They  are  bathed  in  turn,  the  woman 
at  the  south  end  of  the  line  beginning  with  the  grinder  before  her. 
The  a'kwamosi  stands  behind  each  grinder,  with  a  hand  on  each 
shoulder. 

The  grinding,  with  the  full  ceremonies,  is  repeated  on  the  following 
day,  and  the  day  after  the  ceremonial  chamber  is  deserted,  the  male 
members  of  the  fraternity  being  at  work  in  the  fields  of  the  director 
of  the  fraternity.  On  their  return  after  sunset  they  are  entertained 
at  a  sumptuous  feast  by  the  wife  and  family  of  the  director  at  their 
house,  the  female  members  of  the  fraternity  first  assisting  in  waiting 
upon  the  men  and  afterward  enjoying  a  feast  themselves  with  the  women 
of  the  household.  Grinding,  with  the  ceremonies  described,  is  repeated 
on. the  next  day,  and  the  following  day  more  plants  are  gathered,  and 
on  the  seventh  day  the  grinding  and  dancing  are  repeated.  The  dancing 
continues  until  sunset,  then,  after  a  rest  of  a  couple  of  hours,  is  resumed 
and  continues  until  midnight.  After  the  dance  closes  at  sunset  a  corn - 
husk  package  about  9  inches  in  length  and  several  inches  across,  con 
taining  sun-dried  cakes  of  the  freshly  prepared  medicine,  is  given 
to  each  grinder  and  dancer  who  has  participated  by  invitation.  The 
dancing  at  night  is  the  same  as  previously  described,  many  taking  their 
turn  on  the  floor.     During  the  intervals  between  the  dances  the  men  rub 


STEVENSON]  SHU'MAAKWE  54:7 

their  partners'  arms  and  also  their  leg's  as  far  as  the  knees  with  medi- 
cine, carefully  manipulating  the  limbs  to  relieve  them  of  fatigue  and 
give  them  strength  to  continue  in  the  dance.  At  the  close  of  the  dan- 
cing at  midnight  medicine  water  is  administered  to  all.  The  following 
morning  a  tree  is  planted  in  the  center  of  Si'aa'  te'witaand  the  dancing 
and  appearance  of  the  gods  in  the  plaza  occur  as  previously  described. 
Much  persuasion  is  often  required  to  induce  the  women  to  take  part, 
though  they  are  evidently  expecting,  from  their  appearance,  to  partici- 
pate. Sometimes  the  men  force  them  into  the  dance.  Both  men  and 
women  are  attired  in  their  best  clothing.  As  the  afternoon  advances 
the  number  of  dancers  grows  larger  until  three  concentric  circles  are 
formed,  embracing  in  all  150  dancers.  The  dancers  go  round  from 
right  to  left,  holding  one  another's  hands,  the  men  singing  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  the  drum.  The  two  Sai'apa  are  busy  throughout  the  day 
ascending  ladders  to  compel  the  spectators  on  the  house  tops  to  come 
down  and  take  part  in  the  dance,  and  collecting  loaves  of  bread,  which 
they  place  in  the  tree  around  which  the  men  and  women  dance.  Sev- 
eral times  a  Sai'apa  climbs  the  tree  to  place  the  bread  in  the  uppermost 
forks.  As  dancers  become  fatigued  they  drop  out  of  the  circle  and 
others  take  their  places.  At  sunset  the  circles  remain  stationary  while 
all  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona/'  and  then  all  the  dancers 
leave  the  plaza;  but  another  circle  is  at  once  formed  by  others,  and 
the  dance  continues  until  dusk,  when  the  ceremonial  is  concluded. 

The  Shumai'koli  precede  the  Sai'apa  over  the  eastern  road  and  are 
supposed  to  lie  down  and  sleep  at  Shu'minkia,  on  the  road  to  Chi'pia, 
and  when  the  Sai'apa  follow,  each  brandishing  a  flaming  cedar  brand, 
and  find  the  Shumaikoli  sleeping  thejr  waken  them,  and  catching  them 
by  the  waist  carry  them  off  to  Chi'pia,  whence  they  came. 

Certain  features  appear  in  some  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  Shu'maakwe 
that  the  writer  has  not  observed,  as  they  never  happened  to  be  brought 
out  when  she  was  in  Zuni,  though  she  has  seen  them  in  the  Shumai'koli 
performances  among  the  Hopi  Indians,  these  Indians  and  the  Zunis 
having  the  same  name,  Ya'ya,  for  the  male  characters  introduced. 
The  minute  description  given  by  the  pe'kwin  and  other  Zunis  accords 
perfectly  with  the  scenes  observed  in  the  Hopi  villages.  The  Ya'ya 
create  general  amusement  among  the  spectators  when  at  sunset  the 
Shumai'koli  of  the  West  appears  in  the  plaza  and  separates  the  circle 
of  dancers  by  grabbing  the  men's  wrists.  The  women  at  once  go  to 
their  homes,  and  do  not  see  the  Ya'ya  put  in  blankets  and  dropped 
through  the  hatchway  into  the  ceremonial  chamber. 

In  1902  the  director  of  the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity  with  an  associate 
visited  Laguna  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  the  six  Shumai'koli  masks 
of  the  pueblo,  since  all  those  privileged  to  use  these  masks  had  died. 
They  were  consigned  to  the  keeping  of  the  director  of  the  Zuni  fra- 

o  See  p.  22. 


548  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

ternity.  The  masks,  carefully  wrapped,  were  brought  to  Zuni  on  the 
backs  of  burros.  The  writer  was  present  at  the  ceremonial  held  by 
the  Shu'maakwe  fraternity  on  the  return  of  the  director  from  Laguna 
and  she  notes  here  the  variations  from  the  ceremony  previously 
described. 

The  occasion  of  this  ceremonial  is  twofold.  A  woman  and  a  young- 
girl  are  to  he  initiated  into  the  fraternity,  and  the  Laguna  masks  of 
the  Shumai'koli  are  to  be  brought  out  for  the  first  time  in  Zuni.  The 
men  who  are  to  personate  the  gods  go  to  Ku'shilowa  about  half  an 
hour  before  sunset.  As  they  leave  the  ceremonial  chamber  the  writer 
cuter.-  and  finds  six  Shumai'koli  and  three  Sai'apa  masks  on  a  large 
blanket  spread  on  the  north  side  of  the  chamber  and  a  short  distance 
before  the  altar.  The  masks  are  receiving  the  finishing  touches,  and 
other  regalia  are  being  arranged.  Men  not  employed  on  this  work  are 
grouped  on  the  south  side  of  the  room,  singing  to  the  accompaniment 
of  the  rattle.  A  woman  of  the  fraternity  who  is  to  lead  the  gods  to 
Zuni  sits  on  a  stool  facing  east.  In  a  short  time  the  woman,  followed 
by  the  charm- hearer,  proceeds  to  Ku'shilowa,  to  return  with  the  gods 
who  appear  after  sunset.  Two  Shu'maikoli  and  two  Sai'apa  masks 
are  conveyed  under  cover  of  blankets  to  Ku'shilowa.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  these  gods  live  in  the  east. 

In  a  short  time  all  Zuni  is  out  on  the  house  tops  and  in  the  streets 
to  view  the  coming  of  the  gods.  As  soon  as  they  are  observed  in  the 
distance  a  fraternity  father,  followed  by  a  novice,  comes  to  the  cere- 
monial house,  but  does  not  enter.  The  two  stand  just  west  of  the 
entrance,  the  novice  being  west  of  the  fraternity  father.  The  man 
looks  to  the  east,  but  the  woman  holds  her  head  down  and  appears  to 
be  deeply  impressed  with  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion.  In  five 
minutes  the  other  novice  follows  her  fraternit}7  father  and  they  stand 
west  of  the  first  couple;  this  man  also  looks  to  the  east  and  the  girl 
looks  downward. 

When  the  gods  enter  the  village  the  children  are  wild  with  excite- 
ment. Animal-like  cries  are  heard  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  and 
the  voices  of  the  choir  are  more  vigorous  in  the  song.  The  female 
leader  of  the  gods  carries  her  mi'li  and  meal  basket  in  the  left  hand 
and  throws  out  meal  with  her  right  as  she  advances.  The  man  who 
follows  carries  the  charm  referred  to,  which  he  manipulates  that  the 
gods  may  follow.  The  two  Shumai'koli,  of  the  North  and  of  the 
West,  come  next  and  are  followed  by  two  Sai'apa.  The  foremost 
Sai'apa  has  the  hack  of  the  mask  colored  yellow  for  the  North,  being 
the  attendant  to  the  Shumai'koli  of  that  region;  the  other  has  his 
mask  blue,  for  he  is  attendant  to  the  Shumai'koli  of  the  West.  On 
reaching  the  ceremonial  house,  the  female  leader  takes  her  position  east 
nf  tin-  fraternity  fathers  and  novices,  and  faces  east.  The  charm-bearer 
stands  south  of  her,  facing  east,  and  holds  his  charm  above  his  face 


stkvensos]  MA/TKK    tSAN'nAKWE  549 

with  his  left  hand  and  shakes  a  small  gourd  rattle  with  his  right, 
while  he  sings  a  low  chant,  reminding  one  of  the  intoning  of  a  Cath- 
olic priest.  The  two  Sai'apa  strike  the  top,  left,  base,  and  right 
of  the  door  frame  with  their  burning  brands  and  join  the  Shumai'koli 
in  the  dance.  The  gods  dance  for  a  time  with  a  slow  step,  raising 
first  one  foot  and  then  the  other  to  the  music  of  the  choir  within.  The 
time  is  changed  and  they  dance  more  rapidly.  After  thirty  minutes 
the  female  leader  and  the  charm-bearer  retire  to  the  chamber.  The 
gods  prolong  the  dance  for  a  few  minutes,  and  the  man  who  lias  charge 
of  the  tree,  which  now  stands  east  of  the  entrance,  places  his  hand  on 
the  back  of  the  Shumai'koli  of  the  North  and  directs  him  to  the  entrance 
of  the  ceremonial  chandler,  when  he  stoops  and  goes  in.  The  other 
Shumai'koli  follows,  also  directed  by  the  man.  In  the  meantime  the 
two  Sai'apa  continue  to  dance,  but  they  soon  join  the  others  in  the 
chamber.  The  tree  attendant  now  carries  in  the  tree.  The  dancing 
of  the  gods  in  the  chamber  is  violent  and  continuous  for  some  time, 
then  the  masks  are  removed  and  all' indulge  in  a  feast.  The  all-night 
ceremonial  is  the  same  as  previously  described. 

Ma"ke  'San'nakwe  (Little  Fire  Fraternity) 

The  Ma"ke  'San'nakwe  fraternity  comprises  four  orders:  O'naya'- 
nakia  (Mystery  medicine),  It'sepcho  (Jugglery),  Ma"ke  (Fire),  and 
Pa'vatamu  (God  of  music,  flowers,  and  butterflies). 

This  organization  has  a  large  membership,  man}'  of  the  members 
being  among  the  wealthiest  of  the  pueblo.  Its  theurgists  are  equal 
to  any  in  Zuiii.  Nai'uchi,"  the  warrior  of  the  fraternity,  standing  at 
the  head  of  the  Zuiii  medicine  men.  There  is  no  physician  anywhere 
who  is  kept  busier  with  patients  than  this  remarkable  old  man.  to 
whom  the  writer  is  indebted  for  much  of  the  material  comprised  in 
this  monograph.  The  rules  for  the  convening  of  this  fraternity  are 
the  same  as  those  followed  by  others  where  the  mysteries  of  medicine 
are  practiced.  Though  the  members  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity  play 
with  fire  at  other  gatherings,  their  most  elaborate  tire  display  occurs 
but  once  in  four  years,  this  being  the  time  of  the  celebration  of  the 
lighting  of  the  first  fire  by  the  Sun  Father,  according  to  Hopi  belief. 
In  fact,  the  members  of  this  fraternit\r  participate  in  the  great  fire 
dance  only  once  in  eight  years,  for  the  reason  that  a  division  occurred 
in  the  fraternity  many  years  ago,  but  within  the  recollection  of  some 
•if  the  older  men.  According  to  the  statement  of  an  aged  theurgist, 
who  was  about  ten  or  twelve  j7ears  of  age  when  the  trouble  arose  and 
at  the  time  a  member  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  but  who  joined  the 
opposing  party,  a  man  and  a  woman  were  the  cause  of  the  break  in 
the  fraternity,  their  conduct  being  a  subject  for  the  severest  censure, 

a  Since  deceased. 


550  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.asn.23 

especially  as  all  must  observe  continence  at  such  times.  Certain  mem- 
bers  of  the  fraternity  wished  to  expel  the  woman  from  the  fraternity 

and  retain  the  man,  while  others  desired  to  expel  the  man  and  retain 
the  woman.  The  latter  faction  finally  declared  itself  a  separate  organ- 
ization. The  man  remained  with  the  parent  fraternity  while  the 
woman  went  with  the  new  one.  The  new  body,  on  selecting  a  chamber 
for  their  meetings,  found  it  to  be  infested  with  cimex,  and  so  the 
branch  fraternity  was  named  Pe'sha'silo'kwe  (Cimex).  Plate  cxxvi 
slmws  the  altar  of  the  Cimex  fraternity  before  all  the  fetishes  have 
been  placed.  A  medicine  bowl  is  on  each  side  of  the  meal  line,  a 
prayer-meal  basket  south  of  the  line,  and  a  large  shell  on  the  line  of 
meal.  The  dry  painting  in  the  foreground  shows  the  bears  of  the 
four  regions;  that  of  the  West  is  followed  by  her  cub.  The  color 
symbol  is  not  adhered  to,  the  Bear  of  the  North  being  in  gray  instead 
of  yellow;  the  Bear  of  the  West  in  black  instead  of  blue-green:  the 
Bear  of  the  South  also  in  black  instead  of  red.  and  the  Bear  of  the 
East  in  yellow  instead  of  white,  upon  a  ground  of  green,  which 
represents  the  vegetation  of  the  world.  The  blue-green  color  is 
bordered  in  black  and  white  blocks,  denoting-  the  cloud  houses  of 
the  four  regions,  and  the  blocked  circle  denotes  the  cloud  houses 
of  the  world.  The  decoration  of  the  bar  extending  above  the  altar 
shows  the  sun  blue-green,  moon  yellow,  stars  white,  Cougar  of  the 
North  yellow.  Cougar  of  the  West  blue-green,  Bear  of  the  East  white, 
spotted  in  black.  The  rituals  of  the  two  organizations  are  the  same, 
though  there  are  variations  in  their  altars  and  dry  paintings.  The 
Little  Fire  and  Cimex  fraternities  alternate  in  the  quadrennial  cere- 
monial referred  to. 

CEREMONIAL    OF    INITIATION    INTO    O'NAVa'NAKIA 

The  four  days"  ceremonial  here  described  is  one  of  the  most  elabo- 
rate of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  and  embraces  about  all  to  be  found 
in  the  various  ceremonies,  except  the  quadrennial. 

First  day.  The  wall  of  the  ceremonial  chamber  has  been  freshly 
decorated  with  a  blue  frieze,  edged  with  cloud  symbols  in  black. 
The  north  wall  has  a  painting  of  a  cougar  in  blue-green.  The  color 
symbol  is  not  adhered  to  in  this  instance  also,  as  yellow  is  the  color  for 
the  North  and  blue-green  for  the  West.  The  morning  is  consumed  in 
decorating  and  arranging  the  altar  and  in  preparing  prayer  plumes 
to  the  Beast  Gods  and  deceased  members  of  the  fraternity.  A  tiny, 
closely  covered  va-e  said  to  contain  blossoms  and  the  root  of  the 
te'nas'sali.  combined  with  the  hearts  of  butterflies  and  dragon-flies. 
belonging  to  Nai'uchi.  is  deposited  before  the  altar  on  the  south  side, 
with  tlie  animal  fetishes,  etc. 

Night  ceremony.  Each  member  of  the  fraternity  on  entering  the 
chandler  is  greeted  by  those  present,  and  after  removing  his  moccasins 


BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.  CXXV1I 


A.    HOEN    4    CO.,    Lith 


ALTAR  OF  MATKE  TSANNAKWE  (LITTLE  FIRE  FRATERNITY) 


STEVENSON 


551 


the  newcomer  advances  to  the  altar  and  .sprinkles  meal.  Each  mem- 
ber of  Mystery  medicine  hands  his  or  her  mi'li"  to  an  officer  of  the 
fraternity,  who  places  it  by  the  altar. 

Plate  exxvn  shows  altar  fully  embellished.  The  tablets  forming 
the  altar  arc  carved  and  painted  in  cloud  symbols.  Faces  of  the  Sun 
Father  and  Moon  Mother  cap  the  rear  slats.  A/chiyala'topa  (being 
with  tail  and  wings  of  knives)  stands  upon  the  topmost  clouds. 
Ku'pishtaya.  the  lightning-makers,  are  represented  on  the  middle 
slats  with  the  dragon  fly,  an  important  rain  symbol,  below.  The 
morning  and  evening  stars  cap  the  front  slats  upon  which  the  cougar 
of  the  North  (yellow)  and  of  the  West  (blue-green)  are  painted.  A 
carved  rattlesnake  is  before  the  left  front  slat.  This  fraternity  having 
a  large  membership  in  Mystery  medicine,  there  are  a  number  of 
mi'wachi  (plural  for  mi'li),  to  be  seen,  composed  of  brilliant  plumes, 
two  of  which  stand  on  the  meal  line.  The  following  enumeration 
shows  the  position  of  the  principal  objects:  1,  ear  of  corn;  2,  giant 
yucca:  3,  dry  painting — an  eagle  is  figured  on  the  bed  of  the  painting 
with  pieces  of  banded  gypsum,  the  head  is  designed  in  black,  mounds 
of  colored  grains  of  corn  dot  the  disk  (further  description  on  page 
560);  1.  medicine  bowls;  5,  pra3'er-meal  baskets;  6,  bowls  for  ground 
medicine;  7.  food  offerings;  8,  arrow  points;  9,  three  crystals;  10, 
basket  of  plume  offerings;  11,  pouch  of  warrior  of  fraternity;  12, 
bear's-foot  skin:  13,  animal  fetish,  11,  cut-stone  fetish.  Flutes  of  the 
order  of  Pa'yatamu  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity  hang  on  the  w7all 
above  the  altar.* 

One  is  impressed  with  the  quiet  which  prevails,  for  the  whispering 
of  the  women  can  not  be  heard  at  the  other  end  of  the  room,  while 
the  men  talk  almost  as  low,  onty  one  speaking  at  a  time,  the  others 
remaining  most  attentive  listeners.  They  tell  of  their  feats  in  war; 
of  the  killing  of  some  of  the  hated  Mavahos;  how  their  parents  were 
brutally  murdered  by  the  enemy,  or  how  they  surprised  the  enem}' 
and  gained  advantage  over  him.  While  reciting  the  most  thrilling 
adventures  they  do  not  fail  to  indulge  in  the  keenest  ridicule  of  the 
enemy,  the  listeners  at  such  points  joining  in  a  low  but  hearty  laugh. 
While  the  orator  speaks  he  scarcely  raises  his  voice  as  high  as  the 
moderate  tones  of  civilized  man,  and  at  times  lowers  it  to  a  whisper. 
The  delicate  modulations  of  his  voice  are  remarkable,  and  his  gesticu- 
lations the  poetry  of  motion.  Smoking  of  cigarettes  made  of  com- 
mercial tobacco  is  continuous  at  this  time.  The  native  tobacco  is  used 
only  for  ceremonial  smoking.     Pipes  are  not  used  by  the  Zunis. 

After  9  o"clock  the  room  becomes  crowded.  The  choir  groups  on 
the  south  side  toward  the  west  end  of  the  room,  some  sitting  on  the 
ledge,  while  others  roll  their  blankets  into  wads  for  seats.     There  are 

a  See  p.  416. 

bTne  dry  painting  described  is  not  made  until  the  fourth  afternoon. 


552  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [kth.  ann.  23 

five  novices—  one  J'oung  woman,  two  young  men,  a  .small  boy,  and  an  old 
man.  The  young  girl  sits  by  the  side  of  one  of  the  young  men  upon 
I  he  ledge  at  the  west  end  of  the  room  and  to  the  north  of  the  altar: 
the  other  young  man  and  the  boy  sit  upon  the  same  ledge  at  the 
south  side  of  the  altar,  and  the  old  man,  who  is  a  cripple  from  rheu- 
matism, sits  upon  the  floor  with  the  other  members  of  the  fraternity." 
The  loader  of  the  choir  beats  on  a  te'pehan  (a  vase-shaped  pottery 
drum),  and  the  other  members  of  the  choir  use  the  gourd  rattles. 
The  ceremonial  opens  with  the  making  of  the  medicine  water,  when 
there  is  no  longer  any  semblance  of  quiet.  At  the  first  stroke  of  the 
drum  tin'  choir  simultaneously  commences  the  song,  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  the  rattle,  and  the  noise  is  deafening. 

Preparation  of  medicine  water.  A  large  vase  of  water  is  brought 
in  by  a  woman  and  placed  opposite  the  medicine  bowl,  which  stands 
before  the  altar  and  b}T  the  side  of  the  a'kwamosi  (maker  of  medicine 
water),  who  sits  to  the  north  of  the  altar.  He  at  once  begins  the  prep- 
aration of  the  medicine  water.6  but  hi.s  pikers,  offered  in  low  tones, 
invoking  the  Beast  Gods  to  be  present,  can  not  be  heard  because  of  the 
music  of  the  choir:  at  the  same  time  notes  can  be  heard  from  the  flute, 
which  is  played  by  a  young  man  who  sits  behind  the  altar.  The  chief 
warrior  stands  before  the  altar  and  whirls  the  rhombus.  He  also  keeps 
the  cloud  symbol  suspended  above  the  altar  in  rotary  motion,  calling 
upon  the  rain-makers  to  gather  quickly  and  send  rain.  The  a'kwamosi 
prays  for  power  to  see  disease,  and  that  it  shall  be  carried  off  by  the 
four  winds. 

Invocation  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity 

Lion  of  the  North,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
Bear  of  the  West,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
Badger  of  the  South,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
White  Wolf  of  the  East,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
Eagle  of  the  Zenith,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
Shrew  of  the  Earth,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
Thou,  my  Sun  Father,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
Thou,  my  Moon  Mother,  give  me  power  to  see  disease. 
All  ye  ancient  ones,  give  me  power. 

Three  medicines  of  the  Beast  Gods:  (1)  The  medicine  of  the  Cougar  and  Bear, 
which  is  white  and  said  by  the  Indians  to  be  a  mineral  deposit  from  dripping  water; 

2  |  a  grayish  root  medicine  of  the  Badger  and  Wolf;  and  (3)  a  blackish  root  medi- 
cine  of  the  Eagle  and  Shrew,  are  found  only  on  two  mountains — Yallan  Ko'han, 

White  mountain),  in  the  west,  and  Ka'pachu  mountain,  near  Acoma.  When 
these  medicines  arc  required  by  a  fraternity  some  twelve  members,  including  the 
director,  bis  deputy,  and  the  warrior,  are  each  provided  with  six  prayer  plumes. 
The  stick  'it  one  is  colored  yellow  for  the  Cougar  of  the  North,  another  blue  for 
the  Hear  of  the  West,  another  red  lor  the  Badger  of  the  South,  another  white 
t..r  the  Wolf  ol  the  East,  another  all-color  for  the  Eagle  of  the  Zenith,  and  another 


■  It  i>,  usunl  tor  the  novice  nut  u,  appear  until  the  fourth  night  of  the  ceremonies. 

'  See  i>  492     There  is  but  little  variation  in  the  eonseeration  of  the  water  by  the  fraternities. 


btevenson]  ma'tke  tsan'nak\ve  553 

black  for  the  Shrew  of  the  Nadir.  The  plume  offerings  are  made  to  these  ani- 
mals, which  use  the  medicines  as  their  food.  The  offering  of  the  plumes  pro- 
pitiates the  Beast  Gods,  so  that  they  good-naturedly  walk  away.  After  the  deposition 
of  the  plume  wands  with  prayers  and  the  sprinkling  of  meal,  the  medicine  is  hastily 
collected.  These  three  medicines  are  given  separately  at  ceremonials  to  the  mem- 
Ikts  of  the  fraternity,  and  when  one  is? -ill  a  small  portion  of  each  of  the  three  is 
sprinkled  in  water  and  drunk. 

The  a'kwamosi  clips  water  from  the  vase  six  times.  Each  gourd  of 
water  he  holds  above  the  medicine  bowl  while  repeating  a  prayer,  after 
which  he  empties  the  water  into  the  bowl.  He  drops  six  animal  fetishes, 
one  for  each  of  the  six  regions,  which  have  been  placed  in  position, 
north,  south,  east,  and  west  of  the  medicine  bowl — those  for  the 
Zenith  and  the  Nadir  being  laid  to  the  east  into  the  bowl  separately. 
He  next  sprinkles  sacred  meal  into  the  water  six  times,  for  the  six 
regions,  and  then  dips  the  quill  ends  of  his  eagle  plumes  into  the 
medicine  water,  and  holding  them  perpendicularly  raises  and  lowers 
them  six  times.  At  the  close  of  the  consecration  of  the  medicine 
water  the  flute  and  rhombus  cease.  The  flute  is  returned  to  its  place 
before  the  altar  and  the  rhombus  is  replaced  in  the  niche  in  the  wall. 
The  a'kwamosi  now  stands,  and  dipping  the  feather  end  of  his  eagle- 
wing  plumes  into  the  water  sprinkles  the  altar.  The  plume  in  the  left 
hand  is  held  in  a  horizontal  position  and  struck  on  the  underside  at 
right  angles  with  the  plume  held  in  the  right  hand.  The  song,  rattle, 
and  drum  continue,  with  an  occasional  intermission  of  a  few  seconds, 
until  midnight,  when  a  corn  husk  is  made  funnel-shaped  and  tilled  with 
tobacco.  This  cigarette  is  passed  to  all  present,  including  the  women, 
and  each  one.  holding  the  small  end  to  the  mouth,  takes  a  whiff.  All 
the  women  (except  the  novice)  now  return  to  their  homes,  escorted  by 
members  of  the  fraternity,  who  are  specially'  detailed  to  perform  this 
office,  for  women  must  not  walk  the  streets  at  night  alone.  When 
sleeping,  the  female  novice,  covered  with  a  blanket,  lies  upon  a  single 
sheepskin  on  the  floor  immediately  in  front  of  where  she  sat.  The 
other  novices  take  the  same  position  in  relation  to  their  seats,  while 
the  remainder  of  the  men,  who  must  not  sleep  out  of  the  fraternity 
chamber  during  the  ceremonial,  scatter  around  the  sides  of  the  room. 
Food  is  brought  to  them  by  the  women  of  the  fraternity  and  also  of 
their  clans.  Though  the  men  take  no  food  at  their  homes,  they  are 
free  to  pass  in  and  out  of  the  ceremonial  house  as  they  choose,  often 
going  out  for  a  few  hours  to  look  after  their  crops  and  herds. 

Second  day.  The  morning  is  consumed  in  preparing  prayer  plumes 
and  in  chatting  and  smoking.  In  the  afternoon  the  grinding  of  medi- 
cine is  begun,  when  the  large  room  is  filled  with  the  members  of  the 
fraternity,  many  of  the  women  having  their  infants  with  them.  A 
girl,  attired  in  ordinary  dress,  sits  at  the  east  end  of  the  room  behind  a 
stone  slab  laid  upon  several  sheepskins,  the  wool  side  down,  pounding 


.r).r>4  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [Era.  ank.23 

with  a  stone  hatchet  a  mineral,  the  medicine  of  the  cougar  and  bear, 
which  she  afterward  grinds  and  deposits  in  an  ordinary  eating  bowl. 
Sheepskins  are  laid  in  line  on  the  floor  on  the  north  .side  of  the  room  and 
wesl  of  the  center,  and  two  blankets  are  placed  on  them.  Buckskins 
are  laid  on  the  blankets,  a  piece  of  canvas  is  spread  over  these,  a  piece  of 
new  cotton  cloth  covers  the  canvas,  and  on  this  is  placed  a  cotton  cloth 
which  has  evidently  been  used  many  times  for  the  same  purpose,  as  it 
i-  thoroughly  dyed  with  the  medicine.  Three  stone  mills,  such  as  are 
used  for  grinding  grain  for  daily  consumption,  are  placed  at  an  angle 
of  forty-five  degrees  on  this  cushion,  leaving  just  space  enough  between 
them  and  the  wall  for  the  grinders  to  kneel.  Two  of  the  grinders 
are  dressed,  each  by  a  young  man  of  the  fraternity.  A  mi'ha  (white 
embroidered  blanket)  is  worn  as  a  dress  over  the  ordinary  black 
wool  gown.  Earrings,  bangles,  rings,  and  most  elaborate  necklaces 
of  ko'hakwa,  turquoise,  coral,  and  silver  beads,  are  worn.  The  hair, 
which  has  been  plaited  to  make  it  wavy,  is  tied  with  a  red  garter  at 
the  nape  of  the  neck,  and  a  fluffy  eagle  plume  is  tied  to  the  forelock. 
Each  grinder  is  led  to  her  place  by  a  warrior  of  the  fraternity  by  hold- 
ing the  tips  of  his  eagle-wing  plumes.  The  girl,  still  holding  the  tips 
of  the  plumes,  on  reaching  the  mills  goes  to  her  place  behind  them, 
while  the  warrior,  who  passes  before  them,  extends  his  arms  over  the 
mills.  When  the  girl  kneels  behind  a  mill,  her  guide  takes  his  seat 
before  her  and  the  mill,  and  holding  her  clasped  hands  between  his 
own  waves  them  to  the  six  regions  with  a  prayer.  Then  a  male 
attendant  to  each  grinder  takes  a  seated  before  each  mill.  The  one 
before  the  mill  to  the  east  places  the  bowl  of  the  ground  medicine 
before  the  mill  over  which  he  presides.  The  man  presiding  over  the 
center  mill  places  a  bowl  of  the  ground  grayish  root  medicine  of  the 
Badger  and  Wolf  by  his  side;  and  the  one  who  attends  the  third  mill 
deposits  by  his  side  a  bowl  of  crushed  sunflowers." 

A  few  bits  of  archaic  shell  beads  and  a  minute  quantity  of  the  root  of 
the  te'nas'sali  are  crushed  in  each  mill,  and  then  a  quantity  of  the  root 
medicine  of  the  Cougar  of  the  North  is  added,  the  grinders  bending 
their  bodies  and  bobbing  their  heads  in  harmony  with  the  song  of 
twenty  men,  accompanied  by  rattle  and  drum.  The  Bear,  Badger,  and 
Wolf  medicines  are  afterward  ground  in  turn.  The  choir  wear  only 
their  trousers  rolled  above  their  knees  and  a  profusion  of  necklaces. 

Dancing  begins  late  in  the  afternoon,  after  the  grinding  ceases. 
A  man  of  the  choir  dances  his  infant  on  his  knee  to  the  time  of  the 
music,  and  the  little  one  looks  before  it  with  the  most  unconcerned 
expression.  One  man,  three  women,  and  two  little  girls,  each  about 
six  years  old  open  the  dance.     In  a  short  time  these  dancers  are  joined 

'lh.  director  of  the  fraternity  asserts  that  there  are  six  different  plant  medicines  besides  the  above, 
each  ['lain  tin-  property  of  a  beast  god  of  one  of  the  six  regions,  and  that  they  are  found  in  the  crater 
of  11  mountain  north  of  the  pueblo  of  Lagunu. 


stevenson]  MA    KE    TSAN  NAKWE  555 

by  four  more  women.  A  man  desiring  a  certain  woman  to  dance 
pulls  off  her  knit  leggings,  for  she  must  not  appear  on  the  door  as  a 
dancer  with  her  leggings  on.  All  the  officers  of  the  fraternity,  except 
the  warriors,  when  not  on  the  floor  sit  back  and  to  the  north  side  of 
the  altar.  The  choir  is  jovial,  and  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest 
causes  great  merriment  by  frequently  approaching  it  and  giving  instruc- 
tion how  to  sing.  After  a  time  two  young  men  join  the  dancers.  The 
director  hands  a  lighted  cigarette  to  a  man  in  the  choir,  who  puffs  it  and 
returns  it.  when  the  director  takes  a  whiff  and  hands  it  back  to  the 
man.  who  smokes  it  a  moment,  then  passes  it  around.  The  represent- 
atives of  the  beast  gods  frequently  break  out  in  animal-like  cries.  The 
a'kwamosi  dips  his  eagle  plumes  four  times  in  the  medicine  water, 
sprinkling  the  altar  each  time.  The  choir  closes  by  the  drawing  in  of 
the  sacred  breath  of  A'wonawil'ona"  and  all  repeat  a  prayer,  after 
which  there  is  an  intermission  until  night.  At  night  the  novices 
occupy  their  same  positions.  The  choir  assembles  as  on  the  previous 
evening,  the  leader  beating  on  a  pottery  drum,  the  others  using  the 
gourd  rattle.  The  choir  opens  with  a  low  chant,  but  their  tones  grow 
louder  and  the  noise  is  deafening  during  the  making  of  the  medicine 
water.  The  music  and  dancing  continue  until  midnight,  when  the 
fraternity  adjourns  until  morning. 

Third  day.  The  mi'wachi  for  the  novices  are  prepared  by  their 
fraternity  fathers  during  the  morning.  In  the  afternoon  five  slabs  are 
placed,  as  the  three  were  on  the  previous  day,  for  grinding  medicine. 
The  women  are  dressed  and  led  to  the  mills,  as  before  described, 
except  that  the  plume  worn  by  one  of  them  is  colored  red  with  dry 
pigment.  Bits  of  archaic  shell  and  te'nas'sali  root  are  deposited  on 
the  mills  before  the  grinding  begins.  During  the  grinding  of  the  first 
medicine  (that  of  the  Cougar  of  the  North)  the  attendant  at  the  center 
mill  deposits  two  pieces  of  corn  husk  on  the  mill,  and  the  girl  takes 
them  in  each  hand  and  rubs  the  metate  for  a  while,  then  lays  them  aside, 
and  continues  grinding.  When  reduced  to  a  powder  the  medicine  is 
bluish  gray.  It  is  placed  in  the  bowl  by  the  attendants,  who  lift  it 
with  an  eagle  plume  held  in  each  hand.  Any  medicine  adhering  to  the 
mdls  is  scraped  off  with  stone  knives.  The  medicine  plant  of  the 
Bear  of  the  West  is  next  placed  on  the  mills,  bits  of  archaic  shell 
and  an  atom  of  the  te'nas'sali  having  been  first  crushed.  Upon  the 
completion  of  the  grinding  of  this  medicine,  it  is  collected  in  the 
same  manner  and  placed  in  a  bowl.  Then  the  medicine  of  the  Badger 
of  the  South  is  ground  with  bits  of  shell  and  te'nas'sali,  and  it  is 
deposited  in  the  first  bowl  containing  the  medicine  of  the  Cougar  of 
the  North.  Upon  completion  of  the  medicine  of  the  White  Wolf  of 
the  East,  bits  of  shell  and  te'nas'sali  having  been  ground  with  it,  it  is 

"Seep.  22. 


556  THE    Zl'NI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

placed  in  the  bowl  containing  the  medicine  of  the  Bear  of  the  West. 
If  any  <>f  the  medicine  falls  from  the  slab  during  the  grinding,  one  of 
the  warriors  hastens  to  replace  it  with  an  ancient  stone  knife.  Occa- 
sionally during  the  grinding  the  attendants  run  stone  knives  over  the 
mills  crosswise,  to  loosen  the  material  from  the  stone.  Each  set  of 
grinders,  who  work  about  thirty  minutes,  is  assisted  to  rise  by  the 
two  warriors,  who  stand  before  the  mills  and  extend  two  eagle-wing 
plumes.  The  women,  touching  the  tips  of  the  plumes  held  by  the 
warriors  with  each  hand,  pass  from  behind  the  mills  at  the  east  end. 
When  the  grinding  is  completed  for  the  day  the  warriors  place  the 
1  >ow Is  of  medicine  and  stone  knives  by  the  altar.  '  The  grinders  gather 
a  short  distance  east  of  the  mills  and  are  relieved  by  young  men  of 
some  of  their  adornments,  including  the  finger  rings.  The  elaborate 
necklaces  and  earrings  are  not  removed.  The  red  garters  are  taken 
from  the  hair,  allowing  it  to  fall  loosely  over  the  shoulders,  but  the 
plumes  are  allowed  to  remain.  The  women  step  aside  and  change  the 
white  embroidered  robe  for  the  ordinary  Zuni  dress  and  take  seats 
upon  the  ledge  on  the  south  side  of  the  room.  The  mills  are  removed 
while  the  dress  is  being  changed. 

The  last  five  grinders  advance  to  the  middle  of  the  room  and  form 
into  two  lines,  extending  east  and  west,  lengthwise  of  the  room,  two 
women  in  the  south  line,  three  in  the  north,  and  a  man  forming  a 
center  line  between  the  two.  Each  woman  holds  two  eagle-wing  plumes 
horizontally  in  the  right  hand."  One  of  the  plumes  has  a  fluffy  eagle 
feather  attached  to  its  tip.  The  woman  wearing  the  feather  colored 
red  has  one  of  the  same  color  attached  to  her  eagle  plume,  feathers  of 
this  color  being  worn  by  members  of  the  order  of  Mystery  medicine. 
The  upper  arms  are  extended  horizontally  and  the  forearms  perpen- 
dicularly. The  lines  begin  dancing  from  east  to  west,  all  facing-  south; 
at  the  west  end  of  the  room  they  simultaneously  turn,  facing  north, 
and  dance  sidewise  to  the  east.  These  variations  are  continued  through- 
out the  dance.  The  two  grinders  in  the  south  line  are  soon  joined  by 
a  third  woman,  and  the  man  in  the  middle  by  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest.  The  two  men  wear  the  black  breechcloth,  supported  by  a  silver 
belt,  the  ends  of  which  are  embroidered  in  dark  blue,  and  fall  so  as  to 
form  a  kind  of  short  skirt.  The  young  man  has  a  band  of  yucca 
around  his  hair,  which  is  parted  in  the  middle  and  done  up  in  the  usual 
knot  in  the  back;  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  has  a  fluffy  eagle  plume 
colored  red  tied  to  his  forelock.  He  also  wears  his  war  pouch.  Both 
men  are  adorned  with  many  necklaces. 

Every  little  while  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  leaves  his  position  in 
the  dance,  and  approaching  the  choir  and  the  group  of  women  throws 
his  body  forward,  growling  and  gesticulating  like  a  bear;  again  he 

a  in  the  niirlit  cerehiony  the  plumes  were  held  in  tin-  lefl  hand. 


Stevenson]  Ma'tKE    TSAN  NAKWK  557 

rejoin^  the  dancers,  continuing  the  growling.  After  dancing  about 
thirty  minutes  he  orders  the  old  woman  guarding  the  fire  to  stir  up  the 
embers,  and  at  the  same  time  he  removes  his  war  pouch  and  beads, 
and  places  them  beside  the  altar.  He  lays  the  plume  from  his  head  and 
his  two  eagle-wing  plumes  in  front  of  the  altar.  When  the  coals  arc 
well  alive  he  dances  forward  and  runs  his  right  arm  to  the  elbow  into 
the  coals,  ami.  taking  a  large  bunch  of  corn  husks  in  each  hand  and 
lighting  them  from  the  coals,  he  rushes  wildly  to  the  choir,  scattering 
the  sparks  over  the  nude  bodies  of  the  men.  Relighting  the  husks,  he 
goes  to  all  the  women,  fairly  showering  them  with  the.  sparks.  The 
babies  look  up  in  mild  wonderment  when  a  spark  falls  upon  them,  but 
uo  sound  comes  from  the  little  ones.  The  men  and  women  are  struck 
over  their  faces  as  well  as  their  bodies  with  the  burning  husks.  Sev- 
eral times  during  the  performance  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  calls 
upon  his  assistant  warrior  and  others  to  whip  him  with  the  burning 
husks,  he  at  the  same  time  running  them  over  his  nude  bod}'.  An  old 
woman  who  refuses  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest's  request  to  whip 
him  with  the  firebrands,  preferring  to  receive  rather  than  to  inflict  the 
punishment,  has  her  face  and  head  pelted  by  him.  This  weird  scene 
closes  with  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest's  putting  the  burning  husks 
into  his  mouth  and  chewing  them.  He  now  procures  a  rod  about  3 
feet  in  length  and  1£  inches  in  diameter  and  calls  upon  one  of  the  men 
to  strike  him -with  it,  the  rod  having  been  first  wet  with  medicine  water. 
Those  who  anticipate  strokes  have  the  entire  bod}'  bathed  with  the 
water.  The  man  on  refusing  to  strike  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
receives  from  him  a  blow  across  the  back,  when  the  man  who  is  struck 
procures  a  similar  rod  and  strikes  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who 
stands  erect,  extending  both  arms,  and  requests  the  man  to  strike  him 
across  the  chest.  The  rod  is  used  with  such  force  that  it  breaks  into 
three  pieces. 

A  large  bunch  of  yucca  baccata  is  now  brought  out  by  the  second 
warrior,  who  deals  several  of  the  men  severe  blows,  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  receiving  the  stroke  of  the  yucca  across  his  extended  right 
arm,  which  does  not  bend  from  the  stroke,  although  the  yucca  is  held  in 
both  hands  and  much  force  is  used  in  striking;  then  across  the  left  arm 
with  the  same  result,  and  across  the  chest.  After  each  blow  is  given 
the  man  holding  the  yucca  places  his  hand  over  his  mouth  and  gives  an 
animal-like  call.  After  the  yucca  is  laid  away  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  takes  a  bear's  foot  skin  from  the  altar,  and  drawing  it  over  his 
right  hand  he  rushes  toward  his  brother  warrior  and,  holding  him 
closely,  runs  the  claws  up  and  down  his  body;  then,  returning  it  to  the 
altar,  he  resumes  his.  place  in  the  dance,  which  continues  two  hours, 
the  dancers  stopping  every  thirty"  minutes  for  a  rest  of  a  moment  or 
two.     After  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  his  associate  warrior 


558  th>:  zrxr  Indians  [eth. ahn.2s 

cease  dancing  th(\v  don  their  cotton  shirts,  trousers,  and  head-ker- 
chiefs. The  dance  continues,  however,  and  the  former  dancers,  minus 
the  warriors,  are  joined  by  two  young  men,  two  women,  and  a  little 
-ill  not  over  8  years  of  age.  The  young  men  wear  the  brcechcloth 
and  wreaths  of  yucca  ribbon  tied  in  fanciful  knots  at  the  side  and 
passing  around  the  forehead  at  the  edge  of  the  hair,  which  is  parted 
in  the  middle.  At  the  same  time  the  male  and  female,  novices  leave 
the  chamber,  guided  by  an  officer,  to  offer  prayers  to  the  Sun  Father 
as  lie  disappears  for  the  night.  The  men  wear  pure  white  cotton 
clothing;  the  girl,  the  ordinary  Zufii  dress.  The  girls  who  ground  the 
medicine  are  seated  on  the  north  side  of  the  room  near  the  east  end. 
As  each  woman  or  girl  retires  from  the  dance  she  puts  on  her  pi'toni." 

Two  women,  one  an  albino,  each  bearing  a  large  bowl  of  water, 
enter  the  chamber  at  sunset  and  deposit  the  bowls  on  the  Moor  near 
the  east  end  of  the  room,  the  bearers  of  the  bowls  standing  between 
them  and  the  east  wall  and  facing  west.  A  third  woman  takes  her 
position  between  the  two  water-carriers,  and  the  water  is  consecrated 
by  the  two  warriors,  who  repeat  a  long  prayer,  when  the  medicine 
grinders,  who  approach  in  twos,  are  baptized,  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  receiving  one,  and  another  warrior  the  other.  Each  warrior 
extends  his  left  arm  across  the  girl's  back,  placing  his  left  hand  upon 
her  left  shoulder  and  his  right  hand  upon  the  right  shoulder.  The 
head  is  bent  while  the  woman  opposite  bathes  the  forelock;  the  hands 
and  wrists  are  afterward  washed  thoroughly.  Throughout  this  cere- 
mony, which  is  repeated  with  all  the  medicine  grinders,  the  warriors 
and  women  repeat  scarcely  audible  prayers.  After  the  baptizing  the 
grinders  resume  their  seats  upon  the  ledge,  the  two  warriors  take  seats 
on  low  stools  in  front  and  facing  them,  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
repeats  a  litanj',  which  is  responded  to  by  the  second  warrior  with 
•'  Eh!"  (Yes).  During  the  prayer,  which  seems  to  be  of  little  interest 
except  to  the  grinders,  women  are  bringing  in  vessels  of  bread,  meat 
stews,  sliced  melons,  and  dried  peaches.  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
litany  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  offers  a  grace  over  the  food,  when 
bits  of  food  are  gathered  from  each  vessel  and  placed  in  a  heap  before 
the  altar.     After  all  have  enjoyed  the  feast  the  assembly  separates. 

Third  night.  Sixteen  members  of  the  Ko'tikili  (Mythologic  frater- 
nity) are  gathered  in  a  chamber  of  a  dwelling.  The  walls  are  intensely 
white,  and  a  line  of  cord  extends  across  the  room  near  the  west  end. 
Freshly  painted  masks  of  the  'Cha'kwena  (certain  anthropic  gods)  to 
be  worn  in  a  dance  which  is  to  occur  in  four  days  are  suspended  from 
a  line.  The  masks  are  covered  with  a  strip  of  calico,  but  the  long 
beards  appear  below  the  cloth.     As  usual,  this  group  is  interested  in 

\  pleceof  cotton  cloth  tied  in  from  and  falling  over  the  back.    The  Zufli  women  would  as  soon 
pear  In  public  without   the  pi'toni  as  a  civilized  woman  would  without  a  dress;  but  this  article 
■  not  i,.-  worn  daring  certain  ceremonies. 


stevensos]  MA    jKE  tsan  nakwe  559 

the  recitation  of  a  story  of  some  great  exploit  of  the  Gods  of  War. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  story  the  song  opens,  to  the  accompaniment 
of  the  hide  drum,  with  a  low  chant,  swelling  louder  and  louder  as  the 
song  continues.  -Mr  Stevenson  and  the  writer  linger  but  a  short  time 
here  and  proceed  to  the  house  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  where  a 
group  of  men  are  telling  stories  and  smoking,  previous  to  the  conven- 
ing of  the  fraternity.  One  of  the  men  possesses  remarkable  powers  as 
an  orator.  His  voice  is  at  all  times  perfectly  clear  and  distinct,  though 
he  never  raises  it  above  a  low  tone,  and  many  times  drops  it  to  a  whis- 
per. The  women  sit  dozing  in  their  end  of  the  room.  At  10  o'clock 
the  group  scatters,  leaving  the  main  body  of  the  room  clear.  The 
floor  is  sprinkled  by  a  man  tilling  his  mouth  with  water  and  ejecting 
it.  Chinese  fashion,  over  the  floor. 

Then  the  sixteen  members  of  the  Ko'tikili  enter  in  single  tile  and 
advance  toward  the  altar;  turning,  they  face  south  and  dance  from 
west  to  east,  then  from  east  to  west,  and  so  on,  indulging  in  curious 
hoots.  Twelve  dancers  carry  gourd  rattles  in  the  right  hand,  while  the 
others  carry  in  the  same  hand  food  wrapped  in  corn  husks,  to  be  offered 
to  the  Kok'ko  awa  (all  the  anthropic  gods).  They  all  carry  large 
bunches  of  yucca  in  their  left  hands,  narrow  ribbons  of  3'ucca  encircle 
their  heads,  the  hair  being  parted  in  the  middle,  with  the  usual  knot 
at  the  back.  Dressed  deerskins  are  worn;  the  limbs  are  bare,  but  the 
feet  are  covered  with  moccasins.  Each  has  a  tortoise-shell  rattle 
attached  to  the  calf  of  the  right  leg  immediately  below  the  knee. 
They  dance  and  sing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattles  and  drum  of 
skin.  One  of  the  chief  features  of  this  dance  is  a  graceful  movement 
of  the  gourd  rattles,  the  dancers  waving  them  around  their  heads  from 
the  right  in  a  circle,  at  the  same  time  delicately  and  gracefully  shak- 
ing and  manipulating  them.  During  the  dance  the  members  of  the 
Little  Fire  fraternity  remain  quiet  spectators. 

At  the  close  of  the  dance,  at  midnight,  the  dancers  take  seats  on  the 
north  side  of  the  room,  the  ledge  having  been  previously  covered  with 
skins  and  blankets.  Each  one  is  supplied  with  a  cigarette,  which  has 
been  lighted  by  a  member  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  who  takes  a  whiff 
before  handing  it  to  a  dancer.  The  latter  smokes  once  and  returns  it 
to  the  donor,  who  takes  one  whiff  and  returns  it  to  the  dancer,  who 
continues  to  smoke  it.  When  the  cigarettes  are  consumed  the  dancers 
approach  the  altar,  each  taking  a  pinch  of  meal  from  the  basket  in 
front  of  it.  sprinkle  the  altar  and  pray,  and  then  return  to  their  seats. 
The  a'kwamosi.  carrying  a  bowl  of  medicine  water,  passes  to  the 
dancers  and  gives  each  a  drink  of  the  holy  water  from  a  shell.  He 
afterward  gives  a  draft  to  the  members  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternuvy, 
including  the  women  and  children.  When  the  visiting  dancers  leave 
the  houses,  the  men  of  the  fraternity  gather  before  the  altar  and  repeat 


560  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  28 

a  prayer,  at  the  sumo  time  sprinkling  the  sacred  meal.  After  the  men 
are  through,  the  women  advance  in  a  body  and  pray  and  sprinkle  meal 
upon  the  altar.  One  mother,  holding-  a  naked  infant,  guides  the  little 
hand  to  take  the  meal  from  the  pottery  basket  before  the  altar  and 
sprinkle  it. 

The  women  now  return  to  their  homes,  while  the  men  and  the  nov- 
ices sleep,  as  before,  in  the  ceremonial  room.  The  meal  sprinkled 
about  the  altar  is  carefully  swept  away  and  the  mi'wachi  are  taken  out 
and  the  meal  blown  off  the  feathers,  when  they  are  again  placed  in 
position. 

Fourth  day.  During  the  afternoon  several  men  are  busy  in  the 
ceremonial  room  preparing  the  dry  painting,  shown  in  plate  cxxvu. 
\\  hich  is  some  .">  feet  in  front  and  south  of  the  altar.  The  disk,  which 
is  about  3  feet  in  diameter,  is  surrounded  by  an  elevation  of  4  or  5 
inches,  forming  a  basin.  The  wall,  which  symbolizes  the  galaxy,  is  of 
ordinary  sand,  and  when  it  is  perfectly  smooth,  the  red,  white,  and 
black  varieties  are  sprinkled  over  the  ground  color.  The  red  and 
white  sands  are  ground  from  the  red  and  white  sandstone:  the  black 
is  charcoal. 

Previous  to  the  evening  ceremony  the  scene  is  weird.  The  candles 
have  not  yet  been  lighted,  and  the  tawny  faces  of  the  Indians  are  first 
in  light,  then  in  shadow,  according  to  the  freak  of  the  tire  that  burns 
in  the  quaint  fireplace.  A  circle  of  men,  with  two  in  the  center,  sit 
in  the  middle  of  th°  floor.  The  north  and  south  ledges  are  filled  with 
men.  A  few  women  in  half-reclining  positions  are  in  their  end  of  the 
room  apparently  tired  out.  The  novices  occupy  their  former  posi- 
tion.-. Another  young  girl,  who  has  not  appeared  on  the  previous 
occasions,  sits  sleeping  to  the  right  of  the  juvenile  novice.  The  flute 
player  is  in  position  behind  the  altar.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
enters  and  takes  his  seat  in  the  center  of  the  circle,  and  all  of  this 
group,  except  five,  smoke  cigarettes.  Though  constant  smoking  is 
indulged  in,  there  is  but  little  conversation,  which  is  carried  on  in  a 
very  low  tone.  The  men  in  the  circle  are  busy  splitting  yucca  and 
preparing  wreaths,  wristlets,  armlets,  and  garters.  While  this  work 
is  in  progress,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  leaves  his  position,  takes 
a  bowl  of  the  medicine  prepared  the  previous  afternoon,  and  pass- 
ing through  the  crowd  gives  each  person  a  portion,  each  one  being 
provided  with  bits  of  corn  husk  in  which  to  place  the  medicine. 
Having  some  of  the  medicine  left  after  all  are  helped,  he  again  passes 
around  and  deals  out  the  remainder,  each  one  receiving  it  in  a  pouch 
of  dressed  deerskin."  The  sunflower  powder,  which  is  now  distributed 
b\    the  elder  brother  Bow  pries!   to  male  members  only,  is  used  for  a 

"This!  i  taken  for  a  variety  of  maladies,    ft  is  placed  in  the  mouth  and  ejected,  generally 

•  in  the  palm  of  the  hand,  and  the  hand  is  then  rubbed  over  the  afflicted  part  of  the  body.  It  is 
sometimes  mixed  with  a  little  water  and  drunk. 


stevensos]  Ma'?KE   TSA,N/NAKWE  561 

number  of  purposes.  It  is  sprinkled  upon  personators  of  the  gods, 
that  they  may  aid  the  one  using  the  medicine  to  have  a  brave  heart; 
and  when  a  man  lias  a  distance  to  go  he  takes  a  bit  of  the  flower  medi- 
cine into  his  mouth  and  spits  it  out,  that  he  may  follow  the  right  road, 
meet  no  enemies,  be  well  received  by  all  peoples  whom  he  may  visit, 
and  he  preserved  from  all  accident  and  ill  health  during  his  journey. 

On  the  completion  of  the  yucca  adornments  they  are  carried  by  the 
men  who  prepare  them  and  placed  on  the  novices  where  they  sit. 
After  the  two  young  men  novices  are  adorned  with  the  yucca,  the}' 
join  the  group  in  the  center  of  the  room  and  have  their  nude  bodies 
washed  in  a  deep  red  paint.  The  hoy  and  the  old  man  are  painted  in 
the  same  manner.  The  young  girl  has  her  face,  hands,  and  arms, 
and  her  feet  and  legs  to  the  knees,  washed  with  the  red  paint,  after 
which  the  men  have  the  scalp  knot  painted  with  thick  white  paint  on 
each  breast,  scapula,  and  knee  in  as  heavy  a  line  as  the  forefinger  can 
cany.  The  girl  has  two  bands  of  white  around  each  arm,  several 
inches  apart,  and  the  scalp  knot  is  painted  between  the  lines  on  the 
top  of  the  arm.  The  five  novices  now  have  their  chins,  upper  lips, 
and  eyebrows  painted  white  and  covered  with  down  from  the  breast 
of  the  hawk.  A  circle  of  white  paint  is  also  made  on  the  top  of  the 
head,  to  which  the  down  is  attached.  The  down  decoration  is  symbolic 
.of  clouds.  Although  the  tickling  of  the  feathers  must  be  torture,  the 
novices  never  touch  the  face  after  the  feathers  are  put  on.  The  nov- 
ices  now  return  to  their  seats  and  the  male  members  of  the  fraternity 
proceed  to  prepare  for  the  ceremony,  each  man  decorating  himself 
after  first  donning  a  black  woven  breechcloth.  They  adopt  various 
designs  in  white  paint,  representing  the  eagle,  the  chaparral  cock,  the 
bear,  the  cougar,  the  badger,  the  white  wolf,  and  the  coyote.  The 
white  wolf  is  represented  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  the 
second  warrior,  whose  entire  bodies  are  covered  with  white  paint. 
Two  little  boys  represent  the  heavens.  The  Zuiii  coil  or  seal  is  painted 
in  red  on  the  palms  of  the  hands  of  the  two  boys,  as  here  represented, 
p.  After  the  men  complete  their  decorations  the  women  come  for- 
ward and  paint  in  white  their  hands  and  arms  to  the  elbow  and  their 
feet  and  legs  to  the  knee.  The  choir  on  this  occasion,  which  sits  as 
usual  on  the  south  side  of  the  room,  is  composed  of  both  sexes,  the 
women  holding  two  eagle  wing  plumes  in  the  left  hand  and  gourd 
rattles  in  the  right;  the  men  also  have  rattles. 

The  a'kwamosi  and  pe'kwin  sit  each  side  of  the  altar  upon  low  stools, 
while  the  warriors  resume  their  positions  as  protectors  of  the  altar. 
The  flute  player  occupies  his  assigned  position  behind  the  altar.  The 
preparation  of  the  medicine  water  is  begun,  and  when  completed  each 
member  of  the  choir  takes  a  drink  from  a  shell  dipped  into  the  bowl. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  ceremom*  the  room  gradually  becomes 
23  eth— 04 36 


562  THE    ZTNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

tilled.  All  those  belonging  to  the  fraternity  who  have  any  ailment 
whatever  avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  to  be  cured.  After  the 
medicine  water  is  passed  around,  two  characters  representing  the  cha- 
parral cock,  each  holding  an  eagle-wing  feather  in  each  hand,  leave  the 
choir  and  hop  and  skip  birdlike  to  the  altar;  facing  it,  they  extend 
their  hands  outward  and  then  draw  them  back,  keeping  the  hands 
and  plumes  in  line,  their  movements  being  very  graceful.  In  a  few 
moments  they  skip  to  the  fireplace,  and  each  lifts  ashes  with  his  plumes, 
and  returning  to  the  altar  the}'  sprinkle  it  with  the  ashes.  Again  lift- 
ing the  ashes,  they  skip  to  the  outer  door,  which  is  on  the  south  side 
of  the  room,  and  throw  the  ashes  out.  Gathering  more  ashes,  they 
throw  them  to  the  north  of  the  room,  and  continue  the  same  operation 
for  the  west,  south,  and  east.  Returning  to  the  altar,  they  dance  for 
a  while,  and  then  repeat  the  gathering  and  sprinkling  of  ashes  toward 
the  four  regions;  and  returning  to  the  outer  entrance  they  repeat  the 
sprinkling.  Once  more  gathering  ashes,  they  place  them  in  a  little 
heap  in  front  of  the  altar  by  the  food  which  .was  deposited  previous 
to  the  afternoon  meal.     Each  time  the  ashes  are  thrown  (which  is  for 

physical  purification)  the  men  exclaim,  "  Sh u _  u'." 

These  men  return  to  their  positions  in  the  choir,  and  the  fraternity 
fathers  of  two  of  the  novices,  the  spirits  of  the  Cougar  and  Bear  being 
present  in  their  bodies,  appear  on  all  fours  and  jump  around  the  altar. 
growling  in  the  most  savage  maimer.  In  a  short  time  they  are  joined 
by  two  others  bearing-  the  spirits  of  the  Badger  and  the  White  Wolf, 
and  after  indulging  in  extravaganza  before  the  altar,  invoking  the 
continued  presence  of  the  Beast  Gods,  each  one  takes  a  novice  in 
charge.  The  little  boy's  fraternity  father  carries  him  upon  his  back, 
the  child's  feet  dangling.  The  other  novices  are  led  by  their  instruct- 
ors, who  dash  wildly  about  among  the  people.  When  first  leading  the 
novices  the  theurgists  maintain  an  upright  position,  but  they  growl 
and  make  hideous  noises;  afterward  they  throw  themselves  and  the 
novices  almost  bodily  on  the  floor,  and  in  this  way  they  approach  an 
invalid  and  suck  at  some  spot  upon  the  body.  The  theurgists  are 
given  the  power  through  the  Beast  Gods  to  see  into  the  body  and 
detect  disease  and  bring  it  forth,  that  they  may  see  with  the  physical 
eye  what  they  have  already  seen  with  the  mind's  eye.  It  is  but  the 
work  of  an  instant.  Suddenly  the  doctor  raises  himself  and  with  the 
palm  of  his  right  hand  receives  from  his  mouth  what  he  is  supposed 
td  have  -ucked  from  the  body  of  the  invalid.  The  legerdemain  is 
perfect.  Amid  a  wild  noise,  and  between  a  shout  and  a  growl,  the 
hand  is  thrown  around  the  head  and  the  supposed  extracted  material 
i-  deposited  in  a  bowl  which  is  guarded  by  an  aged  woman,  who  has 
a  vase  of  water  and  a  gourd  by  her  side,  so  that  she  can  give  water  to 
those  who  need  it.  The  people  seem  to  believe  implicitly  in  this 
humbuggery. 


stevenson]  JIA/TKE    tSAN'nAKWE  563 

After  the  novices  are  fairly  instructed  they,  the  small  boy  excepted," 
make  awkward  attempts  at  healing-  the  sick. 

As  all  those  forming  the  choir  are  members  of  the  order  of  Mystery 
medicine,  they  take  turns  in  leaving  their  places  to  practice  on  the 
sick.  The  women,  though  far  less  graceful  than  the  men,  appear 
wilder;  they  cry  out  louder  and  gesticulate  more  vehemently.  One 
very  old  woman  with  perfectly  white  hair,  known  as  the  Great  Mother 
of  the  fraternity,  seems  wilder  than  any  of  the  men. 

After  a  time  a  theurgist,  whose  body  is  inhabited  by  the  spirit  of 
the  Cougar,  advances  on  all  fours  to  the  altar  and  taking  his  mi'li 
from  the  altar  raises  and  lowers  it  and  then  moves  it  sidewise,  invok- 
ing the  Beast  Gods  to  give  him  power  as  their  agent;  then  he  backs 
down  the  long  room,  never  taking  his  eyes  off  the  mi'li,  which  he  holds 
upward  before  his  face,  moving  it  to  and  fro.  He  is  followed  by  men 
in  whose  bodies  the  Bear.  Badger,  and  Wolf  are  spiritualty  present, 
the  former  carrying  the  little  novice  on  his  back,  as  before.  They 
leave  the  house  to  visit  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  U'huhukwe 
(Eagle  down  fraternity),  which  is  also  holding  a  meeting. 

After  each  member  of  the  choir  has  had  a  turn  in  healing  Nai'uchi, 
the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  comes  to  the  floor  as  the  White  Wolf, 
and  he  i^  by  far  the  most  graceful  man  who  appears.  He  wears  his 
warrior  plume  wand  attached  to  the  crown  of  his  head  and  extending 
backward,  and  the  inevitable  fluffy  eagle  feather,  colored  red,  attached 
to  his  forelock.  The  war  pouch  worn  earlier  in  the  evening  has  been 
removed.  He  moves  about  in  a  beautiful,  graceful  way,  sucking  at 
the  shoulders,  limbs,  or  feet  of  the  invalids.  Several  others  perform 
after  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  takes  his  seat  by  the  altar. 

After  the  party  returns  from  visiting  the  U'huhukwe  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  removes  the  large  bowl  from  the  side  of  the  old 
woman,  brings  it  to  the  altar,  and  waves  it  in  a  circle;  then  he  carries 
it  from  the  house  and  empties  the  contents  in  an  excavation  in  the  earth 
which  has  been  made  for  the  purpose  near  by  and  carefulty  fills  the 
excavation.  After  the  removal  of  the  bowl,  a  girl  of  12,  one  of  6 
years,  and  a  little  boy  whose  body  is  painted  to  represent  the  heavens, 
form  in  file  and  dance.  The  eldest  girl  is  on  the  north  end,  the  younger 
girl  on  the  south,  and  the  boy  between.  They  dance  up  and  down  side- 
wise,  first  facing  south,  then  north,  turning  at  each  end  of  the  room. 
At  the  same  time  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  dances  before  the  altar, 
dipping  his  eagle  plumes  into  the  medicine  water  and  sprinkling  the 
altar  by  striking  the  plumes  in  the  manner  before  described.  Going 
to  the  cardinal  points,  he  sprinkles  in  the  same  way  north,  west,  south, 
and  east:  he  is  then  joined  by  a  man  representing  the  Bear,  when  the 

allembers  of  Mystery  medicine  must  have  arrived  at  years  ol  discretion  before  they  are  instructed 
in  healing. 


")t'>4  THE    ZTNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

two  repeat  tlie  sprinkling  of  the  altar  and  the  four  region?.  Return- 
ing to  the  altar,  they  dance  before  it  for  a  long  time,  throwing  their 
caul''  plumes  out  and  then  drawing  them  in  by  a  movement  of  the 
shoulder.  At  times  each  runs  an  arm  through  the  other's,  making 
the  right  hand  of  one  appear  to  be  the  left  hand  of  the  other.  This 
causes  great  amusement  among  the  people,  particularly  when  each 
one,  showing  evidence  of  weariness,  desires  that  the  other  should  act 
as  his  support.  This  is  the  only  exhibition  of  mirth  throughout  the 
entiie  ceremonial.  The  dance  closes  at  dawn  with  the  two  repeating 
the  sprinkling  of  the  four  regions  with  the  medicine  water,  after 
which  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  as  protector  of  the  altar,  resumes 
his  seat  by  it  and  the  other  returns  to  the  choir.  The  women  go 
outside  the  house  to  sprinkle  meal  to  the  rising  sun.  The  candles 
are  now  extinguished  so  that  the  first  light  of  day  may  be  seen 
through  the  eastern  window,  and  first  the  men  and  afterward  the 
women  assemble  before  the  altar  to  offer  their  prayers  to  the  ap- 
proaching Sun  Father;  and  as  the  first  light  comes  into  the  room  the 
novices  step  within  the  circle  of  the  sand  painting.  Their  feet  and 
limits  are  bathed  with  the  sands,  and  this  most  attractive  painting  is 
destroyed.  A  long  prayer  is  repeated  by  all  as  the  novices  stand 
within  the  circle.  They  remain  standing  while  medicine  water  is 
administered,  first  to  those  immediately  before  the  altar  and  afterward 
to  the  invalids  scattered  throughout  the  room.  The  group  in  front 
of  the  altar  now  disperses,  each  person  taking  his  ini'li  from  it. 
The  medicine  stones  forming  the  wings  and  tail  of  the  bird  in  the  dry 
painting  are  gathered  from  the  sand  by  their  owners,  and  the  novices 
are  seated  and  receive  their  mi'wachi  and  prayer  plumes  with  the 
same  ceremony  as  described  in  Great  Fire  fraternity.  Later  in  the 
day  the  novices,  in  company  with  their  fraternity  fathers,  go  a  dis- 
tance from  the  village  and  plant  the  prayer  plumes  given  them  by  the 
fraternity. 

SUN    DANCE    OF   THE    PE'SHATSILO*KWE    (CIMEX    FRATERNITY) 

The  Zunis  are  tilled  with  the  wildest  superstitions  concerning  this 
ceremonial,  which  is  celebrated  once  in  four  years  by  the  Little  Fire 
and  the  Cimex  fraternities  alternately  in  the  month  of  March.  It  is 
believed  that  the  original  fire  was  the  gift  of  the  Sun  Father,  the 
wood  being  stacked  high  over  an  excavation  by  the  Hopi  Indians,  just 
as  is  done  at  the  present  time,  and  lighted  by  the  sun's  rays.  The 
writer  lias  observed  several  sun  dances  of  the  Little  Fire  and  Cimex 
fraternities.     The  one  described  occurred  in  March,  1904. 

The  fraternity  convenes  on  the  2d  of  March  and  holds  a  four  nights' 
ceremonial  similar  to  the  one  described  in  the  preceding  pages  relat- 
ing to  the  Little  Fire  fraternity.  On  the  third  day  of  the  meeting 
ten  men   brine  on  their  backs  from  the  woods  south  of  Zuni  each 


steves- s  MA/TKE    tSAN'nAKWE  565 

a  load  of  ai'iko  (juniper,  species  not  yet  identified),  and  deposit  it  in 
the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  it  remains  until  the  rising  of  the 
morning  star,  at  which  time  it  is  carried  to  the  Si'aa'  te'wita.  A  cir- 
cular excavation  about  2£  feet  in  diameter  is  made,  and  a  smaller  one 
is  dug  in  the  center  of  this,  in  which  prayer  plumes  and  medicine  are 
deposited.  These  are  covered  with  earth,  and  the  wood  is  piled  in 
and  over  the  excavation  until  it  reaches  the  roof  of  theHe'iwa  (North) 
ki'w  i'sinc.  which  stands  on  the  north  side  of  the  plaza.  The  pile  is 
lighted  and  allowed  to  burn  until  only  coals  remain,  when  two  mem- 
bers of  the  Cimex  fraternity  rake  the  coals  out  of  the  bed,  scatter 
them  over  a  considerable  surface,  and  beat  them  with  long  poles  about 
4  inches  in  diameter  until  they  are  broken  into  small  pieces.  The  coals 
which  have  lost  the  red  color  are  gathered  in  a  mound  over  the  exca- 
vation with  wooden  shovels;  the  finer  coals  are  next  brushed  to  the 
mound  with  a  hunch  of  juniper  twigs,  and  finally  the  shovels  are  used 
to  pack  the  mound  into  a  symmetrical  form.  The  plaza  is  then  swept 
to  make  ready  for  the  arrival  of  the  fraternity,  and  it  is  not  long 
before  the  dancers  appear,  led  by  a  woman  wearing  an  ordinary 
black  dress  with  a  mi'ha  (sacred  embroidered  blanket)  fastened  close 
about  her  neck.  She  also  wears  a  number  of  necklaces  and  a  pair  of 
tine  white  deerskin  moccasins  with  black  soles,  and  she  carries  in  her 
right  hand  a  mi'li  and  in  her  left  a  meal  basket.  She  is  followed  by  a 
man  whom  the  writer  terms  the  sprinkler.  He  wears  a  white  cotton 
shirt  and  an  embroidered  kilt  ornamented  with  a  band  of  blue-green, 
at  each  end  of  which  a  game  of  sho'liwe"  is  painted.  The  band  S3'in- 
bolizes  the  vegetation  of  the  world.  The  kilt  is  held  on  with  an 
embroidered  sash  and  a  woman's  red  belt  fastened  at  the  right  side. 
He  also  wears  blue  knit  leggings,  tied  below  the  knee  with  blue 
yarn,  which  hangs  in  tassels  and  is  ornamented  with  sleigh  bells, 
and  dance  moccasins.  In  addition  to  the  many  necklaces  he  wears 
a  hank  of  blue  yarn.  A  bunch  of  yellow  and  green  parrot  plumes 
is  attached  to  the  forelock,  and  a  wand,  composed  of  long  parrot-tail 
feathers  and  two  fluffy  eagle  plumes  with  an  aigret  of  yellow  parrot 
plumes  at  the  base,  the  whole  finished  off  with  long  streamers  of 
red  and  green  ribbons,  is  attached  upright  to  the  back  of  the  head. 
The  hair  hangs  loosel}"  down  the  back.  The  other  male  dancers 
wear  white  embroidered  kilts  with  white  fringed  sashes  and  women's 
red  belts  fastened  at  the  right  side  and  fox  skins  pendent  at  the 
back.  The  feet  and  legs  are  bare.  A  hank  of  black  or  blue  yarn  is 
tied  around  the  right  wrist  and  a  bow  wristlet  is  on  the  left.  Yarn 
is  also  tied  around  the  throat  in  addition  to  the  beads,  and  an  eagle- 
tail  plume  is  suspended  to  the  yarn  at  the  back  of  the  neck.  They 
wear  wreaths  of  yucca  ribbon  tied  in  fanciful  bows  or  knots  at  each 
side  of  the  head.     There  is  a  daub  of  yellow  paint  on  each  scapula, 

"  See  Games. 


566  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.28 

each  ;irm  below  the  shoulder,  and  each  breast.  Each  one  carries  a 
large,  unpainted  gourd  rattle  in  the  right  hand  and  two  eagle-Ming' 
plumes  and  a  corn-busk  package  of  meal  in  the  left.  The  two  novices 
carry  each  a  blanket,  one  red  and  one  black,  gifts  from  their  fraternity 
fathers,  rolled  into  as  small  a  package  as  possible,  and  quantities  of 
prayer  plumes.  The  women  wear  the  ordinary  black  dress,  with  a 
white  blanket  bordered  in  red  and  blue  fastened  over  the  shoulders. 
Their  feet  and  limbs  are  also  bare.  Each  has  a  fluffy  eagle  plume, 
colored  red,  tied  to  the  forelock.  They  wear  turquoise  earrings  and 
many  necklaces,  and  the}-  also  carry  two  eagle-wing  feathers  and  a 
corn-husk  package  of  meal  in  the  left  hand;  they  have  nothing  in  the 
right. 

The  dancers  go  direct  from  the  ceremonial  chamber  to  the  plaza  in 
single  file,  the  female  leader  being  immediately  before  the  sprinkler. 
The  men  sing  and  shake  their  rattles.  They  dance  in  a  circle  around 
the  coal  bed.  Then  the  sprinkler  approaches  the  coals  and  sprinkles 
them  with  the  medicine  water  from  the  bowl.  A  feather  wand  is  used 
for  the  sprinkling."  Returning  to  the  line  of  dancers  he  sprinkles 
the  one  next  to  him,  and  the  man  leaves  the  line  and  dances  about  the 
tire,  performing  animal-like  antics,  and  sprinkling  the  meal  from  his 
corn-husk  package  over  the  coals,  he  jumps  into  them  and  dances  a 
moment  or  two.  He  returns  to  the  line  and  the  sprinkler  repeats  the 
ceremony  over  the  coals  and  then  sprinkles  the  next  dancer,  who 
repeats  the  ceremony  of  the  former.  None  seem  more  enthusiastic  or 
more  ready  to  jump  into  the  coals  than  the  two  young  novices.  There 
is  no  special  time  for  remaining  in  the  burning  bed.  Some  are  able  to 
endure  it  much  longer  than  others.  The  women  do  not  remain  in  the 
tire  so  long  as  the  men.  After  all  the  dancers  have  passed  through 
the  tire  they  retire  from  the  plaza  to  the  ceremonial  chamber. 

To  those  who  had  not  before  observed  this  ceremony  it  would  still 
appear  as  remarkable,  but  the  writer  finds  it  quite  different  from  those 
previously  observed.  There  is  a  waning  of  enthusiasm  and  the  fire  is 
not  so  great.  On  previous  occasions  the  men  ran  their  arms  into  the 
glowing  coals  in  addition  to  dancing  in  them.  Altogether  the  scene 
in  former  years  was  more  weird  and  exciting. 

Eight  bowls  containing  medicine  prepared  from  yarrow  (Achillea 
millefolium)  stand  in  line  before  the  altar  in  the  ceremonial  chamber. 
The  dancers  are  bathed  in  the  medicine  before  they  go  to  the  plaza. 
The  first  four  in  the  line  of  dancers  use  the  medicine  from  the  four 
bowls  on  the  north  side  and  the  next  four  from  those  on  the  south, 
the  line  of  dancers  alternating  in  this  way  before  going  to  the  plaza. 
The  bathing  is  repeated  previous  to  each  visit  to  the  plaza  to  prevent 
burning. 

The  Zufii  declare  that  elaborate  exhibitions  of  jugglery  occurred 


"  \  number  of  photographs  of  the  dance  were  secured. 


stkvknson]  MA/TKE    TSAN'NAKWE  567 

within  the  memory  of  some  of  the  aged  men.  Men  were  apparently 
butchered  limb  by  limb,  the  members  being-  cast  into  the  fire.  Some- 
times the  throat  only  was  cut.  The  butchered  man  was  gathered  in  a 
mi'ha  and  carried  to  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  and  the  mi'ha  dropped  through 
the  hatchway,  when  the  man  rose  in  perfect  condition.  "One  who 
passes  through  this  ordeal  never  dies,  but  lives  to  old  age  to  sleep  to 
awake  in  Ko'thluwala'wa"  (abiding  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods). 
An  aged  salt-gatherer  from  Hopi,  who  passed  through  Zufii,  described 
to  the  writer  some  of  the  scenes  with  the  tire  in  his  own  village, 
declaring  that  he  himself  had  been  cut  to  pieces  and  cast  into  the  fire. 

There  are  live  men  of  this  fraternity  who  have,  in  addition  to  the 
medicine  practices  observed  by  the  fraternity,  a  form  known  only  to 
themselves  that  came  from  the  Snake  fraternity  of  the  Hopi  Indians, 
which  originally  comprised  four  orders — Mystery  medicine,  Snake, 
Jugglery,  and  the  Dead.  The  director  of  the  first  order,  becoming 
ill  some  j-ears  since,  determined  that  after  his  death  this  medicine 
should  not  remain  in  the  Hopi  land,  where  disputes  were  constantly 
arising  between  the  Navahos  and  Hopis  as  to  who  possessed  the  most 
valuable  medicine.  The  director  declared  that  his  medicine  was  too 
valuable  and  dear  to  him  to  be  the  subject  of  dispute,  and  he  sent  his 
younger  nephew  to  Zufii  to  bring  to  him  at  once  his  elder  nephew, 
who  had  gone  thither  man}'-  3'ears  before,  at  the  time  of  a  famine  in  the 
Hopi  country,  and,  marrying  a  Zufii  woman,  had  remained  at  that 
pueblo.  On  appearing  before  his  uncle  the  elder  nephew  was 
instructed  in  the  secrets  of  the  medicine,  and  the  medicine  bags, 
fetishes,  etc.,  were  given  to  him,  with  instructions  from  the  uncle  to 
carry  all  to  Zufii  and  to  form  a  small  fraternity,  or  an  order  in  a 
fraternity.  The  nephew  remained  with  the  Hopis  four  days  after  his 
uncle's  death  and  then  returned  to  Zufii.  He  waited  two  years  before 
saying  anything  of  the  secrets  told  him,  and  then,  being  a  member  of 
the  Mystery  medicine  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity  of  Zufii,  he  invited 
four  of  his  fellows  to  meet  at  his  home,  where  he  organized  the  order. 
The  four  were  fully  initiated,  and  he  became  the  director  of  this 
special  body  of  medicine  men. 

This  order  extracts  disease  inflicted  by  witchcraft,  but  the  mode 
followed  is  in  some  respects  different  from  that  observed  by  the  orders 
of  Mystery  medicine  of  the  Zufiis.  While  the  latter  draw  out  disease 
by  sucking,  first  bringing  the  cause  of  the  disease  to  the  surface  by 
penetrating  the  flesh  with  the  eye  or  by  placing  pinches  of  meal  over 
the  body  praying  that  the  trouble  will  be  located  by  a  meal  spot,  the 
Hopi  order  locates  the  cause  of  disease  by  the  sense  of  touch  after 
placing  meal  spots  over  the  body,  and  the  doctor  has  within  himself 
the  power  of  healing — he  is  therefore  a  shaman  and  not  a  theurgist. 
He  uses  his  hands  altogether  in  drawing  material  from  the  body. 
There  is  a  great  desire  on  the  part  of  other  members  of  the  Little 


568  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.  xnn.  23 

Fire  fraternity  to  join  the  Hopi  order,  but  the  director  refuses  all 
increase  of  membership,  declaring  it  to  have  been  the  wish  of  his 
uncle  to  • keep  his  secrets  confined  to  a  few.  The  paraphernalia 
belonging;  to  this  order  remained  for  a  long  time  in  the  home  of  the 
director,  but  during  a  visit  of  the  writer  to  Zuni  it  was  removed  to 
the  home  of  his  fraternity  child  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  who  is 
a  woman  and  the  wife  of  a  Mexican  captured  (when  a  child)  by  the 
Zunis  and  afterward  adopted  into  the  tribe."  When  an  invalid  desires 
the  presence  of  a  shaman  of  the  Hopi  order,  he  wraps  meal  in  a  corn 
husk  and  a  member  of  the  family  is  dispatched  with  it,  with  a  request 
for  the  doctor  to  visit  the  invalid.  The  shaman,  like  the  theurgist.  is 
usually  paid  after  each  visit  with  calico,  cotton,  or  food,  according  to 
the  wealth  of  the  family,  since  it  is  always  understood  that  these 
doctors  expect  proper  compensation  for  their  services. 

Some  time  ago  reports  came  to  Zuni  that  a  man  of  the  Snake  frater- 
nity at  Murshong'nuvi  intended  creating  an  order  such  as  the  one 
described,  or,  rather,  reestablishing  it,  and  the  Zuni  director  hastened 
to  Murshong'nuvi,  but  the  old  man  declared  that  he  had  had  no  such 
intention.  He  said:  "  I  know  well  that  the  deceased  director  did  not 
intend  that  anyone  should  continue  the  order  among  the  Hopi,  and  we 
should  be  afraid  to  do  so." 

Considerable  jealousy  is  felt  by  the  Zuiiis  over  the  feats  performed 
by  the  Hopi.  A  theurgist  of  the  Little  Fire  fraternity,  referring  to 
the  Hopi  jugglers,  declared  them  to  be  great.     He  said: 

Once,  when  a  friend  and  I  were  visiting  Walpi,  a  member  of  the  order  of  Jugglery 
of  the  Snake  fraternity  called  to  us  to  give  him  a  head-kerchief.  My  friend  handed 
his  to  the  man,  who  first  held  it  at  diagonal  corners;  then  he  pulled  it,  first  through 
one  hand  and  then  through  the  other,  beginning  each  time  midway  of  the  head-ker- 
chief, on  the  bias.  He  then  pressed  it  to  his  breast  and  presently  threw  down  two 
snakes,  which  at  once  moved  about.  The  head-kerchief  was  nowhere  to  be  seen. 
He  secured  the  snakes,  and,  pressing  them  to  his  breast,  the  head-kerchief  soon 
reappeared. 

ORDER    OF    PA'YATAMU    OF   THE    LITTLE    FIRE* FRATERNITY 

Though  the  present  Zunis,  as  a  class,  believe  the  Little  Fire  frater- 
nity to  have  originated  with  the  Hopis  and  to  have  been  introduced  by 
them  into  the  A'shiwi  ritual,  they  do  not  credit  the  order  of  Pa'yatamu 
of  this  fraternity  as  coming  from  the  Hopi  Indians;  yet  the  two  peo- 
ples' ideas  of  the  god  of  music  are  so  similar  that  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  he  has  been  borrowed  by  one  or  the  other.  The  Zuni 
legend  regarding  the  origin  of  the  order  of  Pa'yatamu  is  as  follows: 

The  godB  of  war  while  strolling  about  the  country  some  3  miles  east  of  Zuni,  were 
attracted  by  very  sweet  music  and  they  proceeded  to  learn  its  source.  On  approach- 
ing the  mesa  Shun'te'klaya  they  discovered  that  the  music  issued  from  a  spring 
(bearing  the  same  name  as  the  mesa;  and  also  A'mitolan  te'poula,  rainbow  covering 

o  This  Mexican  iv  nut  allowed  to  observe  the  masked  dances,  but  they  occur  in  his  house  (when  he 
must  absent  himself),  since  he  has  left  the  home  of  the  mother-in-law  for  a  residence  of  hia  own. 


BUREAU  OP  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT.     PL.  C 


PLUME  OFFERINGS  MADE  AT  SHRINE  OF  PAl'YAT'YAMO,  GOD  OF  Ml 


stevenson]  tko'shi'kwe  569 

entrance)  at  the  base  of  the  mountain.  Here  they  found  Pa'yatamu"  playing  on  his 
flute,  while  eisrht  beautiful  maidens  ground  corn  and  sang. 

On  their  return  to  the  village  the  Gods  of  War  told  of  their  visit  to  Pa'yatamu 
and  of  his  beautiful  music,  and  when  the  Little  Fire  fraternity  was  preparing  for 
a  ceremonial  the  director  dispatched  a  member  of  the  fraternity  for  Pa'yatamu 
requesting  that  he  come  and  play  his  flute  while  their  maidens  ground  medicine. 
Tin'  god  complied  with  the  request,  and  remained  four  days  and  nights,  accompany- 
ing on  his  flute  the  maidens  in  their  songs  as  they  ground.  On  the  fifth  morning 
lir  passed  his  flute  to  the  lips  of  those  present  that  the  sacred  breath  might  be 
drawn  from  the  flute,  and  then  be  departed  for  his  home  at  Shun'te'klaya. 

Again,  when  the  Corn  maidens  were  to  dance,  a  warrior  and  another  member  of 
the  Little  Fire  fraternity  were  sent  to  ask  Pa'yatamu  to  be  present  for  the  occasion, 
lie  arrived  the  night  previous  to  the  dance  and  went  at  once  to  the  ceremonial 
chamber  of  the  fraternity,  where  he  remained  until  morning.  At  sunrise  he  accom- 
panied a  warrior  of  the  fraternity  to  Si'aa'  te'wita  and  took  his  seat  on  the  north 
side  of  the  hiim'pone  (pavilion)  erected  for  the  dancers  and  just  outside  of  it  to  the 
east,  a  position  similar  to  the  one  occupied  by  him  when  he  observed  the  Corn 
maidens  dance  the  first  time  in  I'tiwanna.6  Pa'yatamu  played  for  a  portion  of  the 
dances,  which  were  called  sho'kowe  (name  of  Pa'yatamu's  flute),  to  distinguish  them 
from  those  dances  when  Pa'yatamu  did  not  play.  Before  leaving  I'tiwanna,  he  pre- 
sented his  flute  to  a  member  of  the  fraternity,  and  initiated  him  into  the  secret  of 
playing  upon  it.  The  god  of  music  never  again  appeared  to  the  fraternity.  This 
man  in  turn  initiated  nine  other  members,  forming  an  order  which  he  named  Pa'ya- 
tamu, after  the  god,  and  himself  became  the  director  of  the  order.  A  flute  was  fash- 
ioned after  the  one  presented  by  Pa'yatamu  for  each  member  of  the  new  order. 

The  novice  receives  from  his  fraternity  father  a  flute  and  the  te'na'sali, 
mixture  of  the  order.  The  order  plays  at  the  time  of  the  'Hla'hewe 
ceremonial  (see  page  180).  Many  of  the  prayer  plumes  offered  to 
Pa'yatamu  are  much  longer  than  those  commonly  offered  to  the  gods, 
and  are  very  attractive  (see  plate  cxxviii). 

'Ko'shi'kwe  (Cactus  Fraternity) 

Membership  in  the  'Ko'shi'kwe  is  confined  to  males.  A  man  who 
kills  an  enemy  but  does  not  take  the  scalp,  and  one  cured  of  a  wound 

a  Pa'yatamu  causes  flowers,  especially  the  te'na'sali,  to  bloom  with  the  music  of  his  flute,  and  with 
it  he  calls  together  the  butterflies  of  the  world.  The  te'na'sali,  a  plant  supposed  to  bear  blossoms  of 
the  colors  of  the  six  regions,  is  collected  once  in  four  years  by  those  specially  designated  for  the 
purpose.  Two  prayer  plumes  to  the  sun  and  moon,  two  to  Pa'yatamu,  and  two  to  te'na'sali  are  made 
by  each  collector  and  deposited  just  previous  to  collecting  the  plant.  The  A'shiwanni  and  the 
esoteric  fraternities,  except  the  Bow  priesthood  and  Cactus,  have  both  the  root  and  flowers  of  the 
Te'na'sali.  It  is  claimed  by  the  directors  of  the  order  of  Pa'yatamu  of  the  Little  Fire  and  Cimex 
fraternities  that  they  combine  with  the  flowers  of  the  te'na'sali  the  hearts  of  butterflies  and  dragon 
flies.  This  is  known  as  the  sun  medicine.  The  te'na'sali  is  ground  in  the  fraternity  chamber  amid 
great  ceremony.  All  the  flutes  belonging  to  the  order  are  played,  while  tbe  musicians  stand  before 
the  altar.  The  te'na'sali  is  deposited  in  a  large  shell,  which  stands  on  the  cloud  symbol  of  meal  at 
the  altar,  and  crushed  with  a  smaller  shell  by  the  director  of  the  order  of  Pa'yatamu. 

The  te'na'sali  is  always  used  by  the  Hunters  fraternity  in  connection  with  their  ceremonial  hunt, 
but  they  do  not  possess  the  hearts  of  the  butterflies  and  dragon  flies.  The  powdered  flowers  and  root 
of  the  te'na'sali  are  administered  in  small  quantities  to  the  male  members  of  the  fraternities.  No 
woman  must  have  this  powder,  as,  if  she  were  married,  she  would  be  unfaithful  to  her  husband;  if 
unmarried,  she  would  be  filled  with  amorous  desires. 

The  same  powder  is  taken  into  the  mouth  and  spit  out  upon  the  body  for  psychic  purification,  and 
it  is  also  spit  out  when  one  is  traveling  to  insure  following  the  right  course. 

t>  See  p.  4S. 


570  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ANN.  23 

I'm  mi  arrow,  bullet,  or  dog  bite,  is  eligible  for  membership  in  the 
'Ko'shi'kwe.  If  a  man  is  struck  t>y  a  flying  bit  of  cactus  during-  an 
outdoor  ceremony  and  is  caught  as  he  runs  off,  he  joins  the  fraternity. 
A  member  of  the  Cactus  fraternity  can  not  join  the  A'pi"l;ishiwanni 
(How  priesthood)  until  he  has  taken  four  scalps. 

A  shrine  of  the  Cactus  fraternity  is  in  an  arched  cave  in  the 
western  wall  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  (Corn  mountain).  Great  numbers 
of  te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes)  are  deposited  here  by  the  fraternity; 
and  some  distance  below  this  shrine  is  a  shelf  containing  a  large  bed 
of  cactus  (Opuntia  arborescens).  This  entire  bed  is  the  'property 
of  the  Cactus  fraternity,  and  it  is  never  touched  except  by  order  of 
the  director  of  the  fraternity.  A  single  plant  about  2£  feet  high, 
which  is  isolated  from  the  others  and  very  symmetrical,  is  a  most 
important  object  to  the  fraternity.  Offerings  are  deposited  at  the 
base  of  this  plant  and  upon  it  when  cactus  is  to  be  collected  by  the 
fraternity. 

When  a  boy  has  been  restored  to  health  by  a  member  of  this  frater- 
nity his  father  goes  to  the  man  who  cured  him,  carrying  sacred  meal  in 
his  right  hand,  which  he  places  in  the  left  hand  of  the  other.  If  a  man 
is  cured,  he  goes  himself,  saying:  "I  wish  to  join  the  'Ko'shi'kwe." 
The  fourth  day  after  the  request  has  been  made  the  man  appealed  to 
prepares  four  prayer  plumes  of  feathers  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions 
and  the  eagle  and  turkey  plumes  as  offerings  to  the  deceased  members 
of  the  fraternity.  The  same  night  he  visits  the  house  of  the  novice  and 
presents  the  prayer  plumes,  saying:  "My  child,  deposit  these  to  the 
north,  west,  south,  and  east,  to  the  deceased  'Ko'shi'kwe."  The  fra- 
ternity convenes  the  fifth  day7  after  the  prayer  plumes  are  given  to 
the  novice.  Continence  is  observed  from  the  time  the  plumes  are 
given  until  the  fifth  day  following  the  closing  ceremonies.  Should 
continence  be  broken,  the  flesh  would  become  filled  with  cactus  needles 
unci  the  offender  would  die. 

The  ceremonial  of  initiation  here  described  occurred  in  October, 
1896.  The  fraternity  meet  in  the  morning,  and  the  members  proceed 
to  prepare  prayer  plumes  to  be  offered  to  the  Gods  of  War  and  the 
Ku'pishtaya  (lightning-makers),  that  they  will  intercede  with  the  u'wan- 
nami  (rain-makers)  to  send  rains  upon  Zufii.  The  mo'sona  (director) 
prepares,  in  addition  to  these  plumes,  four  others  and  a  la'showanne 
with  a  long  string  of  cotton  cord,  to  which  a  bit  of  turquoise  is  strung. 
The  deputy  carries  the  plumes  to  the  cactus  bed  at  Corn  mountain 
and  winds  the  string  attached  to  the  la'showanne  about  the  large 
cactus  plant  which  stands  alone;  the  string  is  so  delicately  woven 
over  the  plant  that  it  appears  like  a  web.  He  plants  at  the  base  of 
the  cactus  the  plumes  which  he  carries,  and  also  deposits  food  near 
tin'  plant  to  the  deceased  officers  of   the  fraternit}'.      He  then  cuts 


STEVENSON] 


'kh'shi'kwk  571 


;i  small  cactus,  brings  it  home  in  his  left  hand,  and  gives  it  to  the 
director,  who  places  it  at  the  hatchway  on  the  roof  of  the  ceremo- 
nial chamber.  The  tablet  altar  is  erected  in  the  afternoon.  The  fra- 
ternity tell  stories,  chat,  and  smoke  (they  do  not  sing-  or  dance)  until 
midnight,  when  they  retire.  No  woman  must  be  touched,  spoken  to, 
or  even  looked  upon  during  the  ceremonial.  When  a  woman  carries 
food  to  the  chamber  she  stamps  upon  the  roof  and  disappears  before 
anyone  ascends  to  receive  the  food.  There  is  a  little  singing  and 
dancing'  on  the  second  day.  both  in  the  morning  and  the  afternoon, 
and  the  story-telling  and  smoking  is  repeated  until  midnight,  when  all 
retire.  They  are  all  up  at  sunrise,  and  one  of  the  members  is  at  once 
dispatched  on  horseback  to  a  small  canyon  northeast  of  Zuni  to  collect 
long  willow  switches  for  the  ceremonial.  Before  the  willows  are  cut 
prayers  are  offered  and  meal  sprinkled  over  them.  The  director  pre- 
pares a  la'showanne  and  then  cuts  yucca  glauca  leaves  into  bits  about 
the  size  of  a  match  and  divides  all  of  the  pieces  except  two  between 
rive  men.  A  sixth  man,  who  is  designated  as  the  director  of  the  other 
five,  receives  the  la'showanne  and  the  two  extra  pieces  of  yucca, 
which  indicates  that  he  is  to  collect  a  cactus  plant  to  be  used  by  the 
officers  of  the  fraternity  and  a  piece  of  cactus  for  the  novice.  They 
start  at  once  for  Corn  mountain,  where  the  director  of  the  party 
attaches  the  la'showanne  to  the  large  cactus  plant  and  all  sprinkle  the 
plant  with  meal  and  pray  for  rain.  The  cactus  to  be  used  in  the  cere- 
monial is  now  collected.  The  director  cuts  but  two  pieces — the  plant 
which  is  to  be  used  by  the  officers  and  a  small  piece  for  the  novice. 
The  others  count  their  bits  of  jaicca,  each  one  cutting  as  many  pieces 
of  cactus  as  the  yucca  indicates.  Each  man  covers  his  pile  of  cactus 
with  cedar  branches,  wraps  it  with  rope,  and  carries  it  home  on  his 
back.  At  a  point  east  of  Zuni,  where  the  Shumai'koli  gods  and  their 
warriors  are  supposed  to  have  rested  on  their  return  from  their  visit 
to  Zuni  (see  p.  ill),  the  willow  and  cactus-bearers  are  met  by  the 
director,  his  deputy,  warrior,  the  novice,  and  his  fraternity  father, 
who  stop  within  50  3'ards  of  the  willow  and  cactus-bearers,  who 
stand  abreast  and  begin  their  song  as  soon  as  the  others  are  near;  the 
others  are  also  in  line,  and  all  but  the  novice  sing.  The  two  parties 
sing-  different  songs.  Both  sides  advance  very  slowly,  and  when 
they  meet  in  a  small  "wash"  all  sit  down  and  the  director  of  the 
cactus  party  pulls  out  the  piece  of  cactus  for  the  novice  and  ejects 
medicine  from  his  mouth  over  it;  all  then  rise  and  come  out  of  the 
"wash."  The  novice  places  his  left  foot  on  a  deserted  anthill  and  his 
right  foot  before  him  on  the  ground,  while  the  warrior  stands  in 
front  of  him  and  the  others  group  a  little  distance  behind.  His  head 
is  turned  to  the  south  and  his  left  shoulder,  which  has  been  bared 
of  the  shirt  sleeve,  is  raised  as  high  as  possible;   the  arms  hang. 


572  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

The  older  brother  Bow  priest,  who  is  oue  of  the  warriors  of  the 
fraternity,  takes  the  cactus  in  his  right  hand  and  passes  hi  a  circle 
around  the  novice:  returning  to  the  north  side  of  him.  he  stops,  faces 
north,  and  call.-  upon  the  Ku'pishtaya  of  the  North  to  be  present  and 
make  the  boy's  heart  good  and  brave  and  to  give  long  life.  Again  he 
encircles  the  novice,  passing  from  left  to  right,  and  facing  the  west 
repeats  the  same  call  upon  Ku'pishtaya.  Passing  around  the  novice 
once  more,  he  halts  at  the  south  and  makes  the  prayer:  passing  around 
him  again,  he  halts  at  the  east  and  prays.  Another  circle  is  made  ami 
he  halts  at  the  west  and  gives  the  call  upon  the  Ku'pishtaya  of  the 
Zenith.  Again  passing  around,  he  halts  at  the  south  and  calls  upon 
the  Ku'pishtaya  of  the  Nadir.  The  novice  does  not  change  his  posi- 
tion during  this  time.  The  warrior  now  strikes  the  novice  across  the 
left  shoulder  and  throws  on  the  ground  to  his  left  such  of  the  cactus 
as  remains,  and  then  joins  the  group.  The  fraternity  father  helps  the 
novice  on  with  his  shirt  sleeve,  and  all  proceed  in  tile  to  the  village. 
The  director  of  the  fraternity  leads,  followed  by  his  deputy,  warrior, 
fraternity  father,  novice,  director  of  cactus  collectors,  and  others. 
On  reaching  the  village  the  director  of  cactus  collectors  secures  six 
archaic  stone  knives  belonging  to  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  and 
places  them  in  couples  before  the  altar  of  the  'Ko'shi'kwe.  When  the 
others  reach  the  ceremonial  chamber  the  fraternity  father  takes  from 
a  basket  tray  before  the  altar  and  hands  to  the  novice  a  prayer  plume 
made  by  himself,  which  is  in  length  equal  to  the  distance  from  the  inner 
side  of  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  thumb.  This  is  an  offering  to  the 
Gods  of  War.  The  cactus-bearers  lay  each  piece  of  cactus  separately 
on  a  bench  placed  for  the  purpose  in  the  northeast  end  of  the  chamber. 
The  two  extra  pieces  of  cactus  and  the  long  willows  are  placed  north 
of  the  altar,  and  all  but  the  novice  exchange  their  clothing  for  the 
black  woven  breechcloth.  The  novice  sits  on  the  north  side  of  the 
room,  with  his  fraternity  father  to  his  right.  The  choir  group  at 
the  south  side  with  rattles  and  a  drum  made  of  wood  covered  with 
hide;  the  'Ko'shi'kwe  do  not  possess  a  potten  drum.  The  pe'kwin 
takes  his  seat  on  the  south  side  of  the  altar  and  before  it  and  proceeds 
to  consecrate  medicine  water,  a  member  of  the  fraternity  having  placed 
a  vase  of  water  and  gourd  by  him.  As  soon  as  the  pe'kwin  lifts  a 
gourd  of  water  to  empty  it  into  the  medicine  bowl,  the  choir  begins 
singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rattle  and  drum,  and  the  war- 
rior standing  before  the  altar  whirls  the  rhombus.  The  songs  are 
addressed  to  the  Ku'pishtaya  and  his  pe'kwin.  'Si'klahaya,  and  the 
deceased  A'pr'liishiwanni  (Bow  priesthood),  that  the  fraternity  may  be 
able  to  use  the  cactus  without  injury.  Six  small  stones  are  then 
dropped  separately  into  the  water. 

At   the  conclusion  of   the  consecration  of   the  water   the  warrior 
ceases  to  whirl  the  rhombus,  but  the  music  continues.     The  deputy 


STEVENS'  n 


'ko'shi'kwe  573 


rises  and  takes  a  bunch  of  willows  (the  willows  are  10  or  12  feet  long) 
in  his  left  hand  and  a  piece  of  the  cactus  which  was  placed  beside 
them  in  his  right.  The  director  also  takes  a  bunch  of  the  willows  in  his 
left  hand  and  the  other  piece  of  cactus  in  his  right.  The  elder  brother 
How  priest  and  another  warrior  take  willows  in  both  hands  and  the 
four  then  dance.  The  novice  now  removes  his  clothes,  puts  on  a  black 
woven  breechcloth,  and  stands  before  his  fraternity  father,  who  with 
a  hand  on  each  shoulder  moves  first  one  and  then  the  other  slightly 
forward,  while  the  novice  is  continually  moving  his  prayer  plume  up 
and  down.  After  dancing  a  while  the  four  officers  stand  before  the 
hoy  and  pray  for  rain,  for  a  good  heart,  and  for  the  health  of  the 
novice.  The  director  then  places  the  switches  and  cactus  before  the 
novice's  mouth,  shoulders,  head,  and  heart,  with  a  prayer  that  his 
heart  may  be  pure.  The  prayer  and  placing  of  the  willows  are 
repeated  by  the  other  officers;  then  all  the  members  take  either  cactus 
or  switches,  or  both,  and  repeat  this  ceremon}*  with  the  novice.  Some 
one  then  takes  the  place  of  the  fraternity  father  in  holding  the  novice's 
shoulders  while  the  former  repeats  the  ceremony  with  the  cactus  and 
willows.  The  director  now  takes  the  two  pieces  of  cactus"  in  each 
hand  and  gives  them  to  the  novice,  who  dances  around  with  the  cactus, 
running  it  under  his  arms  and  about  his  body.  There  is  no  need  for 
medicine  on  the  body  now,  as  the  medicine  was  put  on  his  cactus  at  the 
time  it  was  collected.  The  novice  dances  all  alone  for  about  half  an 
hour  and  then  resumes  his  seat  on  the  left  of  the  fraternity  father. 
The  fraternity  now  enjoys  a  repast  and  a  smoke,  and  the  ceremonies 
are  thus  ended  for  the  day. 

At  early  dawn  all  but  the  leader  of  the  song  and  his  alternate  and 
the  fraternity  father  and  the  novice  go  to  the  well,  where  they  make 
a  small  fire  and  heat  water,  and  after  washing  their  heads  in  yucca 
suds  bathe  their  entire  bodies.  The  novice  accompanies  his  fraternity 
father  to  his  house,  where  water  is  heated  and  the  fraternity  father 
washes  his  own  and  the  novice's  head  in  yucca  suds  and  bathes  his 
own  and  the  novice's  body.  The  wife  majT  heat  the  water,  but  the 
man  and  wife  do  not  speak  to  each  other,  and  the  man  does  not  look 
at  his  wife.  The  leader  of  the  song  and  his  alternate  remain  in  the 
ceremonial  chamber  to  prepare  medicine.  The}*  afterward  heat  water 
in  the  fireplace  and  bathe  without  leaving  the  chamber.  On  the  return 
of  the  fraternity  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  they  chew  native  squash 
seeds,  the  blossoms  of  which  have  been  dried  in  dark  rooms,  and  seeds 
of  a  burr  (not  yet  classified),  and  eject  the  mixture  into  the  palms  of 
the  hands  and  rub  their  bodies  to  prevent  injury  from  the  cactus.  All. 
including  the  fraternity  father  and  novice,  now  prepare  for  the  dance. 
The}-  wear  the  native  black  woven  breechcloth,  a  yucca  wreath 
arranged  around  the  head,  and  a  fluffy  eagle  plume  tied  to  the  forelock: 

a  The  cactus  is  always  soaked  in  water  lor  a  short  time  before  using. 


f>74  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ank.  23 

their  feet  are  bare.  Hunches  of  willows  are  carried  in  each  hand  by 
all  except  the  director,  who  carries  a  po'nepoyanne"  belonging  to  the 
A'pi"lashiwanni  and  leads  the  others  to  Si'aa'  te'wita.  They  proceed 
in  file,  waving  the  long  willows  gracefully  as  they  move  with  slow. 
measured  steps,  chanting  in  low  tones  their  prayers  to  the  new  day. 
while  the  drummer  beats  lightly  upon  the  drum.  The  scene  is  most 
impressive.  They  reach  the  plaza  just  as  the  sun  rises  above  the 
horizon;  after  forming  an  ellipse  and  dancing  twice  around,  the 
director  turns  his  face  inward,  which  is  the  signal  for  all  to  do  like- 
wise. They  cease  moving  and  the  director  steps  within  the  circle,  and 
holding  his  po'nepoyanne  upward  asks  that  his  people  may  have  good 
health,  that  their  hearts  may  be  pure,  aud  that  they  may  so  please  the 
gods  that  all  good  may  come  to  them  and  to  all  peoples.  They  then 
leave  the  plaza  as  they  came. 

After  breakfasting  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  the}'  prepare  for  a 
second  visit  to  the  plaza.  The  bodies  are  painted  white  with  kaolin, 
which  contains  the  mixture  of  the  chewed  squash  blossoms  and  seeds 
and  the  burr  seeds,  this  medicine  is  the  property  of  the  Gods  of 
War.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  has  the  upper  portion  of  his  face 
colored  black,  the  portion  below  the  upper  lip  painted  white  and  dot- 
ted over  with  hawk  down,  symbolizing  clouds;  a  bit  of  the  down  is 
stuck  on  the  end  of  the  nose.  The  others  have  their  faces  painted  a 
brownish  red,  with  a  line  of  micaceous  hematite  across  the  face,  under 
the  eyes,  and  a  spot  of  the  same' on  each  cheek.  All  wear  the  breech- 
cloth  and  a  belt,  from  which  falls  a  deep  fringe  of  goat's  wool,  with 
here  and  there  an  eagle  plume  attached,  and  a  fox  skin.  Pendent 
at  the  back  leather  armlets,  elaborate  necklaces,  hanks  of  blue  yarn, 
with  sleigh  bells  attached,  tied  around  the  leg  below  the  knee,  and 
moccasins.  The  hair  is  flowing  and  tied  at  the  nape  of  the  neck 
with  red  ribbons  or  garters.  A  yucca  wreath  is  worn  and  a  fluffy 
eagle  plume  colored  red  is  attached  to  the  forelock.  The  two  war- 
riors wear  their  war  pouches.  While  the  others  are  completing  their 
dress,  the  leader  of  the  dances,  whose  place  is  always  midway  of  the 
line,  and  his  fellow  sit  bjT  the  bench  of  cactus  and  eject  the  mixture  of 
squash  blossoms  and  seeds  over  each  piece,  and  rub  the  cactus  one  way 
repeatedly  with  long  fluffy  eagle  plumes,  afterward  sprinkling  bits  of 
hawk  down  over  it.  When  the  cactus  is  all  prepared  the  pe'kwin  of 
the  fraternity  goes  to  the  bench,  and  the  leader  of  the  dances  takes  a 
piece  of  cactus  in  each  hand  and  places  them  in  the  hands  of  the 
pe'kwin.  He  gives  two  pieces  of  cactus  to  another  officer  and  his 
alternate  gives  two  pieces  to  each  warrior,  the  officers  also  carrying 
willows.  Each  of  the  other  members  carries  a  bunch  of  willows, 
while  the  director,  who  precedes  the  fraternity,  bears  the  po'nepoy- 
anne (see  plate  cxxix),  they  all  go  to  the  plaza  through  the  eastern 

a  See  p.  59S,  note  a. 


I 


sTEVENfo.vj  tko'shi'kwe  575 

covered  way  in  the  manner  heretofore  described.  They  pass  around 
by  the  cast  side  to  the  north,  and  after  the}'  dance  around  twice 
they  stand  in  an  ellipse  and  dance  for  a  time.  Then  while  they  step 
very  slowly  a  warrior  runs  to  the  West.  The  other  warrior  (elder 
brother  How  priest),  following  him,  strikes  him  over  the  left  shoulder. 
The  director  runs  to  the  South  and  the  deputy  follows  him,  hitting 
him  over  the  left  shoulder.  Then  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  runs 
to  the  East,  the  other  warrior  following  and  striking  him  over  the 
left  shoulder.  The  deputy  then  runs  in  a  circle  indicating  the  Zenith 
and  the  director  strikes  him  on  the  left  shoulder,  and  the  warrior  runs 
in  a  circle  indicating  the  Nadir  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
strikes  him  on  the  left  shoulder.     They  then  join  the  dancers. 

There  are  four  dances  in  the  plaza  after  the  sunrise  dance;  at  the 
close  of  each  dance  the  fraternity  retire  to  their  ceremonial  cham- 
ber. Cactus  is  carried  in  the  first  three  dances  by  the  four  officers 
only,  but  the  willows  are  dispensed  with  for  the  fourth  dance,  and  all 
carry  large  pieces  of  cactus  in  each  hand.  The  mixture  of  squash 
blossoms  and  seeds  is  taken  into  the  mouth  of  each  member  before  he 
leaves  the  ceremonial  chamber.  At  times  the  dancers  leave  the  circle 
and  use  the  cactus  right  and  left,  and  all  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  near 
enough  to  be  struck  have  no  doubt  as  to  its  effect."  It  is  observed  that 
when  members  strike  one  another  they  usually  run  the  cactus  one  way, 
and  it  is  always  run  through  the  mouth  in  the  same  manner.  There 
are  some  exciting  scenes,  especially  when  the  two  warriors  leave  the 
plaza  and  return  with  huge  pieces  of  the  plant  and  enter  into  bouts 
with  it.  each  one  vying  with  the  other  in  his  exhibition  of  indifference 
to  the  pain  inflicted  by  the  other.  The  dancing  and  fighting  with 
cactus  in  the  plaza  continues  until  after  sunset,  when  the  fraternity 
return  to  their  chamber,  where  they  enjoy  a  repast.  After  smoking 
and  chatting  for  a  time,  they  dance  again  and  fight  with  cactus  in  the 
ceremonial  chamber  until  sunrise.  At  this  time  the  fraternity  father 
hands  a  corn  husk  to  the  novice  and  leads  him  to  a  painting  which  was 
made  on  the  floor  in  front  of  the  altar  before  sunset  the  previous  day.6 
The  novice  steps  upon  the  painting,  with  his  face  to  the  altar,  but 
in  a  moment  he  faces  the  east,  and  then  as  quickly  as  possible  turns 
around  on  the  painting  four  times,  and  stepping  outside  the  painting 
stoops  and  hunts  out  the  grains  of  corn,  depositing  them  in  the  corn 
husk.     Then  the  deputy  administers  medicine  water,  the  director^at 

a  When  the  cactus  breaks  off  in  the  outdoor  dance  the  members  note  the  circumstance,  and  if  it 
strikes  a  man  or  boy.  the  member  catches  him,  if  possible,  and  he  is  led  to  the  ceremonial  chamber, 
where  he  is  painted  and  dressed  like  the  others  and  comes  out  in  the  next  dance.  He  carries  switches 
in  the  dance,  accompanies  the  party  when  the  cactus  and  willows  are  buried,  and  plants  the  prayer 
plumes  given  him  by  the  man  who  caught  him  and  who  becomes  his  fraternity  father,  but  he  may 
not  use  cactus  until  he  is  fully  initiated. 

6  The  painting  is  a  ground  color  of  powdered  kaolin  on  ordinary  sand  laid  about  an  inch  thick  on 
the  floor.  Figures  of  the  Ku'pishtaya  of  the  six  regions  form  a  circle  on  the  disk.  A  diagonal  line, 
symbolic  of  the  galaxy,  crosses  the  disk  and  different-colored  grains  of  corn  represent  stars.  Cloud 
symbols  extend  from  the  periphery  of  the  disk  toward  the  altar. 


576  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.2S 

tin  same  time  collecting  the  sands  of  the  painting  with  eagle-wing 
feathers  and  the  hand  and  deposits  them  in  a  piece  of  cloth  which  is 
at  once  carried,  with  the  cactus  and  switches,  to  the  place  beyond  the 
village  where  the  novice  was  first  struck  with  cactus.  The  director  and 
pekwin  lead,  each  carrying  willows  held  with  the  right  hand  and  rest- 
ing over  the  left  arm.  A  portion  of  the  cactus,  which  is  now  much 
broken  from  use,  is  carried  on  the  willows.  A  warrior  follows  with 
the  cloth  containing  the  sands.  The  fraternity  father  comes  next,  car- 
rying the  yucca  wreaths  that  were  worn,  and  the  novice  carries  the  long 
plumes  given  him  by  his  fraternity  father.  An  excavation  is  made, 
and  the  willows  and  cactus  are  first  deposited,  then  the  yucca  wreaths, 
and  then  the  sands  from  the  painting  are  spread  over  the  whole.  All 
plant  prayer  plumes,  and  the  excavation  is  then  covered  with  earth. 

The  party  returns  to  the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  the  other 
members  await  them.  The  novice  takes  his  old  seat  and  the  warrior 
stands  before  him.  The  fraternity  father,  who  sits  to  his  right,  says: 
•"  Now  you  are  a  cactus  man.  Should  any  Kok'ko  [anthropic  god] 
hit  you  once,  do  nothing;  if  he  hits  you  twice,  do  nothing;  if  he  hits 
you  three  times,  do  nothing;  if  he  hits  you  four  times,  then  take  his 
yucca  from  him  and  whip  him;  break  the  beak  and  the  feathers  on  his 
mask.  Don't  be  afraid;  no  one  can  hurt  you.""  The  novice  replies: 
■*  It  is  well.  I  am  glad  to  hear  this."  This  closes  the  ceremony,  and 
all  return  to  their  homes  and  sleep  alone  on  sheepskins  with  the  wool 
side  clown,  for  the  cactus  needles  continue  to  work  out  of  the  flesh. 
The  squash  seeds  are  chewed  and  rubbed  constantly  over  the  wounds. 
Though  there  is  considerable  annoyance  from  the  needles  embedded  in 
the  flesh,  a  complaint  is  never  heard. 

The  cougar  medicine  of  the  'Ko'shi'kwe,  which  is  a  root,  comes 
principally  from  the  high  valleys  about  the  Jemez  mountains  in  New 
.Mexico  and  is  traded  to  the  Zunis  by  the  Cochiti  Indians,  who  under- 
stand the  value  of  the  cougar  medicine  for  some  diseases.  Only  the 
'Ko'shi'kwe  of  Zuiii  (according  to  the  statements  of  the  members  of 
this  fraternity)  recognize  its  value  for  wounds.  This  root  is  used  in 
conjunction  with  the  burr  seeds  previously  referred  to.  the  root  and 
seeds  being  chewed  and  then  applied  to  the  wound. 

A'l>rTLASHIWANNI    (BOW    PRIESTHOOD) 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  Bow  priesthood  was  organized  by  U'yu- 
yewi  and  Ma'sai'lema  (Gods  of  War)  after  the  A'shiwi  (Zunis)  reached 
1'tiwanna  (site  of  the  present  Zuiii),  and  these  gods  are  supposed  to 
have  been  represented  in  direct  succession  since  that  time  by  the  elder 
and  younger  brother  Bow  priests,  who  are  at  the  head  of  the  organi- 
zation and  who  carry  the  sacred  traditions  of  their  divine  predecessors. 

"  The  personators  of  the  Kok'ko  are  afraid  to  use  their  switches  on  members  of  the  'Ko'shi'kwe,  as 
after  one  stroke  a  member  of  this  fraternity  tells  the  god  to  strike  again,  and  it  is  regarded  as  cow- 
ardice to  refuse,  and  the  consequence  is  the  mask  of  the  personatorof  the  Kok'ko  is  soon  dilapidated. 
No  '»ii'  musl  interfere  in  the  affray. 


STEVENSON] 


577 


Although  the  Bow  priesthood  is  embraced  in  the  esoteric  fraternities 
of  the  Zunis,  it  is  in  a  way  quite  distinct  from  the  others  and  is  always 
referred  to  as  a  priesthood.  The  Bow  priesthood,  having  to  do  more 
especially  with  the  lightning-makers,  communicating  usually  directly 
with  them,  and  not  through  other  gods,  's  differentiated  from  the  other 
fraternities. 

Though  the  Kia'kwemosi  (rain  priest  of  the  North)  consults  with 
the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  (rain  priests),  it  is  his  prerogative  to  choose 
the  elder  brother  Bow  priest.  This  high  office,  however,  usually 
falls,  when  vacant,  to  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  unless  some 
other  member  of  the  organization  has  become  more  famous  in  war 
when  his  scalp  trophies  win  for  him  the  highest  honors  conferred  on 
any  member  of  this  body.  Though  the  offices  of  elder  and  younger 
Bow  priests  are  for  life,  the  incumbents  may  be  impeached  for  suffi- 
cient cause." 


INSTALLATION   OF    THE    ELDER    BROTHER   BOW   PRIEST 

A  meal  painting  is  made  (see  figure  33),  by  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest)  at 
sunrise  on  the  floor  of  a  room  in  the  dwelling  of  the  Shi'wano"kia,the 


Fig.  33. — Meal  painting  made  for  the  ceremony  of  the  installation  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest. 
1.  circle  of  meal  about  8  inches  in  diameter,  symbolic  of  the  waters  of  the  world — a  disk  is  afterward 
formed  by  filling  in  the  circle  with  meal;  2,  square  of  meal,  symbolic  of  a  mesa  with  rain,  indicated 
by  the  three  lines,  falling  upon  it;  3,  parallelogram,  symbolizing  the  boundary  of  the  Zuiii  territory; 
4,  straight  road  of  truth;  5-5,  lightning;  6-6,  position  of  the  men  when  standing  on  the  meal  pain  ting. 

Priestess  of  fecundity,  when  the  first  bod}'  of  A'shiwanni  and  officers  of 
the  esoteric  fraternities  (the  Ko'tikili,  mythologic  fraternity,  excepted) 
gather  in  the  same  order  as  described  in  the  initiation  of  associate 
shi'wanni.6  Upon  completion  of  the  painting,  the  Kia'kwemosi  takes 
position  west  of  the  disk  and  faces  east,  and  the  novice  stands  facing 
the  Kia'kwemosi,  who.  placing  his  hands  over  the  novice's  shoulders, 
spi-aks  to  him  of  his  duties  and  obligations,  and  adds:  "You  must 
have  a  good  heart  and  your  thoughts  must  be  pure,  that  the  rains 
may  fall  upon  our  land,  that  we  may  have  all  food/'  He  then  clasps 
the  novice's  hands,  holding  them  so  that  his  thumbs  are  on  the  top  of 
the  hands,  and  prays.     At  the  close  of  the  pra}rer  he  draws  the  clasped 

a  In  1903  Xai'uchi'  and  Me'she,  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests,  upon  being  reduced  to 
the  ranks  ceased  to  attend  the  meetings  of  the  fraternity. 
&See  A'shiwanni  i  Rain  priesthood). 

23  eth— 04 37 


578  THE    ZUNT    INDIANS  [eth.  akk.  23 

hands  to  his  month  and  breathes  upon  them,  and  extends  them  to  the 
DOvice's  mouth,  who  draws  all  that  is  good  from  the  Kia'kwemosi. 

Each  shi'wanni — and  afterward  the  officers  of  the  fraternities,  in 
order — stands  in  the  place  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  repeats  his  com- 
mands, the  novice  remaining  in  position  with  folded  arms.  The  novice 
afterward  offers  a  prayer  to  the  Sun  Father  to  give  him  a  good  heart 
that  his  prayers  for  the  welfare  of  his  people  may  be  heard,  and  he 
prays  to  the  Gods  of  War  to  intercede  with  the  Sun  Father  and  Kok'ko 
A'wan  (Council  of  the  Gods)  to  send  rains.  The  newly  ordained  elder 
brother  now  chooses  from  among  the  Bow  priesthood  his  fellow,  who 
comes  forward  and  stands  before  him  while  he  repeats  what  the  Kia'- 
kwemosi has  said,  after  which  he  takes  his  seat  to  the  right  of  the 
Kia'kwemosi,  who  now  rises  and  standing  before  the  newly  chosen 
one  repeats  the  ceremony  similar  to  that  held  over  the  elder  brother, 
after  which  each  shi'wanni  and  the  officers  of  the  fraternities  follow  in 
turn.  The  younger  brother  Bow  priest  now  takes  his  seat  to  the  right 
of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  and  the  pe'kwin  offers  a  prayer  to  the 
Sun  Father  for  the  well-being  and  good  heart  of  his  people,  which  is 
followed  by  prayers  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  again 
invokes  the  Gods  of  War.  Nothing  is  said  in  the  entire  ceremonial  in 
connection  with  the  enemy.  When  the  writer  inquired  of  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  why  there  was  no  reference  to  war  he  was  shocked, 
and  replied:  "  Only  prayers  for  good  and  rains  are  offered,  no  thought 
being  given  at  such  times  to  the  enemy." 

CEREMONIAL   OF   INITIATION    INTO    THE    BOW    PRIESTHOOD 

Although  this  organization  is  much  occupied  with  its  various  duties 
and  obligations,  it  celebrates  but  two  festivals — the  scalp  ceremonial, 
or  initiation  of  the  victor  into  the  A'pi'lashiwanni,  which  occurs  eveiy 
three  or  four  j^ears  and  after  the  return  of  a  victor;  and  the  o'wina- 
hai'ye  (harvest  dance)  annually,  in  October,  which  is  a  thanksgiving 
for  the  crops. 

The  mere  killing  of  an  enemy  does  not  entitle  the  victor  to  become 
a  member  of  the  A'pi'lashiwanni;  he  must  bear  as  trophies  the  scalp 
and  at  least  a  portion  of  the  buckskin  apparel  as  actual  proof  of  his 
prowess.  Thus  the  Zunis,  like  other  primitive  peoples,  make  trophy- 
bearing  a  requisite  of  distinction  as  warriors.  Though  the  scalp  is 
necessary  for  initiation  into  the  A'pr'lashiwanni,  one  who  does  not  take 
the  scalp  is  not  debarred  from  honorable  recognition — he  joins  the 
fraternity  of  the  lKo'shi'kwe  (Cactus).  At  least  such  was  the  case 
until  the  cessation  of  intertribal  wars;  and  now  that  scalping  has  vir- 
tually ceased,  the  scalp  ceremonial  is  still  held  every  three  or  four 
years,  by  command  of  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  for  two  reasons — 
to  please  the  Gods  of  War,  that  they  will  intercede  with  the  Sun  Father 
and  Council  of  the  Gods  for  rain,  and  that  the  organization  may  not 
become  extinct. 


STEVENSON]  a 'pi  'tlashiwj\  nni  579 

The  Zufiis  having  been  driven  to  step  aside  from  legitimate  pro- 
cedure, the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  selects  some  desirable  man 
and  initiates  him  into  the  A'pi'lashiwanni.  In  1896  there  were  only 
fifteen  members  of  the  fraternity,  a  number  of  these  being-  aged  men. 
The  scalps  used  at  these  times  are  taken  from  the  scalp  vase,  in 
which  such  trophies  have  rested  since  the  establishment  of  the  present 
Zufii,  or  perhaps  earlier,  and  the  ceremonial  is  identical  with  that 
which  occurred  when  the  victor  returned  with  the  fresh  scalp. 

The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  having  decided  upon  a  time  for  the 
ceremonial,  notifies  the  scalp  custodian,  who  in  turn  requests  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  to  designate  the  man  to  serve  as  elder  brother  to 
the  victor,  each  victor  having  a  member  of  the  A'pi'lashiwanni  to 
accompany  him  throughout  the  ceremonial  as  elder  brother.  The 
acceptance  of  such  appointment  is  optional,  and  occasionally  the  priest 
finds  difficulty  in  securing  a  man.  When  he  has  secured  one,  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  chooses  two  warriors  and  two  men  of  the  Coyote  clan 
to  personate  warriors,  preceding  the  victor  on  returning  from  battle. 
These  men  are  known  as  the  pa'sewikia.  Then  the  *si'hakoshona'kwe 
(scalp-washers)  and  their  fellows  are  appointed.  The  number  of 
scalp-washers  and  scalp-kickers  depends  on  the  number  of  scalps  taken. 
If  but  one  scalp  is  taken,  there  are  two  scalp-washers,  and  the  scalp  is. 
divided  with  an  archaic  stone  knife;  if  two  are  taken,  there  is  no  divi- 
sion of  the  scalp,  but  so  complete  is  the  dual  system  that  whenever  an 
odd  number  occurs  the  scalp  must  be  divided.  One  scalp-washer  and 
his  alternate  must  be  paternal  uncles  of  the  victor;  if  the  father  has 
no  brothers,  then  the  nearest  male  relatives,  grandfather  excepted,  on 
the  paternal  side.  The  same  relations  are  held  with  the  elder  brother 
and  the  other  scalp-washer  and  his  fellow.  The  i'tatononakwe  (scalp- 
kickers)  must  be  paternal  aunts  of  the  victor  and  elder  brother;  if 
there  are  no  aunts,  then  the  nearest  paternal  female  relatives,  grand- 
mother excepted. 

It  was  the  writer's  privilege  to  witness  the  ceremony  described, 
which  in  this  instance  began  in  October,  1891.  The  evening  of  the 
day  on  which  the  actors  are  selected  the  pa'sewikia,  equipped  with 
rifles,  leave  the  pueblo  on  horseback  and  spend  the  night  a  distance 
north  of  the  village.  They  start  on  their  return  at  sunrise,  and 
upon  the  discovery  of  the  first  ant-hill  the}'  dismount. 

The  two  warriors,  each  having  eight  olive  shells  (Olivella  bibli- 
cata_),  stand  a  short  distance  away,  while  the  other  two,  who  have  each 
a  string  of  shell  beads  that  will  encircle  the  thumb,  given  them  by  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  stoop  by  the  ant-hill.  The  two  warriors 
hold  the  shells  in  the  right  hand  close  to  the  mouth,  while  the  others 
hold  theirs  in  the  left  hand,  also  over  the  mouth.  One  of  the  stooping 
men  maintains  silence,  while  the  other  whispers  the  following  prayer: 

Our  great  Sun  Father  rises  and  comes  forth  from  his  night  house. 
My  fathers,  the  beast  gods  of  the  six  regions,  arise,  come  forth. 


580  THE    ZI'NI    INDIANS  [eth.  ank.23 

Addressing  the  ants  they  continue  their  prayers: 

To  you  nt'  the  six  regions  whose  homes  rover  the  earth  I  give  shells. 

The  two  warriors  now  deposit  their  olive  shells  and  the  other  two 
the  strings  of  shells  at  the  apex  of  the  ant-hill. 

Yellow  ant,  blue  ant,  red  ant.  white  ant.  all  color  ant,  black  ant  I" hu 

we n hu we u hu we u hu we. 

To  you  whose  homes  are  covered  with  the  mountain  tops  "  I  give  shells — A'hayuta 

yellow.  A'hayuta  blue,  A'hayuta  red,  A'hayuta  white,  A'hayuta  all  color,  A'hayuta 

black.* 

Rain-makers  Bow  priests,  'Si'klataaya,  'Kla'lawanni,  Ku'plsbtaya. c 

When  we  meet  the  enemy  a  little  arrow  storm  wind  will  rise.'' 

When  we  meet  him  on  the  road  near  by  he  will  never  more  inhale  the  sacred 

breath  of  day. 

I  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  day. 

All  come  quickly,  the  enemy  comes  from  ambush.     A  Navatao  is  killed,  we  inhale 

the  sacred  breath  of  day. 

They  now  discharge  their  rifles  and,  mounting,  ride  a  few  steps  and 

halt,  when  the  spokesman  at  the  ant-hill  repeats  Uh ,  then  each 

man  fires  one  shot.     Proceeding  a  few  steps  farther,  they  halt,  and 

the  same  man   repeats  Uh hawanawe'.  when  each   one  fires  a 

shot.     Again  they  proceed  a  short  distance  and  halt,  when  the  same 

man  repeats  Uh iwolokia',  when  they  again  fire  one  shot  and, 

advancing  a  few  steps,  they  halt  and  the  man  repeats  Uh Pa'wi 

ash'kia,  and  again  each  tires  a  shot,  and  then  they  proceed  direct  to 
the  north  side  of  the  pueblo. 

The  victor  and  elder  brother  are  side  by  side,  each  flanked  by  a 
fellow.  A  great  crowd  has  congregated  to  receive  the  party,  whose 
approach  has  been  observed  by  the  pa'mosona  (scalp  custodian),  who, 
facing  the  pa'sewikia.  speaks: 

You  have  met  the  enemy.     He  will  nevermore  inhale  the  sacred  breath  of  day. 

The  war  hoop  (a'wakikapna)  is  now  repeated  four  times  by  all.  The 
pa'mosona  continues,  addressing  the  populace: 

The  enemy  is  destroyed.     Who  will  be  our  great  father  Bow  priest?  • 
Who  now  is  to  become  a  Bow  priest?.'' 

Well!  who  will  kick  the  scalp?  His  younger  mother  (elder  aunt),  his  elder  sister 
(younger  aunt). 

Win.  will  wash  the  scalp?     His  younger  father  (elder  uncle),  his  elder  brother 
younger  uncle  ). 
Well!  (said  by  pa'mosona  i.     Good!  (said  by  all). 


"  The  unexpressed  idea  is  that  the  hemes  of  the  (tods  of  War  are  roofed  with  mountain  tops.    The 
permanent  home  of  these  gods  is  supposed  to  be  in  the  crater  of  an  extinct  volcano. 

b  Reference  to  the  Gods  of  War  presiding  over  the  six  regions— yellow  for  the  North,  blue  for  the 
West,  red  for  the  South,  white  for  the  East,  all-color  for  the  Zenith,  and  black  for  the  Nadir. 

-■  >Si'k1ahaya  travels  in  the  rain  by  day:  'Kiii'lawanni  travels  at  night;  lie  has  long  hair  (comet  or 
meteor);  [Cu'plshtaya  travels  in  tin-  midst  of  fog.    These  celestial  beings  are  mighty  warriors. 

•'Tie-  unexpressed  idea  is  that  there  will  he  a  little  wind  of  arrows,  or.  in  other  words,  the  air  will 
be  filled  with  arrows. 

Referring  t"  what  member  of  the  Bow  priesthood  will  act  as  elder  brother  to  the  victor. 

i  Referring  to  one  who  has  taken  a  scalp. 


•'  * 


< 
o 


STEVENSON]  a'PI 'TLASHIW  ANN1  581 

The  war  whoop  is  now  given  and  they  cry  "teya"  (more).  After 
the  second  and  third  war  whoops  they  again  cry  "'teya."  After  the 
fourth  they  cry  "alth'nate"  (a  little  more).  The  pa'mosona  now  expec- 
torates upon  a  bit  of  cedar  bark,  waves  it  to  the  six  regions,  and 
throws  it  upon  the  ground,  and  then  the  pa'sewikia  retire  to  their 
homes. 

The  victor  and  the  warrior,  who  acts  as  elder  brother,  give  each  a 
tiny  vase  tilled  with  rain  water  and  a  diminutive  gourd  dipper,  which 
were  given  them  by  the  Kla'kwemosi,  to  the  pa'mosona,  apd  about  3 
o'clock  the  same  afternoon  the  pa'mosona  takes  a  piece  of  scalp,  every 
vestige  of  hair  having  long  since  disappeared,  from  the  great  pottery 
vase  (colored  black)  which  remains  permanently  in  the  scalp  house 
(see  plate  cxxx)."  "This  vase  was  captured  from  the  Navahos  so  long- 
ago  that  no  one's  grandfather  knows  when/'  Dividing  the  piece  of 
scalp  in  two,  the  pa'mosona  proceeds  on  foot  about  2  miles  north  of 
the  village  to  a  sequestered  spot  surrounded  by  hillocks  and  ravines. 
Here  the  two  pieces  of  scalp  are  deposited,  one  of  the  vases  of  rain 
water  and  a  gourd  being  placed  by  the  side  of  each.  The  pa'mosona 
makes  a  small  tire  between  them,  and  sprinkles  an  extensive  circle  of 
meal,  embracing  the  surrounding  ridges  symbolizing  the  enemy  sitting 
around  the  camp  tire.  Immediately  upon  the  return  of  the  pa'mosona 
to  the  village,  the  victor  and  elder  brother,  with  their  bows  and 
arrows,  hasten  (on  foot)  to  the  place  to  make  a  reconnaissance.  Dis- 
covering the  camp  tire,  one  exclaims,  "I  think  there  is  an  enemy.'" 
Each  cuts  a  juniper  twig,  some  3  inches  in  length,  from  the  top  of  the 
tree  with  an  archaic  stone  knife  belonging  to  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest.  Four  equilateral  triangular  cuts  are  made  at  the  twig  and  it 
is  then  snapped  off.  One  now  passes  to  the  right  arotnd  the  circle 
of  meal,  the  other  to  the  left,  and  when  on  opposite  sides  they  draw 
their  bows.  The  twig  is  held  in  the  left  hand  while  the  arrow  is  shot. 
Each  shoots  his  arrow  into  one  of  the  bits  of  the  scalp.  The  arrow 
is  not  removed,  and  the  bit  of  scalp  is  placed  in  the  toga,  the  shaft 
passing  over  the  region  of  the  heart,  the  feathered  ends  touching  the 
chin.  The  juniper  twig  is  also  carried  in  the  toga.  The  tiny  vase  of 
water  and  the  gourd  are  transported  in  the  blanket,  which  is  carefully 
secured  about  the  waist. 

During  the  absence  of  the  victor  and  the  elder  brother  the  pe'kwin 
makes  an  excavation,  about  8  inches  square  and  20  inches  deep,  on  the 
plain  about  400  yards  north  of  the  village  and  directly  south  of  where 
the  scalps  are  to  be  hoisted  for  the  first  time.  A  mound  of  loose  earth 
10  inches  in  diameter  is  now  raised  on  each  side  of  the  excavation  and 

°The  scalp  house  is  a  conical  structure  covered  with  earth,  standing  out  on  the  plain  several  hun- 
dred yards  north  of  Zurii.  It  has  been  moved  since  the  writer  became  acquainted  with  these  people 
to  make  room  for  the  extension  of  the  pueblo,  corrals,  etc.  The  mound  opens  at  the  apex  and  is 
covered  with  a  stone  slab  and  several  flat  baskets,  one  upon  the  other. 


582 


THK    ZUNI    INDIANS 


[ETH.  ANN.  23 


iscovered  with  white  meal.  A  line  of  meal  extends  eastward"  from 
i he  excavation  a  distance  of  9  feet.  The  line  is  crossed  four  times  at 
equal  distances  with  meal.  The  pe'kwin  now  places  two  bits  of  yucca 
in  X  form  on  each  cross  line,  and  on  each  of  these  X's  is  set  a  round  Hat 
stone,  the  stones  being  used  to  hold  the  yucca  in  place.  The  crossed 
yucca  indicates  tracks  of  the  chaparral  cock  to  the  house  of  the  ant 
(figure  34).  ''This  bird  is  valuable  because  he  can  convey  messages, 
and  the  enemy  can  not  tell  from  his  footprints  whence  he  comes,  for  the 
feet  point  both  waj'S."  The  mounds  are  symbolic:  of  the  homes  of  the 
Gods  of  War  and  the  square  of  the  home  of  the  ants  at  Shi'papolima.* 
"Ants  destroy  the  footprints  of  the  Zunis  from  the  eye  of  the  enemy." 
After  the  pe'kwin  completes  his  work  he  returns  to  the  village.  The 
victor  and  the  elder  brother  soon  approach  over  the  plain,  bearing 


Fro.  34. — Excavation  and  meal  mounds  symbolic  of  Shi'papolima  and  homes  of  the  Gods  of  War. 

the  divided  scalp  in  their  togas.  When  they  come  within  500  yards 
of  the  village  they  remove  the  pieces  of  scalp  from  the  arrows  and 
attach  them  to  a  slender  pole  5  feet  high,  which  the  pa'mosona  has 
planted  in  the  ground  for  the  purpose,  and  the  two  take  seats  on  the 
ground  about  6  feet  north  of  the  pole  and  facing  the  village,  the  victor 
to  the  right  of  the  elder  brother.  They  busy  themselves  trimming 
the  juniper  twigs  which  they  have  brought  with  them.  These  twigs 
are  twice  the  length  from  the  tip  of  the  middle  ringer  to  the  tip  of  the 
thumb,  the  fingers  extended.  Here  they  sit  for  an  hour.  In  the  mean- 
time the  warriors  and  members  of  the  Ant  fraternity  gather  in  a  circle 
near  by. 

Each  warrior  having  prepared  two  prayer  plumes  to  the  Gods  of  War 
and  wrapped  them  together  at  the  base,  plants  them  on  an  ant-hill 

aAccordillg  l<>  a  prominent  priest  of  Zufii,  this  meal  line  used  to  extend  westward,  so  that  the 
people  passed  up  toward  the  east,  us  Shi'papolima  is  in  the  east. 
I' See  p.  407. 


STEVENSON] 


a'pi'tlashiwanni  583 


near  by,  before  he  joins  the  group.  The  victor  takes  a  bit  of  red  pig- 
ment from  a  small  buckskin  medicine  bag-  and  deposits  it  on  a  scrap 
of  paper  and,  removing  the  divided  scalp  from  the  pole,  he  and  the 
elder  brother  each  bore  a  hole  through  the  portion  of  scalp  he  holds 
and  draws  a  buckskin  thong  through  it;  then  breaking  off  a  bit  of 
the  scalp  each  runs  a  thong  through  it  and  attaches  it  to  the  larger 
piece.  The  two  pieces  of  scalp  are  now  tied  to  a  juniper  twig,  a 
fluffy  eagle  plume  having  been  previously  attached  to  each  twig.  The 
bark  is  picked  off  the  lower  end  of  the  twig  the  length  of  the  four 
ringers  crosswise,  and  the  red  pigment  is  rubbed  over  the  bared  place. 
The  pa'mosona  and  his  vice  now  appear  and  each  one  twirls  juniper 
bark  in  the  faces  of  the  victor  and  the  elder  brother,  and  going  a 
distance  to  the  north  they  throw  awaj'  the  bark. 

During  this  time  the  warriors  and  the  members  of  the  Ant  frater- 
nity enjoy  a  social  smoke.  The  arrival  of  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest), 
the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  brings 
the  social  gathering  to  a  close.  The  latter  presents  to  the  victor  and 
elder  brother  each  a  reed  cigarette  colored  red  and  so  surrounded 
with  feathers  of  the  eagle,  t.urke}^,  and  birds  of  the  six  regions  that 
the  reeds  can  not  be  seen.  The  cigarettes  and  plumes  are  afterward 
offered  by  the  victor  and  elder  brother  to  the  Gods  of  War.  The 
pe'kwin  and  the  Shi'wanni  of  the  West  now  stoop  side  by  side,  facing 
north:  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  faces  them.  The  Shi'wanni  of  the 
West  removes  from  a  corn  husk  a  strip  of  cotton  cloth  less  than  2 
inches  wide  and  a  reed,  colored  black  and  filled  with  native  tobacco. 
He  rolls  the  strip  of  cotton  and  then  lights  it  by  striking  flint  (this 
being'  a  common  way  of  furnishing  light  for  cigarettes  outdoors)  and 
hands  the  roll  and  reed  to  the  pe'kwin,  who  lights  the  cigarette  from 
the  burning  cotton.  A  second  cigarette  is  now  lighted  and  the  two 
are  smoked  by  the  group.  The  remaining  bits  of  the  cigarettes  are 
placed  in  corn  husks  by  the  pe'kwin,  who  carries  them  later  in  the 
evening  to  his  home,  and  the  following  morning  he  takes  them  to  the 
ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kla'kwemosi  and  there  deposits  them  in  a 
large  basket  tray,  where  they  remain  eight  daj's.  These  are  afterward 
attached  to  the  images  of  U'yuj'ewi  and  Ma'sai'lema." 

About  200  mounted  men,  wrapped  in  blankets  and  armed  with 
rifles  and  revolvers,  and  crowds  of  pedestrians  gather  around  the  meal- 
covered  mounds.  The  A'pi'lashiwanni  and  the  Ant  fraternity,  pre- 
ceded by  the  victor,  his  elder  brother,  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest, 
advance  slowly  and  with  measured  steps  to  the  meal  mounds,  singing 
the  following  refrain,  which  is  low  and  musical: 

Ha'-ma.  ha'"ma  Shi'waij^u,  shi'waiyu,  wai'yu,  wai'yu 

Ha'-ma.       ha''nia       rain  priests,       rain  priests,         wai'yu,       wai'yu 

Wai'yuma  hai"na  yu'liwa  yu'liwa  hi hi hi hi hi 

Wai'yuma  hai''na       coming,        coining. 

a  See  p.  597. 


584  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

The  above  is  repeated  four  times  a*  the  warriors  and  Ant  fraternity 
proceed.  The  idea  is  that  the  scalp  is  symbolic  of  the  A'shiwanni 
because  it  brings  rains.  As  heretofore  stated,  it  is  the  special  duty  of 
the  A'shiwanni  to  fast  and  pray  for  rains. 

The  Kla'kwemosi  stands  west  of  the  excavation.  The  priest  of  the 
po'nepoyanne  or  pa'ettone  (the  sacred  fetish  of  the  fraternity),  clasp- 
ing two  pa'ettowe  (plural  for  pa'ettone)  to  his  breast,  stands  to  the  right 
of  the  Kia'kwemosi,  whose  first  associate  is  to  his  right.  The  remain- 
der of  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  stand  by  in  line.  The  i'tatononakwe 
(scalp-kickers)  arrive,  and  passing  behind  the  warriors  and  around  by 
the  north  of  the  line  of  A'shiwanni  to  the  west  the}'  take  their  positions 
a  short  distance  from  the  A'shiwanni.  They  wear  their  ordinary  dress, 
with  white  blankets  bordered  in  red  and  blue  over  their  shoulders. 
The  quill  ends  of  two  feathers  of  the  chaparral  cock — one  an  upper  tail 
feather  and  the  other  an  under  tail  feather — have  been  crossed  and 
placed  in  line  by  their  brothers  in  consanguinit}'  between  the  second 
and  middle  toes  of  the  left  foot,  the  tips  of  the  plumes  pointing  toward 
the  foot,  and  the  moccasins  carefully  drawn  over.  "The  feathers  give 
courage,  for  knowledge  and  courage  come  from  this  bird,  who  is  the 
keeper  of  courage."  After  the  girls  reach  the  scene,  the  same  brothers 
tie  similar  but  somewhat  larger  feathers  to  the  left  side  of  the  head 
with  a  strand  of  the  hair  and  a  cotton  string  alreadj'  attached  to  the 
plumes.     The  plumes  must  not  be  removed  for  four  days. 

Each  i'tatonona  holds  in  the  right  hand  two  prayer  plumes  and  meal 
wrapped  in  corn  husks.  The  vice  pa'mosono"kia"  (female  aid  to  the 
scalp  custodian)  stands  north  of  the  meal  line  in  a  soiled  cotton  gar- 
ment with  a  conventional  black  blanket  about  her  shoulders.*  The 
four  women  mentioned  are  the  only  Zuni  women  present  at  this  feature 
of  the  ceremony. 

The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  now  directs  two  youths  to  stand  north 
and  south  of  the  mounds  and  clasp  each  other's  left  hand  with  arms 
raised  over  the  excavation.  The  youth  who  stands  on  the  north 
side  of  the  mound  is  of  the  Deer  clan,  the  other  of  the  Bear  clan. 
Each  youth  is  led  up  the  meal  line  to  his  place  by  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest.  The  victor  and  tbe  elder  brother,  stepping  on  the  crossed 
yucca,  pass  up  the  line  of  meal  and  under  the  clasped  hands,  each 
carrying  the  cedar  twig  with  the  pieces  of  scalp  and  fluffy  eagle  plume 
attached.  As  soon  as  they  pass  under  the  hands,  the  twigs  are- 
received  by  the  pa'mosona  and  the  aid,  who  afterward  lay  them  on 
the  ground  a  short  distance  southwest  of  the  mounds,  and  the  priest 
of  the  pa'ettowe  clasps  the  victor  to  his  breast  while  the  Kia'kwemosi 

a  There  was  no  pa'mosono''kla  at  this  time,  the  former  having  been  accused  of  witchcraft  and 
dismissed. 

'■Women  holding  this  office  may  be  of  any  clan,  but  must  have  passed  the  child-bearing  period, 
for  should  a  pa'mosono"kIa  have  an  infant  the  deceased  enemy  would  cause  its  death.  Though  the 
appointment  is  (or  life,  tbe  pa'mosono''kla  is  subject  to  impeachment. 


stevexson]  A'Pl 'TLASHI WANNI  585 

embraces  the  elder  brother.  The  arms  are  placed  around  one  another. 
The  two  then  reverse  places  and  are  embraced.  Each  time  long 
prayers  are  repeated  by  the  two  priests,  and  the  victor  and  the  elder 
brothei-  pray  and  are  afterward  embraced  by  the  remaining-  A'shi- 
wanni.  The  two  i'tatononakwe  place  their  left  arms  through  the 
right  of  the  victor  and  the  elder  brother.  The  victor  and  an  i'tato- 
nona  visit  one  ant-hill,  the  other  couple  another  ant-hill,  both  hills 
being-  near  the  meal  mounds,  and  plant  their  prayer  plumes  at  the 
apexes  of  the  hills.  The  sticks  of  the  women  are  colored  black  and 
are  offered  to  the  rain-makers,  while  those  of  the  men  are  red  and  are 
offered  to  the  Gods  of  War  for  the  destruction  of  the  enemy.  Each 
woman  divides  the  prayer  meal  she  carries  with  her  companion  and 
the  two  sprinkle  it  over  the  plumes  and  ant-hills.  The  women  do  not 
speak,  as  a  woman  not  past  the  child-bearing-  age  must  not  speak  at 
the  house  of  the  ants  on  this  occasion.  The  men  pray  aloud  and 
deposit  the  prayer  plumes.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  is  the  third 
to  proceed  up  the  meal  line,  and  by  his  request  the  writer  follows 
him.  When  all  the  warriors  have  passed  over  the  meal  line  and  under 
the  hands,  the  populace  follow,  the  equestrians  dismounting  for  the 
purpose.  "They  step  over  the  sacred  road  of  meal  to  the  home  of  the 
ants,  that  they  may  keep  their  lives  when  passing  about  the  country 
or  contending  with  the  enemy."  The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  and 
priest  of  the  pa'ettowe  are  exempt  from  this  feature  of  the  ceremo- 
nial, as  their  place  is  at  home  and  not  amid  the  dangers  of  travel  and 
war.  When  all  have  passed  over  the  meal  line,  the  pa'mosona 
deposits  he'we  (wafer  bread)  as  a  food  offering  to  the  ants  in  the  exca- 
vation, and  destroys  the  mounds  by  running  his  left  foot  over  them 
and  drawing  the  earth  into  the  opening. 

After  the  deposition  of  the  plume  offerings  on  the  ant-hills  the  party 
returns  to  the  group  and  all  pass  on  to  the  village.  The  i'tatononakwe, 
who  must  not  look  to  the  right  or  the  left,  start  the  scalps  with  the 
left  foot  and  so  keep  them  before  them,  never  using  the  right  foot  for 
this  purpose.  The  victor  and  the  elder  brother  follow  after  the  i'tato- 
nonakwe, and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  precedes  the  Ant  fraternity 
and  the  A'pr'lashiwanni,  who  follow  a  short  distance  in  the  rear. 
The  scalp  custodian,  his  aid,  and  the  vice  pa'mosono"kia  come  next, 
and  after  them  the  populace,  some  on  foot  and  others  mounted,  making 
the  air  ring  with  rifle  and  pistol  shots  and  the  war  whoop.  Each 
person,  except  the  scalp-kickers,  carries  a  bit  of  cedar  bark  in  the  left 
hand. 

The  worst  element  in  their  barbaric  nature  seems  to  be  aroused.  If 
the  mere  dramatization  produces  such  frenzy,  what  must  have  been  the 
scenes  when  the  victor  in  reality  returned  from  battle  with  scalps  of. 
the  hated  Navaho! 


586  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.  ann.  23 

The  village  Is  encircled  four  times  from  right  to  left,  coil  fashion," 
until  they  find  themselves  within  the  te'wita  'hlan'na  (large  plaza), 
where  they  are  joined  by  women  and  children,  and  all  form  into  four 
concentric  circles. 

The  scalp-kickers  lift  from  the  ground  with  the  left  hand  the  twigs 
to  which  the  scalps  are  attached  and  wave  them  before  handing  them 
to  the  pa'mosona.  who  stands  facing  west.  As  soon  as  the  pa'mosona 
receives  the  twigs,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  approaches,  and  the 
pa'mosona  picks  off  a  bit  of  scalp  and  attaches  it  to  the  arrow  of  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  who  afterward  passes  around  the  inner  circle 
four  times  from  left  to  right.  The  first  time  around  he  runs  his 
arrow  over  the  ankles  of  the  men  and  women  as  he  passes;  the  second 
time,  he  draws  it  above  their  knees;  the  third  time,  it  is  drawn  by  the 
waist;  the  fourth  time,  over  the  head,  that  their  hearts  may  be  pure 
and  know  no  fear.  Each  time  as  he  reaches  the  starting  point  all 
present  expectorate  upon  the  cedar  bark  and  carry  it  around  the  head 
four  times  from  left  to  right  for  physical  purification,  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  waving  his  arrow  held  in  the  right  hand  at  the  same  time. 
After  the  fourth  movement  all  males  give  the  war  whoop  and  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  shoots  the  arrow  containing  the  bit  of  scalp  to  the 
north,  the  home  of  the  hated  Navaho.  At  this  hour  the  plaza  and 
Indians  are  bathed  in  moonlight,  and  the  scene,  though  barbaric,  is 
most  picturesque. 

After  the  shooting  of  the  arrow,  symbolic  of  the  destruction  of  the 
enemy,  the  pa'mosona  and  his  aid  attach  the  bits  of  scalp  to  a  pole 
about  20  feet  long,  which  has  rested  against  the  crumbling  wall  of  the 
old  Catholic  Church;  it  is  then  planted  in  an  excavation  previous^ 
made  for  it  in  the  center  of  the  plaza  by  the  pa'mosona,  his  vice,  the 
victor,  and  the  elder  brother  (see  plate  cxxxi).  This  pole  must  not 
be  touched  after  it  is  hoisted.  The  victor  and  the  elder  brother,  who 
must  not  be  touched  by  another  after  the  hoisting  of  the  pole, 
alternate  in  keeping  guard  over  it  until  the  crowd  disperses  for 
refreshment. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  and  others  return  to  their  homes.  The 
members  of  the  Bow  priesthood,  with  the  victor  and  scalp-kickers, 
after  again  passing  four  times  around  the  village  coil  fashion, 
adjourn  to  their  ceremonial  chamber,  where  a  feast  is  served.  Later 
the  populace  gather  around  the  scalp  pole  and  dance  throughout 
the  night.  The  scalp  dance  is  repeated  twelve  nights,  and  is  under 
the  very  shadow  of  the  old  church  erected  by  the  Spanish  invaders 
two  hundred  years  ago  with  the  hope  of  bringing  these  people  to  the 
Christian  faith.     None  are  too  aged  and  few  too  young  to  participate 

nThecoil;  often lventionalized  ■  i ■  t<  •  the  square  by  the  Zufiis,  the  significance  of  which  they  care- 
fully conceal,  is  their  seal,  and  "  wherever  found  it  surely  indicates  that  the  A'shiwi  have  passed  that 
way  and  were  at  one  time  the  owners  of  the  land." 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD  ANNUAL  REPORT     PL.   CXXXI 


SCALP    POLE    IN     CENTER    OF    PLAZA 


stevenson]  a'pI 'TLASH1 W  ANNI  587 

in  this  dance  and  song'  of  rejoicing  for  the  destruction  of  the  enenvy. 
Young  children  are  led  to  the  dance  by  their  mothers,  who  otter 
prayers  to  the  Gods  of  War  to  give  the  lives  of  the  enemy  to  the  Zunis. 
Occasionally  a  wish  is  expressed  that  the  Navahos,  who  are  celebrated 
among  the  Indians  of  that  section  for  their  tine  peach  orchards,  may 
eat  peaches  enough  to  kill  them. 

The  victor  must  not  touch  animal  food,  grease,  or  salt  for  ten  days, 
and  his  food  must  be  cold,  for  should  hot  food  be  taken  at  this  time 
he  would  become  corpulent — something-  the  Zunis  aim  to  avoid;  yet 
the  women,  at  least  many  of  them,  become  so  with  age.  For  the 
same  period  he  must  observe  continence,  by  command  of  the  Gods  of 
War.  His  elder  brother  and  the  scalp-kickers  must  observe  this  fast 
four  days.  The  victor  and  scalp-kickers  remain  as  far  as  possible 
from  the  fireplace,  though  only  embers  rest  on  the  hearth."  They 
do  not  remove  any  part  of  their  clothing  during  the  four  nights,  not 
even  the  moccasins.  The  victor  and  his  elder  brother  must  not  smoke 
for  four  days,  and  they,  with  the  scalp-kickers,  must  not  be  touched 
by  another  or  receive  anything-  directly  from  the  hands  of  another  for 
the  same  period,  the  superstition  being  that  death  would  result  from 
disobedience  of  this  edict. 

The  first  four  nights  are  spent  by  the  victor,  the  elder  brother,  and 
the  two  scalp-kickers  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  when  the  men  must 
remain  apart  from  the  women  and  not  speak  to  them.  Each  night  the 
warriors  assemble  and  sing  and  brandish  the  war  club,  the  victor 
joining  in  the  songs.  Some  say  the  original  clubs  were  thrown  from 
the  heavens  by  Mo'yachun  'hlan'na  (Great  star),  warrior  of  the  heavens. 

The  victor  and  members  of  the  Bow  priesthood  each  prepare  eight 
prayer  plumes  as  offerings  to  the  Gods  of  War,  the  second  morning, 
the  victor  and  elder  brother  making  theirs  in  the  ceremonial  house  of 
the  Bow  priesthood,  while  the  other  wai'riors  prepare  theirs  in  their 
dwellings.  The  prayer  plumes  are  joined  in  couples,  and  the  following 
morning  deposited  on  ant-hills  at  the  four  cardinal  points.  Similar 
ones  are  made  on  the  fifth  day  and  planted  on  ant-hills,  and  on  the 
eleventh  day  they  are  duplicated  and  likewise  deposited. 

On  the  fifth  day  the  elder  brother  of  the  victor  stands  by  the  scalp 
pole  six  consecutive  hours,  and  when  he  desires  to  depart  the  crowd 
endeavors  to  prevent  him.  He  finalty  gets  awa}r  by  promising  to 
bring  something  good  to  the  plaza,  and  when  he  returns  with  meat 
and  melons  there  is  great  scrambling.  The  kiep'yatonanne  (war  pouch) 
of  buckskin,  originally  from  apparel  of  the  enemy,  is  made  by  the  elder 
brother  of  the  victor  on  the  fifth  day.  One  braid  of  three  strips  of  buck- 
skin and  three  braids  of  two  strips  each  are  made  and  sewed  in  parallel 
lines  close  together  upon  a  strip  of  cotton  cloth.     The  ends  of  the 

"These  men  have  a  superstitious  dread  of  being  near  the  fire  at  this  time. 


f>SS  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ann.  23 

strips  are  attached  to  a  roll  or  stuffed  piece  of  buckskin  about  9  inches 
long-  and  2£  inches  in  diameter  in  the  center,  the  ends  tapering,  and 
an  arrow  point  is  attached  where  they  are  fastened  to  the  strap  on 
each  side.  (When  a  second  enemy  is  scalped  the  same  number  of 
braids  of  buckskin,  with  the  same  number  of  strips  in  each,  are  added, 
the  cotton  strip  being  broadened  sufficiently.  For  the  scalping  of  the 
third  enemy  two  arrow  points  are  attached  to  the  band,  each  about  4£ 
inches  from  either  end  of  the  strap.  On  the  scalping  of  a  fourth 
enemy  two  more  arrow  points  are  added  on  opposite  ends,  about  the 
same  distance  as  the  two  former  are  from  the  end  of  the  strap.  After 
scalping  a  fifth  enemy,  two  more  arrow  points  are  added,  the  same 
distance  apart  on  opposite  ends  of  the  strap,  when  the  arrows  nearly 
meet  midway  of  the  strap.  No  more  are  added  after  the  placing 
of  the  eight  arrow  points,  the  warrior  having  received  the  highest 
honors.)  The  band  passes  over  the  shoulder,  the  pouch  hanging  at 
the  waist.  A  twisted  wristlet  is  formed  of  two  buckskin  thongs,  also 
originally  from  apparel  of  the  enemy  with  olive  shells  strung  on  them. 
The  kem'poyanne,  a  skullcap  of  perforated  buckskin  with  a  full  tuft 
of  hawk  plumes,  is  another  badge  of  office. 

The  fifth  morning  the  scalp-kicker  and  his  aid  bathe  the  entire  body 
of  the  victor,  when  his  blood-stained  hands  are  washed  for  the  first 
time  since  the  scalping.  The  water  used  must  be  cold,  and  he  must 
remain  away  from  the  tire  during  the  bathing.  At  noon  on  the  fifth 
day  the  pu'panakwTe — a  body  of  eight  singers,  who  may  be  of  any 
clan,  chosen  for  life  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  to  serve  the 
fraternity  at  this  ceremonial — form  into  two  choirs,  four  men  in  each 
group,  at  each  end  of  the  long  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Bow,  the 
choir  for  U'yuyewi  (elder  God  of  War)  sitting  at  the  east  end  and  that 
for  Ma'sai'lema  (younger  God  of  War)  sitting  at  the  west.  Each 
choir  is  provided  with  an  archaic  pottery  drum,  vase-shaped,  cream- 
colored,  and  decorated,  and  a  hooped  drumstick.  One  of  these  sticks 
has  a  zigzag  line  denoting  lightning  running  up  the  handle.  These 
particular  drumsticks  are  in  the  keeping  of  the  pa'mosona,  and  are 
supposed  to  be  the  original  ones  used  at  Han"lipinkia.  A  man  of  each 
choir  acts  as  director,  his  hand  serving  the  purpose  of  a  baton,  and 
another  as  drummer.  The  pa'mosona  presides  over  the  choir  of 
U'yuyewi  and  his  vice  over  that  of  Ma'sai'lema.  These  epic  songs 
are  ancient  and  no  innovations  must  be  introduced.  The  pa'mosona 
and  his  vice  are  kept  busy  for  a  time  gathering  together  ha'shiva 
(shakers;  from  ha'shi  to  shake). 

A  sufficient  number  of  girls  having  arrived,  the  dance  begins. 
Four  girls,  having  removed  the  pi'toni  (cotton  piece  which  hangs  over 
the  shoulders),  stand  before  the  choirs,  two  at  one  end  of  the  room  and 
two  before  the  choir  at  the  other  end.  These  girls  ma}7  be  married 
or  single.     They  wear  the  usual  black  woven  dress,  with  their  necks 


stbyessos]  a'pi'tlashiwanni  589 

and  limbs  bare;  also  a  red  belt,  a  string-  of  silver  beads  around  the 
neck,  and  silver  bangles.  The  hair  is  done  up  in  the  usual  manner. 
The  dancers  at  the  east  end  stand  upon  a  rectangular  wooden  slab, 
S  feet  in  length  and  15  inches  wide,  laid  in  the  floor,  facing  the  choir, 
with  their  feet  close  together,  their  arms  hanging  and  their  hands 
clasped.     Those  at  the  west  end  have  similar  positions. 

While  the  choirs  pray,  the  drummer  at  the  east  end  of  the  room 
gives  one  loud  stroke  upon  his  drum,  which  is  returned  by  a  stroke 
from  the  other  drummer,  in  obedience  to  the  command  given  at  Han'- 
'lipinkia."  that  the  beings  who  appeared  from  below  the  earth  at  that 
time  shall  hear  and  be  present.  The  drummer  at  the  east  end  now 
begins  an  accompaniment  to  the  song,  which  is  low  and  slow  during 
the  first  stanza,  the  girls  keeping  time  by  motions  with  the  knees  and 
arms.  After  a  minute  there  is  another  single  stroke  at  the  east  end, 
which  is  returned  by  the  drummer  at  the  west,  and  the  song  and 
dance  begin  in  earnest.  The  girls  at  once  turn  and  face  the  room. 
The  two  at  the  west  end  extend  their  right  upper  arms  outward  and 
the  right  lower  arms  upward,  their  left  arms  are  extended  slightly  for- 
ward, and  hang.  The  arms  of  the  girls  at  the  east  end  are  reversed, 
their  right  arms  pointing  downward,  their  upper  left  arms  upward,  as 
they  begin.  The  positions  of  the  arms  are  constantly  reversed  during 
the  dance. 

The  pa'mosona,  who  stands  north  of  the  line  of  dancers  in  the  east 
end  of  the  room,  wears  cotton  trousers  and  shirt,  with  a  red  blanket 
around  him.  The  vice  pa'mosona,  who  is  attired  in  much  the  same 
fashion,  and  the  vice  pa'ttiosono'^kia,  wearing  her  usual  dress,  including 
moccasins,  with  black  blanket,  stand  north  of  the  line  of  dancers  at 
the  west  end  of  the  room.  Each  of  the  three  and  each  member  of  the 
choir  holds  a  bit  of  cedar  bark  in  the  left  hand. 

The  girls  dance  from  south  to  north  and  back,  sidewise,  in  unison 
with  the  choir.  At  certain  portions  of  the  song,  where  the  Gods  of 
War  are  appealed  to  to  destroy  the  enemy,  the  cedar  bark  is  spit  upon 
and  carried  around  the  head  four  times  from  left  to  right,  when  all 
expectorate.  When  the  dancers  retire,  no  set  remaining  longer  than 
ten  minutes  on  the  floor,  they  return  to  their  seats  on  the  north  or 
south  side  of  the  chamber,  when  they  immediately  put  on  the  pi'toni 
and  moccasins,  and  other  girls  till  their  places.  The  choirs  pray  each 
time  the  change  is  made  and  after  the  dancers  take  their  positions. 
This  dance  closes  at  half  past  1  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  the 
pa'mosona  and  his  vice  place  the  drums  side  by  side  in  the  center  of 
the  chamber.  Removing  the  hide,  they  take  from  the  inside  of  each 
drum  two  chaparral  cock  feathers,  diagonally  crossed,  and  two  pieces 
of  yucca  leaf  crossed  in  the  same  fashion,  indicating  the  footprints  of 
the  bird,  and  hold  them  in  their  left  hands  with  the  cedar  bark  while 

a  See  p.  36. 


590  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [Era.  ANN.  23 

they  pray,  when  they  are  returned  to  the  drums,  where  they  remain 
throughout  the  ceremonial.  The  hide  covers  are  laid  loosely  upon  the 
drums,  which  are  placed  in  the  northeast  corner  of  the  room,  behind 
the  line  of  mills  on  which  the  family  grain  is  ground.  This  chamber, 
as  well  as  all  other  ceremonial  chambers,  is  used  b}'  the  family  of  the 
house  when  not  set  apart  for  ceremonial  purposes. 

The  'si'hakoshona'kwe  receive  the  scalps  about  3  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  fifth  day  from  the  pa'mosona,  who,  assisted  by  his  vice, 
removes  them  from  the  pole.  The  scalps  remain  attached  to  the  cedar 
twigs,  with  the  fluffy  eagle  feathers  in  place.  The  pole,  which  is  not 
scaled  but  uprooted  for  the  purpose  of  removing  the  scalps,  is  stood 
against  the  wall  of  the  church  until  the  scalps  shall  be  again  attached. 
The  scalp-washers  and  their  fellows  are  elaborately  attired.  The  leg 
of  one  pair  of  trousers  is  red,  the  other  yellow,  a  broad  tuck  extend- 
ing down  the  side,  each  tuck  being  ornamented  with  three  large  medal- 
lions of  gilt  paper.  Another  pair  has  one  yellow  leg,  the  other  a 
large  plaid  of  yellow,  black,  and  brown,  with  similar  tucks  and  medal- 
lions. The  other  two  wear  velveteen  trousers.  The  four  wear  black 
native  woven  shirts  trimmed  in  red  and  green  ribbons.  The  two 
'si'hakoshona'kwe  wear  women's  white  blankets,  bordered  in  red  and 
blue,  folded,  and  tied  over  the  shoulder.  The  hair  is  done  up  in  the 
common  knot  in  the  back,  parted  over  the  head,  and  looped  and  tied 
with  red  and  green  .ribbons  at  the  sides.  All  wear  the  kem'poyanne 
and  each  has  a  streak  of  micaceous  hematite  across  the  right  eyelid  and 
under  the  eye,  indicating  officership. 

The  'si'hakoshona'kwe,  each  with  his  fellow  (one,  with  his  fellow, 
must  be  of  the  clan  of  the  victor's  father,  the  other,  with  his  fellow,  of 
the  clan  of  the  father  of  the  warrior  who  assists  as  the  victor's  elder 
brother),  proceed  abreast  to  a  secluded  spot  on  the  river  bank  a  mile 
or  so  west  of  the  village,  where  they  bathe  the  scalps  in  yucca  suds,  a 
cavity  being  made  in  the  earth  to  serve  as  a  basin.  The  scalps  are 
afterward  rubbed  with  kaolin,  for  rain,  and  a  bit  of  the  scalp  is  taken 
into  the  mouth,  that  the  Zunis  may  have  brave  hearts  and  that  the  Gods 
of  War  will  empower  them  to  destroy  the  enemy.  "  Should  the  vic- 
tor possess  a  good  heart,  the  killing  of  the  enemy  brings  much  rain." 

The  'si'hakoshona'kwe  return  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  at  the  close 
of  the  dancing  of  the  ha'shiya.  Before  the}r  enter,  the  cedar  twigs  with 
the  scalps  are  placed  over  the  door  between  the  adobe  wall  and  the 
lintel.  They  approach  the  A'pi"lashiwanni,  who  stand  in  a  group  to 
receive  them.  After  the  reception  they  all  smoke  commercial  tobacco, 
and  after  the  smoke  one  of  the  'si'hakoshona'kwe  beats  upon  one  of 
the  drums,  while  the  others  sing,  in  a  short  time  the  newly  appointed 
pa'mosono'ida.  wearing  ordinary  dress,  arrives,  followed  by  two  o'tai- 
lasho'nakwe  (dancing  girls)  in  the  conventional  black  gown;  but  they 
are  afterward  elaborately  attired,  one  by  the  victor  and  the  other  by 


stevexson]  A 'm 'TLASHIWANNI  591 

the  elder  brother  to  the  victor,  each  with  a  white  embroidered  kilt 
tied  across  the  shoulders,  necklaces  of  precious  beads,  and  hanks  of 
native  blue  yarn  around  the  wrists  hanging  in  tassels.  The  vice 
pa'mosono'iua  and  the  two  "si'hakoshona'kwe  take  seats  on  the  north 
lodge  and  near  the  west  end  of  the  room.  A  number  of  ha'shiya  now 
return,  having  added  to  tlieir  dress  a  white  blanket  bordered  in  blue 
and  red. 

When  all  is  ready  the  'si'hakoshona'kwe  with  their  fellows  leave  the 
chamber  abreast,  and  removing  the  cedar  twigs  from  over  the  door- 
way carry  them  with  their  bows  and  arrows  in  their  left  hands;  each 
has  a  single  arrow  in  the  right  hand.  They  proceed  a  few  steps  and 
wait  for  the  remainder  of  the  party,  which  is  not  long  in  appearing. 
The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  follows  after  the  scalp-washers,  the 
victor  and  his  elder  brother  come  next,  and  then  the  other  warriors  in 
couples,  followed  by  the  vice  pa'mosona  (the  pa'mosona  having  pre- 
ceded the  party  to  the  te'wita  "blan'na  (large  plaza),  and  two  o'tailasho'- 
nakwe  and  the  ha'shiya.  Each  couple  on  emerging  from  the  chamber 
separates,  and  two  lines  are  thus  formed.  The  ha'shiya  join  in  the 
lines,  while  the  two  o'tailasho'nakwe  dance  back  and  forth  between 
the  lines  to  the  music  of  the  song  and  drum.  The  drum  is  of  wood, 
the  ends  covered  with  hide. 

As  the  procession  advances  to  the  plaza  it  is  joined  by  several  girls 
from  6  to  10  years  of  age,  placed  there  by  their  mothers,  who  are  quite 
as  enthusiastic  as  the  men.  The  enthusiasm,  however,  does  not  reach 
its  height  until  the  plaza  is  entered  and  the  pole  with  the  scalp  attached 
has  been  raised  by  the  pa'mosona  and  his  vice.  While  the  scalp  is  being 
tied  to  the  pole,  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  cries  to  the  crowds  on  the 
house  tops  and  in  the  plaza  to  join  in  the  dance.  After  the  placing  of 
the  pole  the  pa'mosona  and  his  aid  stand  close  by  it  and  pray.  The 
party  from  the  ceremonial  chamber  dance  around  the  pole  for  an  hour 
in  two  concentric  circles,  facing  each  other,  while  the  o'tailasho'nakwe 
dance  between  them,  and  the  drummer  stands  near  the  pole.  When 
this  party  leaves  the  plaza  a  small  circle  is  formed  around  the  pole,  the 
drummer  now  standing  within  the  circle,  which  must  never  be  entirely 
closed,  but  is  gradually  increased  as  the  populace  of  both  sexes  and 
all  ages  join  in  the  dance,  which  continues  throughout  the  night,  until 
the  plaza  seems  one  mass  of  motion.  There  are  no  other  dances  in 
the  plaza  on  the  fifth  day,  and  the  only  dancing  on  the  sixth  da}'  is 
by  the  populace  around  the  scalp  pole,  but  the  A'pi"lashiwanni  sing 
in  the  ceremonial  chamber  until  midnight. 

On  the  seventh  day  the  ha'shiya  dancing  begins  in  the  ceremonial 
house  at  2  o'clock  and  closes  at  3.  Afterward  all  pass  from  the  cere- 
monial chamber  to  the  plaza,  led  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest. 
The  pu'panakwe  carry  their  pottery  drums  and  group  on  the  east  and 
west  sides  of  the  te'wita  'hlan'na.  one  party  representing  U'yuyewi 


592  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [etb.  ank.  23 

and  the  other  Ma'sai'lema.  Two  ha'shiya  dance  before  each  choir. 
Those  who  are  to  represent  the  side  of  the  younger  God  of  War  are 
attired  by  young  men  designated  for  the  purpose  in  a  house  on  the 
west  side  of  the  plaza,  and  those  for  the.  other  side  in  the  ceremonial 
house  of  the  priest  of  'su"hlan'na  (great  shell),  on  the  north  side,  of 
the  plaza.  The  pu'mokiakianawe  (hatchet-bearers)  also  dance  in  the 
plaza.  The  ha'shiya  repeat  their  dancing  on  the  eighth  day  in  the 
ceremonial  chamber  and  in  the  plaza.  On  the  same  day  members  of 
the  Eagle  elan  assemble  in  a  large  room  of  one  of  the  clan  to  prepare 
corn  meal  and  flour. 

The  corn  and  wheat  to  be  consumed  by  the  A'pial;ishiwanni  during 
this  ceremonial  is  the  gift  of  the  father  of  the  victor,  who  belongs  to 
the  Eagle  clan,  the  victor  himself  being  a  member  of  the  Turkey  clan. 
The  girls  and  younger  women  of  the  clan  do  the  grinding  and  remove 
the  corn  from  the  cob,  while  the  crones  toast  the  corn  after  it  has 
passed  through  the  coarser  mill.  The  grinding  is  done  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  a  drum  and  a  choir  of  five  young  male  singers.  An 
elaborate  feast  is  served  to  the  party  of  workers  after  midday.  At 
sunset  the  corn  meal  and  flour  are  carried  to  the  house  of  the  victor, 
where  each  grinder  is  presented  by  the  hostess  with  a  large  bowl  of 
hot  stew  or  basket  of  bread,  which  she  carries  to  her  home.  (Plate 
cxxxn  shows  the  girls  returning  home  with  bowls  of  food.)  The  same 
afternoon  the  o'tailasho'nakwe  dance,  first  before  the  house  of  the 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  then  around  the  village,  and  finally  in  the 
te'wita  'hlan'na,  the  dancers  being  in  single  file  and  proceeding  like  a 
great  serpent.  It  is  designated  b}T  the  writer  the  meander  dance. 
This  dance  is  for  the  destruction  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  ninth  day  the,  elder  brother  Bow  priest  grinds  bits  of  shell 
and  turquoise  beads  to  be  offered  to  the  Gods  of  War.  Afterward  he 
joins  the  A'pi"lashiwanni  in  the  ceremonial  chamber,  when  the  ha'shiya 
again  dance  from  2  until  3  o'clock.  After  the  dance  the  pa'mosona 
and  vice  pray  over  the  drums,  as  before  described,  but  only  one.  drum 
is  now  opened,  and  it  is  afterward  placed  in  the  northeast  corner  of 
the  room.  The  other  drum  is  carried  to  the  plaza,  to  which  place 
the  pa'mosona  and  vice  and  the  vice  pa'mosono'ida  hasten.  Seven 
pu'panakwe  are  seated  on  a  ledge  in  front  of  the  house,  on  the  west  of 
the  te'wita  'hlan'na,  and  one  takes  his  seat  on  a  chair  and  the  drum  is 
placed  beside  him  (see  plate  cxxxin).  They  all  smoke  while  they 
await  the  hour  for  the  dance. 

Eight  girls,  four  for  each  side,  to  take  part  in  the  pu'mokiakianawe 
dance,  gather  in  the  house  on  the  west  side  of  the  plaza  and  in  the 
house  of  the  priest  of  tsu"hlan'na,  where  many  necklaces,  etc.,  are 
added  to  their  already  elaborate  apparel.  The  girls  wear,  in  addition 
to  the  pi'toni,  white  blankets  bordered  in  red  and  blue,  and  over  these 

"A  description  ol  this  dance  will  lie  given  hereafter. 


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stevexsot;]  a'pI  'tLASH I W  ANNI  593 

bright-colored  shawls  of  foreign  manufacture.  The  four  girls  in  the 
house  of  the  priest  of  esu"hlan'na  are  led  to  the  entrance  of  the  plaza 
at  the  northeast  street  by  the  pa'mosona,  and  the  four  girls  in  the 
other  house  are  led  to  the  southwest  covered  way  by  the  vice  pa'mo- 
sona, two  men  of  the  pu'moklakianawe  awaiting  each  set  of  girls. 
The  party  at  the  northeast  corner  represents  U'yuyewi,  and  that,  at 
the  southwest  corner  Ma'sai'lema.  As  has  been  stated,  "the  Sun 
Father  relegated  all  land  north  of  the  road  of  day  to  U'yuyewi,  and 
all  south  to  Ma'sai'lema." 

The  pa'mosona  and  his  aid  and  the  vice  pa'mosono"kia  have  seats 
on  the  ledge  at  the  south  end  of  the  line  of  pu'panakwe;  the  warrior 
of  the  Ant  fraternity,  the  victor,  and  the  elder  brother  sit  on  raised 
>eats  around  the  drum.  The  most  aged  member  of  the  Bow  stands  by 
a  ladder  north  of  the  group,  holding  his  war  club.  The  pa'mosona 
rises  and  sprinkles  meal  over  the  top  of  the  drum  and  hooped  drum- 
stick which  lies  upon  it,  and  offers  a  lengthy  prayer  for  rain.  He 
afterward  lights  a  cigarette  of  corn  husk  tilled  with  native  tobacco, 
and  drawing  the  smoke  he  puffs  it  into  the  meal  on  the  drum,  holding 
his  mouth  very  close,  and  again  prays  for  rain.  The  choir  and  those 
about  it.  the  vice  pa'tnosono'^kia  excepted,  smoke  similar  cigarettes. 
The  warrior  of  the  Ant  fraternity  repeats  the  puffing  of  the  smoke 
over  the  meal  and  prays.  The  others  wave  their  cigarettes  in  the 
direction  of  the  drum,  and  the  music  begins. 

The  warriors  of  the  Ant  fraternity,  the  victor,  and  the  elder  brother 
join  in  the  song,  keeping  time  with  their  war  clubs.  The  dancers  start 
with  the  beginning  of  the  music,  each  side  having  been  joined  by  two 
warriors  wearing  ordinary  cotton  clothing,  moccasins,  and  the  war 
pouch.  Two  of  the  warriors  have  the  kem'poyanne;  the  others  wear 
red  silk  bandas  around  their  heads.  Each  carries  a  war  club  in  his 
left  hand.  The  two  male  pu'moklakianawe  on  the  side  of  the  warriors 
wearing  the  keni'poj'anne  have  white  embroidered  kilts  fastened  at  the 
right  side,  a  white  cotton  fringed  sash  passing  around  the  waist  and 
looped  at  the  right  side,  and  a  fox  skin  pendent  at  the  back.  Strings 
of  black  stone  archaic  beads  and  shell  beads  pass  over  the  right  shoul- 
der and  under  the  left  arm;  hanks  of  native  blue  yarn  are  worn 
around  the  neck  and  wTrists,  hanging  in  tassels;  silk  bandas  adorn  the 
head,  in  addition  to  two  eagle  tail  feathers  standing  from  a  heavy 
aigret  of  hawk  feathers  at  the  back.  The  hair  is  done  up  in  the  con- 
ventional knot.  The  white  cotton  trousers  are  tucked  in  the  leather 
leggings,  and  moccasins  are  worn.  The  hands  are  colored  pink,  and 
the  chin  is  painted  in  vertical  lines  in  the  same  color.  The  two  pu'mo- 
klakianawe on  the  other  side  are  dressed  in  similar  fashion,  one, 
however,  wearing  an  elaborate  buckskin  shirt  trimmed  with  fringes 
and  triple  rows  of  silver  buttons;  he  wears  no  banda.  Each  carries  a 
23  eth— 04 38 


594  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.2S 

wooden  hatchet  in  his  left  hand,  with  a  lock  of  horsehair  hanging  from 
the  end  of  the  handle  symbolic  of  a  scalp. 

The  pu'mokiakianawe  start  simultaneously  from  the  diagonal  cor- 
ners of  the  plaza  in  couples,  the  women  alternating  with  the  pu'mo- 
kiakianawe  and  the  warriors.  The  women  extend  their  left  hands 
to  the  hacks  of  the  men,  indicating  that  the  Navahos  have  fled.  In 
this  way  the  two  parties  reach  the  center  of  the  plaza  west  of  the 
scalp  pole.  On  meeting,  the  couples  from  the  southwest  corner  sep- 
arate, allowing  the  others  to  pass  between  the  lines.  The  moment 
they  separate  the  men  transfer  their  war  clubs  and  hatchets  to  the 
right  hand,  and  the  women  use  their  right  hands  instead  of  their 
left,  indicating,  "Go,  Navahos;  the  Zunis  have  no  fear."  The  two 
parties  cross  to  the  opposite  sides,  and  after  going  just  outside  the 
plaza,  the  leaders  separate;  turning  outward,  and  pass  around  toward 
the  plaza,  and  return  to  it.  When  midway,  those  belonging  to  the 
northeastern  entrance  separate  into  two  files,  allowing  the  other 
couples  to  pass  between  them.  This  figure  is  repeated  four  times. 
The  last  time  an  innovation  occurs  which  causes  general  merriment 
among  the  mass  of  spectators.  Two  men  appear  just  behind  the 
dancers  from  the  southwest  covered  way,  as  United  States  troops 
after  the  Zunis,  one  wearing  high  boots,  light-blue  army  overcoat,  and 
black  felt  hat;  the  other,  blue  army  trousers,  fatigue  army  coat,  and 
gray  felt  hat.  The  first  carries  a  gun,  and  the  second  a  pick  and  a 
stick  of  wood.  The  two  remain  with  the  dancers  until  the  close  of  the 
dance. 

The  warriors  lead  in  the  next  figure.  They  start  out  in  couples 
from  opposite  sides  of  the  plaza  as  described,  but  soon  separate,  those 
from  the  southwest  corner  passing  up  the  west  and  east  sides  of  the 
plaza,  and  those  from  the  other  side  separating  and  passing  imme- 
diately inside  the  lines  of  the  other  party.  On  reaching  the  middle  of 
the  plaza  the  left  hand  is  changed,  as  before,  for  the  right;  on  reach- 
ing the  corners  the  separated  couples  come  together,  each  couple  pass- 
ing down  between  the  lines  exactly  as  the  figure  is  danced  in  the 
Virginia  reel,  and  they  cross  to  the  other  side  of  the  plaza.  This 
figure  is  repeated  four  times.  The  step  in  each  is  a  sort  of  quick  pace. 
As  soon  as  the  song  ceases  the  choirs  join  in  prayer,  which  grows 
louder  and  louder,  but  the  voices  are  never  raised  above  moderate 
tones. 

The  pu'mokiakianawe  are  scarcely  out  of  the  plaza  when  one  of  the 
governor's  aids  cries  out  to  the  people  to  dance  around  the  scalp  pole, 
calling  for  some  one  to  bring  a  drum.  The  pottery  drum  is  never 
used  for  this  dance.  Twelve  young  men  are  soon  gathered  around 
the  pole,  the  drummer  standing  outside  the  small  circle,  which  rapidly 
increases  to  large  proportions.  The  step  is  slow  and  regular  as  they 
pass  from  left  to  right.     By  9  o'clock  at  night  concentric  circles  fill 


stevensos]  A  I'I'TLASHIWANNI  595 

the  plaza,  the  air  resounds  with  songs  and  war  whoops,  and  the 
excitement  is  great.     On  the  tenth  day  the  o'tailasho'nakwe  dance. 

On  the  eleventh  day  the  ha'shiya  dance  in  the  chamber  on  the  west 
side  of  the  plaza,  and  afterwards  in  the  plaza  itself,  when  they  wear 
for  the  tirst  time  the  elaborate  dress  and  the  spread-eagle  tail  upon 
their  heads. 

The  o'tulasho'nakwe  is  repeated  on  the  eleventh  day.  The  men  are 
dressed  elaborately.  The  leader  of  the  dance  carries  a  spear  having-  a 
handle  about  6  feet  long,  with  an  aigret  of  raven  plumes  and  a  single 
eagle  tail  feather  attached  where  the  spear  joins  the  handle.  All  who 
can  by  any  means  secure  a  gun  or  pistol  carry  it,  while  others  less 
fortunate  carry  hatchets  and  hammers.  The  girls  wear  black  gowns, 
white  blankets  bordered  in  red  and  blue,  white  buckskin  moccasins,  and 
leggings,  the  hair  being  done  up  in  the  usual  manner.  Both  men  and 
women  have  bead  necklaces  in  profusion.  This  dance  begins  before 
5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  house  of  the  elder  brother  Bow 
priest,  and  the  dancers  afterward  form  a  square  before  his  house; 
then  they  begin  the  meander  figure,  advancing  almost  imperceptibly 
with  a  hop  step,  raising  the  foot  but  slightly  from  the  ground.  Only 
the  men  sing;  the  women  extend  their  arms  out  and  bent  slightly 
upward  from  the  elbow,  and  move  them  with  a  kind  of  shake  which 
seems  to  be  caused  by  the  motion  of  the  body-  The  men  now  and 
then,  at  the  proper  time  in  the  song,  gracefully  extend  the  right  arm 
as  they  sing  for  the  enemy  to  be  destroyed.  There  is  one  variation  in 
this  dance.  All  turn  simultaneously  to  the  left,  and  as  they  do  so 
they  bend  the  left  side,  and  keeping  the  feet  close  together  move 
three  steps  sidewise  to  the  right,  emphasizing  each  step  with  the  voice. 
This  is  varied  by  bending  to  the  right  and  taking  three  steps  to  the 
left.     These  figures  are  repeated  as  they  proceed  through  the  village. 

The  drummer  is  west  of  the  sixty-one  dancers,  who  present  a  most 
brilliant  picture.  As  they  enter  the  narrow  street  they  straighten  out 
in  single  file,  passing  through  the  eastern  covered  way  to  the  Si'aa' 
te'wita.  the  sacred  dance  court,  and  thence  on  to  the  northwest  corner 
of  the  village,  dancing  for  a  time  before  the  house  of  the  Shi'wanni 
of  the  East,  who  lives  on  the  west  side  of  the  village,  where  they 
repeat  the  meander  figure;  they  then  pass  in  single  file  to  the  plaza 
beyond,  where  they  dance.  Again  they  straighten  out  in  single  file  and 
enter  the  narrow  street  leading  to  the  western  covered  way;  thence 
to  the  large  plaza,  where  great  crowds  of  spectators  have  gathered, 
including  about  lift}-  equestrians. 

The  o'tailasho'nakwe  disperse  at  dusk,  and  the  pu'mokiakianawe 
come  by  the  northeast  and  southwest  entrances  to  the  plaza.  The 
party  from  the  northeast  is  halfway  across  the  plaza  when  those 
from  the  opposite  side  appear.     They  advance  facing  each  other  in 


596  THE    ZTJNI    INDIANS  [ETH.  ann.  23 

two  lines,  fifty  in  each  line,  afterward  dancing  sidewise  across  the 
plaza.  This  party  is  hilarious,  and  the  song  is  quite  different  from 
that  of  the  previous  dance.  Men.  women,  and  children  of  both  sexes 
and  all  ages  form  the  motley  crowd.  All  the  men  carry  either  bows 
and  arrows,  guns,  or  pistols,  and  there  is  an  incessant  firing,  which 
seems  to  delight  even  the  youngest  dancers,  who  never  flinch  at  the 
report  of  the  firearms.  After  crossing  the  plaza  they  pass  around  the 
scalp  pole,  forming  two  broken  opposing  circles  (the  drummer  keeping 
within  the  inner  circle),  and  dance  around  the  pole.  The  firearms 
and  clubs  are  brandished,  and  the  drumming  and  singing  never  cease 
during  the  dance.  A  number  of  dancers  leave  the  plaza  by  the  west- 
ern covered  way  for  the  west  side  of  the  village,  where  one  of  their 
number  fires  a  gun  and  all  run  up  the  street  they  have  just  passed 
down,  fleeing,  as  the}'  say,  from  the  fire  of  the  Navaho;  and  they  are 
derided  by  the  spectators  for  being  cowards.  When  this  dance  is  over 
a  crier  calls  to  the  populace  to  come  close  around  the  pole  and  dance, 
and  there  is  a  scramble  for  places,  the  young  children  being  as  eager 
as  their  elders  to  be  first  at  the  pole.  The  circle  soon  grows  to  be 
very  large,  and  the  dance  continues  until  dawn. 

The  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  prepare  prayer  plumes  on  the  eleventh 
day  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  Kia'kwernosi,  each  making- 
four.  The  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  as  elder  brother  Bow  priest,  makes 
four  additional  offerings  to  the  Gods  of  War,  and  the  younger  brother 
Bow  priest  also  makes  four  to  these  gods.  The  sticks  of  all  these 
prayer  plumes  are  the  length  from  the  metacarpus  to  the  tip  of  the 
second  finger  and  taper  at  the  upper  end.  The  first  feather  is  attached 
about  2  inches  from  the  top.  When  the  plumes  are  to  project  abruptly 
from  the  side  of  the  plume  stick,  the  quill  ends  are  softened  by  placing 
them  in  the  mouth.  The  cotton  cord  which  binds  the  plumes  to  the  sticks 
is  fastened  in  a  buttonhole  loop.  The  black  paint  used  to  color  the 
sticks  offered  to  the  Gods  of  War  is  taken  from  an  archaic  cup  hol- 
lowed out  of  a  piece  of  wood.  After  the  prayer  plumes  to  be  offered 
by  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  to  the  Gods  of  War  are 
completed,  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest  rubs  the  lower  portion  of 
the  feathers  on  a  red  paint  stone,  the  dry  color  adhering  to  the  plumes. 
The  la'showawe  (plumes  attached  to  cotton  cord)  are  also  rubbed  with 
the  dry  color,  after  which  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  removes  an 
olive  shell  from  his  war  bracelet  and  hands  it  to  the  younger  brother, 
who  strings  it  on  his  la'showanne;  the  elder  brother,  removing  a 
second  shell,  attaches  it  to  the  cord  of  his  own  la'showanne,  and  each 
ties  his  la'showanne  to  the  topmost  plume  (an  eagle  tail  feather)  of  a 
prayer  plume.     All  the  plumes  used  are  from  male  birds. 

Upon  completion  of  the  prayer  plumes,  each  shi'wanni  wraps  his 
own  in  a  corn  husk,  tying  it  with  a  thread  of  yucca.     The  pe'kwin  (sun 


stevekson]  a'pi'tlashiwanni  597 

priest)  uses  a  greater  variety  of  feathers  than  the  others,  for  he  adds  the 
plumes  of  the  birds  of  the  six  regions  that  are  specially  associated  with 
his  office.  After  the  Kia'kwemosi  completes  his  prayer  plumes,  he 
adds  fresh  plumes  to  two  long-necked  gourds,  each  gourd  being  pro- 
vided with  a  sprinkler  (a  reed  about,  12  inches  long  and  i  inch  in  diam- 
eter). Four  white  fluffy  eagle  plumes  are  attached  equidistant  around 
the  upper  edge  of  a  white  cotton  cord  netting,  which  covers  a  portion 
of  the  bulb  of  the  gourd,  and  a  la'showanne  of  the  same  plumes  is  tied 
near  the  upper  end  of  each  sprinkler.  These  jugs  are  afterward  placed 
on  the  meal  painting  in  the  chamber  of  the  A'pi"lashi\vanni  and  are 
carried  in  a  later  ceremony  by  the  'kia'punakwe  (water-bearers  or 
sprinklers). 

The  wood  idols  of  the  Gods  of  War  are  completed  on  the  eleventh 
day.  U'yuyewi  is  made  by  the  aged  member  of  the  Deer  clan  (see 
plate  xix),  and  his  batons  and  games  are  made  at  the  same  time  and 
place  by  two  other  members  of  this  clan.  Ma'sai'lema  and  his  appoint- 
ments are  made  by  three  members  of  the  Bear  clan  in  the  house  of  the 
man  who  carves  the  image."  During  the  afternoon,  after  the  com- 
pletion of  the  images,  the  warriors,  independently  of  one  another,  go 
to  the  two  houses  and  deposit  two  prayer  plumes  in  upright  position 
in  the  yucca  belt  around  each  image. 

At  sunset  the  maker  of  the  image  of  the  younger  God  of  War, 
accompanied  by  two  members  of  his  clan  bearing  the  staffs  and  games 
of  Ma'sai'lema,  carries  the  image,  hidden  under  his  blanket,  to  the 
house  of  the  maker  of  U'yuyewi,  and  stands  it  on  the  floor  near  the 
north  end  of  the  room,  some  3  feet  south  of  the  other  image,  both 
effigies  facing  east.  Other  prayer  plumes  are  added,  and  finally  the 
idols  are  almost  wholly  obscured  by  the  plumes.  The  images  are 
guarded  until  midnight  by  men  of  the  two  clans,  appointed,  respect- 
ively, by  the  elder  and  the  younger  brother  Bow  priest,  when  they  with 
their  belongings  are  taken  to  the  ceremonial  chamber  of  the  warriors- 
by  those  who  fashioned  them  and  the  men  designated  to  cany  the  para- 
phernalia. They  are  received  separately  by  the  pe'kwin  (sun  priest) 
with  great  ceremony,  and  stood  beside  the  meal  painting,  previously 
made  by  him  on  the  floor  in  the  west  end  of  the  room. 

The  idol  of  the  elder  God  of  War  is  stood  on  the  northwest  corner 
of  the  painting,  that  of  the  younger  on  the  southwest  corner,  the  para- 
phernalia of  each  idol  being  placed  by  its  side  and  just  behind  it.  Six- 
plume  wands  in  clay  holders  extend  in  line  before  each  image.  The 
two  nearest  the  image  of  U'yuyewi  have  their  sticks  colored  red,  and 
are  offerings  to  the  Gods  of  War  to  destroy  the  enemies  of  the  world; 

a  These  images  are  made  only  at  the  time  of  initiation  and  at  the  winter  solstice.  It  is  stated  in  the 
winter  solstice  ceremonies  that  wood  of  a  pine  tree  struck  by  lightning  is  selected  for  the  former 
occasion,  and  Cottonwood  is  used  on  the  latter,  to  bring  rain. 


598  THK    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.  ash.  23 

the  other  four  are  colored  Mack,  and  are  offered  to  the  deceased  war- 
riors for  rains.  Those  before  Ma'sai'lema  have  their  sticks  colored 
For  the  six  regions,  the  one  nearest  the  image  being  yellow,  the  fol- 
lowing blue,  then  red,  white,  all  color,  and  black,  for  the  destruction 
of  the  enemies  of  the  six  regions. 

Three  po'nepoyanne,"  two  belonging  to  the  A.'pi"lashiwanni  and  one 
to  the  priest  of  Whlan'na,*  are  bound  together  at  the  base  with  red 
flannel  and  stood  on  the  meal  line,  extending  from  the  cloud  symbol, 
and  the  Whlan'na  is  placed  near  it  on  the  line.  The  et'tone  of  the 
Kia'kwemosi,  covered  in  its  blanket  of  native  cotton  and  wrapped  with 
strings  of  precious  beads,  is  deposited  on  the  meal  painting,  with  the  two 
gourd  jugs  of  the  'kia'punakwe  each  side  of  it,  and  a  line  of  mi'wachi 
along  the  back  of  the  cloud  symbol. 

An  all-night  ceremonial  is  held  in  the  chamber,  when  the  epic  songs 
of  the  Gods  of  War  are  sung,  and  at  sunrise  the  pa'mosona  removes 
the  divided  scalp  from  its  elevated  position  in  the  plaza  and  attaches 
it  to  a  pole  about  8  feet  high,  planting  it  in  the  northwest  corner  of 
the  plaza.  A  meal  painting  similar  to  the  one  in  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber is  supposed  to  be  made  on  the  north  side  of  the  plaza  at  sunrise, 
but  on  the  occasion  observed  the  pe'kwin  did  not  complete  it  until  half 
past  8  o'clock.  The  painting  in  the  ceremonial  chamber  is  in  the  west 
end  of  the  room. 

By  9  o'clock  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  except  the  pe'kwin,  and 
elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests  are  assembled  in  the  cei-emonial 
chamber,  the  A'shiwanni  sitting  on  a  ledge  in  line  behind  the  meal 
painting,  between  the  two  'kia'punakwe,  who  are  supposed  to  be  vir- 
gins. The  A'shiwanni  are  dressed  in  pure  white,  but  the  'kia'punakwe 
are  elaborately  attired,  each  wearing  an  embroidered  kilt  fastened  at 
the  right  side  with  an  embroidered  sash  which  is  also  tied  at  the 
right  side.  One  wears  a  native  blue  knit  shirt  over  that  of  white  cot- 
ton, and  both  are  adorned  with  corals,  ko'hakwa  (white  shell),  and  tur- 
quoise beads  in  profusion.  The  hair  is  done  up  in  the  conventional 
knot,  with  a  red  silk  banda  round  the  head;  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume 
is  attached  to  the  scalp  lock,  and  dance  moccasins  are  worn.  A  line 
of  micaceous  hematite  three-quarters  of  an  inch  in  width  crosses  the 
nose  and  extends  under  each  eye.    The  victor  and  his  elder  brother  wear 

a  The  po'nepoyanne  of  the  Bow  priesthood  consists  of  an  cur  of  corn  surrounded  by  reeds,  six  are 
colored,  each  for  a  region  and  are  filled  with  grains  of  corn  of  the  six  colors  and  other  seeds.  The 
remainder  of  the  reeds  contain  native  tobacco.  The  reeds  are  obscured  by.a  pyramid  of  eagle  plumes 
which  must  have  been  dropped  by  the  eagle  in  his  flight,  not  plucked)  and  the  base  is  covered 
with  cotton  cloth  wrapped  with  cotton  cord  to  which  shells  and  precious  beads  are  strung.  The 
keeper  of  the  two  po'nepoyannfi  belonging  to  the  A'pi''lashiwanni  is  designated  the  priest  of  the 
paVttuwc  i  pit  from  A'pachu,  Xavaho).  one  of  these  fetishes  is  carried  to  battle;  the  other  remains 
al  home. 

'<  The  lsu'*hlan'no  is  a  large  shell  most  precious  to  the  Zunis,  Not  only  its  keeper,  ■who  bears  the 
title  of  priest  of  the  >su''hlan'na,  but  his  vice,  must  he  of  the  Badger  elan,  because  this  shell  was 
originally  the  properly  of  a  member  of  this  clan.  The  occasion  must  always  be  eminently  worthyof 
the  presence  of  the  great  shell.  The  songs  of  the  'su''hlan'na  are  very  old,  and  known  only  to  four 
men  ..f  the  Badger  clan. 


STEVENSON] 


55)9 


velvet  trousers,  a  white  cotton  shirt  with  a  native  blue  woven  shirt  over 
it,  red-brown  moccasins:  the  hair  is  done  upas  usual.  Their  toilets 
are  made  at  their  homes,  and  after  coining  to  the  ceremonial  cham- 
ber each  has  a  large  white  buckskin  doubled  and  tied  at  the  throat, 
hanging  over  the  shoulders  and  caught  at  the  waist  by  an  embroid- 
ered sash  looped  at  the  right  side.  They  wear  turquoise  earrings  and 
elaborate  necklaces.  When  they  are  thus  attired,  the  elder  brother 
Bow  priest  empties  a  handful  of  meal  into  the  belts  of  the  victor  and 
his  elder  brother,  which  they  carry  to  the  makers  of  the  two  idols,  the 
victor  giving  his  meal  to  the  man  of  the  Bear  clan  and  the  elder 
brother  giving  his  to  the  man  of  the  Deer  clan.  They  return  at 
once  to  the.  ceremonial  chamber,  when  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
anoints  their  faces  with  a  paste  made  of  the  fat  of  the  prey  animals 
of  the  six  regions  and  the  rattlesnake."  The  'kia'punakwe  rub  a  red 
pigment  on  the  faces  of  the  warriors  and  afterward  apply  micaceous 
hematite  over  the  nose  and  upper  portion  of  the  cheeks  and  stipple 
it  on  the  eyelids.  Each  warrior  smokes  until  his  turn  comes  to  be 
decorated,  all  appearing  to  be  in  the  happiest  mood. 

The  pe'kwin  returns  to  the  chamber  of  the  Bow  priesthood  at  this 
time  and  stands  with  his  red  blanket  wrapped  around  him  (he  is  dressed 
in  white  like  the  other  A'shiwanni).  The  victor  takes  his  seat  facing 
east,  on  a  chair  placed  by  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  about  5  feet 
before  the  cloud  symbol.  Leaning  back  in  his  chair  he  extends  his 
feet  witb  an  air  as  though  he  intends  to  make  himself  as  comfortable 
as  possible  for  the  ordeal.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  now  places  a, 
cloth  around  him,  barber  fashion,  and  stands  behind  the  chair,  pressing 
both  hands  on  the  victor's  forehead,  while  the  pe'kwin,  who  is  provided 
with  a  small  black  and  highly  polished  archaic  pottery  vase  and  an  old 
medicine  bag  (the  vase  is  supposed  to  contain  a  black  paint  brought 
from  the  undermost  world;  the  bag  contains  corn  pollen),  prepares 
to  paint  the  face.  He  dips  a  stick  of  yucca  needle  into  the  paint  pot 
and  proceeds  to  color  the  lower  portion  of  the  face,  the  dividing  line 
passing  under  the  nose  and  across  the  cheeks.  He  afterward  applies 
corn  pollen  to  the  upper  portion  by  stippling  with  a  mop  of  raw  cot- 
ton. A  corn  husk  is  laid  over  the  black  portion  during  this  process 
to  protect  it  from  the  pollen.  When  the  coloring  of  the  victor's  face 
is  completed,  he  rises  and  his  elder  brother  takes  his  seat  for  the  same 
operation,  during  which  time  the  victor  stands  north  of  the  chair  and 
slightly  before  it,  wearing  the  gravest  expression  possible.  When  the 
pe'kwin  has  finished  with  the  elder  brother,  the  victor  again  takes  the 
seat  and  the  warrior  of  the  Ant  fraternity  covers  the  chin,  upper  lip, 
end  of  nose,  and  forehead  with  eagle  down,  and  a  wreath  of  the  same, 

aThe  Bow  priesthood  are  the  only  Zufiis  who  kill  the  rattlesnake.  The  rattle  is  an  amulet  worn  as 
a  protection  from  the  enemy,  and  the  fat  or  oil  of  the  snake  is  rubbed  on  the  face,  that  the  enemy 
may  fear  the  one  using  this  grease  as  he  fears  the  snake. 


t>00  THK    ZUN1    INDIANS  [bth.akb.23 

held  in  place  by  a  paste  of  kaolin,  is  fashioned  around  the  crown  of 
the  head.  The  whole  decoration  symbolizes  "the  heart  must  be  pure 
that  the  prayers  breathed  into  the  plume  offerings  may  be  wafted  to 
the  deceased  A'sbiwanni  that  they  may  send  much  rain."  The  black 
on  the  chin  denotes  heavy  rain  clouds;  the  pollen,  all  vegetation,  and 
the  down,  lighter  clouds.  The  circle  of  down  on  the  head  symbol- 
izes the  clouds  of  the  world.  After  the  eagle-down  decoration  the 
pe'kwln  places  in  the  mouth  of  each  an  arrow  point,  which  may  not 
be  removed  until  sunset.  A  deerskin  hood  (see  plate  lx),  with  the 
plume  wand  of  the  A'pi"'lashiwaimi  attached  to  the  crown,  is  worn. 
The  victor  and  his  elder  brother  are  now  in  full  attire,  including  the 
war  pouch  placed  over  the  shoulder  and  the  bow  wristlet.  The  war 
club  and  the  quiver  with  bow  and  arrows  complete  the  toilet.  The 
elder  brother  Bow  priest  is  careful  to  examine  each  quiver  to  see  that 
it  contains  the  full  number  of  arrows,  one  for  each  of  the  six  regions. 
The  victor  and  his  elder  brother  take  their  prayer  plumes  from  the 
meal  painting,  and  afterward  all  of  the  prayer  plumes  are  removed  by 
their  owners,  each  warrior  having  deposited  two. 

By  this  time  the  makers  of  the  idols  of  U'yuyewi  and  Ma'sai'lema 
arrive,  and  the  chatting  and  laughing  of  the  warriors  at  once  cease 
and  not  a  word  is  spoken  after  the  two  men  enter  the  chamber.  The 
warriors  take  position,  standing  on  the  north  side  of  the  room,  the 
Ah'shiwanni  remain  at  the  west  end.  and  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest 
stands  south  of  the  painting  and  before  it.  whirling  the  rhombus  and 
calling  for  rains.  When  the  whirling  of  the  rhombus  ceases  the  pe'kwln 
returns  the  mi'wachi."  which  have  embellished  the  painting,  to  their 
individual  owners.  The  et'tone  of  the  Kia'kwemosi  and  the  large 
shell  are  placed  in  two  baskets  lined  with  raw  cotton,  and  the  other 
fetishes  are  divided  among  certain  warriors.  The  pe'kwln  removes 
all  the  objects  from  the  north  side  of  the  painting  systematically, 
handing  the  image  of  U'vuvewi  to  the  elder  brother  and  the  para- 
phernalia to  the  appropriate  parties.  The  objects  are  now  removed 
from  the  south  side,  the  image  of  Ma'sai'lema  being  handed  to  the  victor 
and  the  paraphernalia  to  others.  All  leave  the  chamber  and  proceed 
to  te'wita  'hlan'na  in  couples.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  leads, 
whirling  the  rhombus,  with  the  pe'kwln  by  his  side:  the  other  A'shi- 
wanni  follow,  and  after  them  a  man  of  the  Deer  clan;  the  elder  brother 
to  the  victor,  with  a  warrior  to  his  left,  comes  next:  two  couples  fol- 
low, and  then  the  victor,  with  a  warrior  to  his  left,  and  preceded  by  a 
man  of  the  Bear  clan.  The  bearers  of  the  paraphernalia  of  the  Gods 
are  near  the  end  of  the  procession. 

Upon  reaching  the  plaza  all  but  the  A'sbiwanni  form  into  single  tile 
and  dance,  after  which  the  objects  are  placed  on  the  meal  painting  in 
the  plaza.     The  image  of  U'vuvewi  is  stood  on  the  east  side  and  that 

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BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY 


TWENTY-THIRD   ANNUAL   REPORT     PL.   CXXXVI 


GRASS    WAND    CARRIED     BY     PA'MOSONO'  KiA,     FEMALE    ASSOCIATE    TO 

SCALP    CUSTODIAN 


stevenson]  a'pi'tLASHI  W  ANNl  601 

of  Ma'sai'lema  on  the  west,  just  as  they  were  on  the  cloud  symbol  in 
the  chamber.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  the  elder  brother  of 
the  victor  stand  cast  of  the  cloud  symbol,  while  the  victor  and  the 
younger  brother  Bow  priest  stand  west  of  it,  and  the  warriors  sit  in 
line  on  each  side  of  the  painting-.  The  objects  are  guarded  by  two 
warriors  standing  with  long  spears  at  the  south  of  the  painting,  the 
A'pi'lashiwanni,  except  the  elder  and  younger  brother  Bow  priests, 
the  victor,  and  his  elder  brother,  taking  turns  at  the  post  (see  plate 
cxxxiv). 

The  pu'pauakwe  are  grouped  on  each  side-  of  the  plaza  to  furnish 
music  for  the  ha'shiya,  who  are  dressed  as  on  the  previous  day,  a 
number  of  girls  being  in  the  two  chambers  to  take  their  turns  in  the 
dance.  The  pa'mosono"kia  leads  the  ha'shiya  from  the  ceremonial 
house  of  the  priest  of  the  tsu"hlan'na  to  the  east  side  of  the  plaza 
and  stands  north  of  them  while  they  dance  (see  plate  cxxxv),  and  the 
vice  pa'mosono'ida  leads  the  ha' shiya  from  the  chamber  on  the  west 
side  of  the  plaza  and  these  girls  dance  on  this  side  of  the  plaza.  The 
pa'mosono"kia  and  vice  each  carry  a  fanciful  bunch  of  grass  (colored 
red  with  dry  pigment  and  arranged  by  the  warriors  (see  plate  cxxxvi"), 
which  is  waved  around  the  head  four  times,  from  left  to  right.  The 
grasses  are  afterward  deposited  at  Shop"hlua  yal'lakwi  (a  shrine  to  the 
Gods  of  War  a  short  distance  north  of  the  village). 

After  the  first  dance  of  the  ha'shiya  the  pu'mokiakianawe,  equipped 
with  rifles,  pistols,  clubs,  and  bows  and  arrows,  coming  by  the  north- 
east entrance,  cover  the  greater  part  of  the  te'wita  'hlan'na.  The  dan- 
cers, led  by  two  warriors,  appear  in  opposing  lines,  preceded  by  a 
drummer,  who  keeps  a  little  off  to  one  side.  Two  women  dance  between 
the  lines.  AVhile  this  party  is  still  dancing,  a  similar  set  approaches 
the  plaza  by  the  southwest  covered  way.  Males  of  all  ages  are  in 
this  dance.  Those  not  so  fortunate  as  to  have  firearms  carry  clubs, 
sticks,  etc.  The  party  from  the  northeast  entrance  closes  its. dance 
first  and  crowds  around  the  meal  painting  to  pray;  the  other  party 
also  prays  before  the  painting  at  the.  close  of  the  dance  and  retires 
from  the  plaza. 

Those  who  are  to  personate  the  Sha'lako,  giant  couriers  to  the 
rain-makers,  the  coming  year  now  make  their  appearance,  accom- 
panied by  two  warriors  designated  to  lead  them  to  the  plaza.  Each 
one  who  is  to  personate  a  Sha'lako  carries  a  spruce  bough.  After  the 
dance,  which  is  for  great  rains,  that  the  earth  may  be  bountiful  with 
food  for  man  and  game,  they  group  before  the  painting  and  pray,  and 
then  leave  the  plaza.  The  pu'mokiakianawe  now  return.  They  dance 
repeatedly  throughout  the  day,  their  number  increasing  each  time  until 
the  opposing  lines  are  quadrupled  and  the  air  is  dense  with  arrows 
and  rings  of  the  war  whoop.     After  each  dance  the  dancers  gather 

a  The  writer  is  indebted  to  the  pa'mosona  for  securing  these  specimens,  which  are  now  in  the 
National  Museum. 


602  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  Ieth.  ann.  23 

before  the  meal  painting  to  sprinkle  meal  and  pray.  The  ha'shiya 
dance  on.  apparently  oblivious  to  all  that  is  going  on  around  them, 
and  there  is  no  attempt  at  harmony  between  the  drums  and  the  songs 
of  the  pu'panakwe  and  those  accompanying  the  other  dancers. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  afternoon  the  plaza  is  free  for  a  time 
from  dancers,  except  the  ha'shiya.  At  this  time  the  priest  of  the 
"su"hlan'na  stoops  immediately  before  the  meal  painting  and  four 
buckskins  are  thrown  over  him.  and  thus  secluded  from  view  he  blows 
the  great  shell  for  rains  and  good  hearts  of  the  people.  At  the  same 
time  the  elder  brother  Bow  priest  stands  east  of  the  painting  and  the 
younger  brother  Bow  priest  west  of  it,  each  whirling  a  rhombus  for 
the  clouds  to  gather.  After  the  ceremony  with  the  shell  the  drummers 
of  the  pu'mokiaklanawe  and  dancers  reappear  in  the  plaza;  those 
coming  from  the  northeastern  entrance  are  accompanied  by  the  elder 
brother  to  the  victor,  and  those  from  the  southwestern  by  the  victor. 
The  victor  and  elder  brother  each  carry  on  their  heads  a  basket  tray 
of  red  he'we  (wafer  bread),  such  as  is  offered  to  the  deceased  enemy. 
As  they  run  in  and  out  of  the  line  of  dancers,  each  followed  by  two 
women,  they  cry:  "  We  are  anxious  to  meet  the  Navaho  who  comes." 
When  the  baskets  of  bread  fall  to  the  ground  it  is  indicative  of  the 
killing  of  the  foe,  and  the}-  exclaim:  "  We  have  destroyed  the  Navaho." 
The  pa'mosona  and  vice  hasten  to  gather  up  the  bread  into  the  bas- 
kets, every  scrap  being  picked  from  the  ground,  and  as  the  dancers 
pass  they  catch  at  the  bread  with  their  mouths.  The  baskets  of  bread 
are  afterward  placed  by  the  scalp  pole,  which  is  now  near  the  north- 
west corner  of  the  plaza  and  not  over  8  feet  high.  After  dropping 
the  trays  of  bread,  the  victor  and  his  elder  brother  return  to  their 
positions  by  the  cloud  symbol.  Though  the  noise  of  the  four  drums, 
with  the  singing  and  the  war  whoop,  is  distracting  to  one  not  accus- 
tomed to  it,  the  members  of  the  Bow  do  not  grow  weary  of  the  noise 
or  of  beating  time  to  the  drums  with  their  war  clubs  and  arrows. 

The  nightly  dancing  around  the  scalp  pole  arouses  these  people,  but 
the  dances  on  the  closing  da}'  of  the  ceremonial  tire  them  to  the 
extreme.  Infants  observe  these  ceremonies  without  the  slightest  fear, 
while  the  mothers'  interest  is  intense.  The  ha'shiya  continue  to  dance. 
At  intervals  a  warrior  steps  before  the  cloud  s}'mbol,  and  waving  one 
or  more  arrows  four  times  from  right  to  left  over  the  painting,  throws 
them  toward  the  pu'panakwe  grouped  on  the  west  side,  when  a  mem- 
ber nf  the  choir  from  one  side  or  the  other  comes  forward,  and  lifting 
the  arrows  waves  them  four  times  from  left  to  right  over  the  cloud 
symbol  and  carries  them  to  his  seat.  Gifts  of  calico  and  other  things 
are  now  thrown  by  the  warriors,  their  relatives,  and  friends.  Some 
of  these  o-ifts  are  rather  costly,  one  being  an  imported  shawl  worth 
several  dollars.  The  love  of  display  and  the  desire  to  exceed  one's 
neighbors  are  not  confined  to  enlightened  people.     As  each  gift  is 


STEYEXsox]  a'pI^LASHIWANNI  603 

caught  it  is  waved  over  the  meal  painting  from  left  to  right.  The 
gifts  are  divided  among  the  ha'shiya,  after  they  cease  dancing,  by  the 
men  who  receive  them,  amid  cheers  from  the  populace.  A  warrior 
having  left  the  plaza  to  add  to  the  warmth  of  his  clothing,  presents  an 
incongruous  spectacle  on  his  return,  clad  in  a  well-worn  Prince  Albert 
coat  and  black  cloth  trousers,  with  a  wai  pouch  over  his  shoulder,  a 
buckskin  skullcap  on  his  head,  and  carrying  his  war  club. 

Some  time  before  sunset  two  tiles  of  women,  sixteen  in  each  tile, 
each  carrying  a  bowl  or  basket  of  food  upon  her  head,  come  to  the 
plaza.  They  wear  black  dresses  with  blue  embroideiy,  black  blankets, 
white  buckskin  moccasins  with  black  soles,  and  the  silver  beads  and 
bangles,  which  are  never  omitted  in  ceremonies.  Great  pride  is  felt 
by  the  women  in  their  appearance  when  the}'  carry  food  for  ceremo- 
nial purposes,  no  matter  what  the  ceremony  inay  be.  One  file,  led  by 
the  elder  brother  to  the  victor,  approaches  by  the  northeast  entrance; 
the  other  tile,  led  by  the  victor,  reaches  the  plaza  by  the  southwest 
way.  The  former  deposit  their  bowls  and  baskets  on  the  ground 
about  the  pu'panakwe  on  the  east  side  of  the  plaza;  the  others  deposit 
theirs  about  the  pu'panakwe  on  the  west  side.  The  drummer  of 
pu'panakwe  on  the  east  side  prays  with  the  elder  brother,  and  the  one 
on  the  west  side  prays  with  the  victor.  Afterward  the  drummer  clasps 
the  hands  of  each  woman  of  his  side  and  prays.  At  the  close  of  the 
prayer,  he  moves  his  hands  (still  holding  hers)  three  or  four  times 
before  her  lips,  that  she  may  draw  from  him  the  sacred  breath,  or  all 
that  is  good  of  him.  The  women  depart  as  they  come,  followed  by 
the  elder  brother  and  the  victor. 

Many  of  the  bowls  of  food  from  each  side  are  placed  near  the  meal 
painting  by  the  pa'mosona  and  his  vice,  for  the  A'shiwanni  and  war- 
riors. The  food  in  the  remaining  vessels  is  consumed  bv^  the  pu'pa- 
nakwe. the  pa'mosona  and  pa'mosono"kia  eating  with  those  on  the  east 
side,  while  the  vice  pa'mosona  and  vice  pa'mosono"kia  eat  with  the 
pu'panakwe  on  the  west  side  of  the  plaza.  Before  any  food  is  taken 
by  the  pu'panakwe  the  drummer  puffs  smoke  from  his  cigarette  over 
the  hooped  drumstick,  which  lies  on  the  top  of  the  drum,  and  prays; 
and  the  pa'mosona  deposits  food  from  the  collation  in  the  basket 
containing  the  red  he'we  to  the  north  side  of  the  scalp  pole,  and  the 
vice  pa'mosona  places  food  in  the  basket  to  the  south  side.  Food  is 
also  gathered  from  the  bowls  and  baskets  on  the  east  side  of  the  meal 
painting  and  placed  in  the  basket  to  the  north,  and  from  those  on  the 
west  side  and  placed  in  that  to  the  south  of  the  scalp  pole. 

After  the  return  of  the  victor  and  the  elder  brother  to  the  plaza,  they 
stand  west  of  the  meal  painting,  facing  east,  and  the  pe'kwin  removes 
the  arrows  from  their  mouths;  and  the  elder  brother  to  the  victor, 
passing  before  the  cloud  symbol,  returns  to  his  place  on  the  east  side 
behind  the  painting.     These  two,  who  have  not  eaten  or  drunk  during 


6U4  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.23 

the  day,  now  do  full  justice  to  the  feast.  After  the  A'shiwauni  and 
warriors  have  satisfied  their  appetites,  the  populace  is  allowed  to  par- 
take of  the  remaining  food,  and  the  pu'panakwe  also  distribute  what 
is  left  of  their  feast.  After  the  repast  the  ha'shiya  resume  dancing, 
and  the  pu'mokiakianawe  soon  appear  through  the  northeast  entrance, 
the  men  wearingevery  variety  of  costume.  Many  of  the  women  cany 
an  arrow.  As  they  pass  by  the  food  left  in  the  bowls  the}'  grab  it  and 
eat  it  as  the}*  proceed. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  the  participators  in  this  extended  ceremo- 
nial are  weary,  their  energy  and  interest  appearing  as  keen  as  on  the 
first  day.  As  sunset  approaches,  the  pe'kwin,  accompanied  by  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  whirling  the  rhombus,  and  the  two  'kia'punakwe 
visit  He'patina  (see  plate  xl),  departing  through  the  southwest  covered 
way,  to  deposit  the  jugs  of  water  and  the  prayer  plumes,  which  they 
take  from  the  cloud  symbol.  The  party  returns  within  thirty  minutes. 
The  ha'shiya  continue  to  dance,  and  as  each  set  begin  they  bend  the 
knees  to  the  slow,  soft  music  of  the  choir,  but  after  a  minute  or  two 
the  song  becomes  louder  and  more  rapid,  and  the  dancing  begins  in 
earnest.  The  pa'mosono"kia  and  her  vice  each  wears  a  mi'ha  instead 
of  their  blanket  wraps,  and  a  white  fluffy  eagle  plume  is  tied  to  the 
forelock.  They  receive  bits  of  cedar  bark  from  the  pa'mosona  and  his 
vice.  At  this  time  the  first  body  of  A'shiwauni  sprinkle  the  meal 
painting  and  objects  about  it  Math  meal.  The  elder  brother  Bow 
priest  stoops  behind  the  image  of  U'yuyewi  and  the  younger  brother 
Bow  priest  stoops  behind  that  of  Ma'sai'lema,  each  placing  his  hands 
on  the  idol  before  him.  A  warrior  holds  the  po'nepoyanne,  and  the 
other  fetishes  are  held  by  the  pe'kwin  and  others.  The  idols  and 
fetishes  are  not  lifted  from  the  ground,  but  gently  rocked  upon  it 
from  right  to  left.  The  two  guardsmen  at  their  posts  move  their 
spears  in  the  same  manner  until  sunset.  The  dancing  on  each  side 
of  the  te'wita  ceases  at  sunset,  and  the  pa'mosono"kia,  her  vice,  and 
others  expectorate  on  cedar  bark  and  wave  it  with  their  left  hands 
around  their  heads  for  physical  purification. 

The  idols  and  their  paraphernalia  are  now  removed  from  the  painting 
by  the  pe'kwin  and  returned  to  the  parties  who  brought  them  to  the 
plaza.  The  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  four  other  warriors  form  a 
group  in  the  center  of  the  plaza  by  an  ancient  pottery  drum  which 
contains  a  cream-colored  decorated  archaic  vase  tilled  with  water  and 
seeds.  A  circle,  comprising  the  victor  and  his  elder  brother,  who 
carry  the  effigies,  the  other  A'pi"lashiwanni,  the  first  bod}'  of  A'shi- 
wauni, and  women,  is  formed  around  the  group.  The  hands  are  not 
held,  but  the  women  catch  hold  of  the  men's  blankets. 

It  is  asserted  that  at  the  original  ceremonial  at  IIan"lipinkia  a  son  of 
the  drummer,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Coyote  clan,  held  the  scalps, 
and  that  upon  his  father's  death  he  took  his  place  as  drummer,  the 
father  having  taught  him  the  songs,  and  another  man  of  the  Coyote 


stevexsos]  A'ri'TLASHIWANNI  605 

clan  held  the  scalps;  and  since  that  time  the  holder  of  the  scalps  in 

this  dramatization  is  either  of  the  Coyote  clan  or  a  child  of  the  clan," 

the  scalp  holder  continuing-  to  take  the  place  of  the  deceased  drummer. 
The  songs  accompanying-  this  dance  are  supposed  to  be  the  same  as 

those  sung  at  the  time  the  seven  beings  appeared  from  the  earth  at 

H;in"lipinkia  by  the  commands  of  the  Gods  of  War.* 
The  following  persons  compose  the  circle,  each  man's  aunt  on  the 

paternal  side,  or  the  next  nearest  female  relative  on  that  side,  being  to 

his  left.     The  aunt  is  referred  to  as  elder  sister. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  North,  Dogwood  clan;  paternal  clan,  Coyote.     Elder  sister,  Coyote 
clan. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  Dogwood  clan;  paternal  clan,  Corn.     Elder  sister,  Corn  clan. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  South,  Badger  clan;  paternal  clan,  Turkey.     Elder  sister,  Turkey 
clan. 

Shi'wanni  of  the  East,  Eagle  clan;  paternal  clan,  Sun.     Elder  sister,  Sun  clan. 

Pe'kwln,  Shi'wanni  of  the  Zenith,  Dogwood  clan;  paternal  clan,  Bear.     Elder  sister, 
Bear  clan.'' 

Priest  of  the 'su"hlan'na,  Badger  clan;  paternal  clan,- Dogwood.     Elder  sister,  Dog- 
wood clan. 

Associate  priest  of  'su"hlan'na,  Dogwood  clan;  paternal  clan,  Badger.     Elder  sister, 
Badger  clan. 

Priest  of  pa'St'tong,  Badger  clan;  paternal  clan,  Sand-hill  crane.     Elder  sister,  Sand- 
hill crane  clan. 

Vice  priest  of  pa'fit'tong,  Badger  clan;  paternal  clan,  Sand-hill  crane.     Elder  sister, 
Sand-hill  crane  clan. 

Warrior,  Sand-hill  crane  elan;  paternal  clan,  Badger.     Elder  sister,  Badger  clan. 

Warrior  personating  elder  brother  to  victor  (holding  the  effigy  of  U'yuyewi),  Dog- 
wood clan;  paternal  clan,  Sand-hill  crane.     Elder  sister,  Sand-hill  crane. 

Warrior,  Turkey  clan;  paternal  clan,  Dogwood  (carries  paraphernalia  of  U'yuyewi). 
Elder  sister,  Dogwood  clan. 

Victor  (holding  the  effigy  of  Ma'sai'Iema),  Turkey  clan;  paternal  clan,  Eagle.     Elder 
sister,  Eagle  clan. 

Warrior,  Dogwood  clan;  paternal  clan,  Eagle  (carries  paraphernalia  of  Ma'sai'lema). 
Elder  sister,  Eagle  clan. 

Warrior,  Sand-hill  crane  clan;  paternal  clan,  Corn.     Elder  sister,  Corn  clan. 

Warrior,  Tobacco  clan;  paternal  clan,  Badger.     Elder  sister,  Badger  clan. 

Warrior,  Eagle  clan;  paternal  clan,  Dogwood.     Elder  sister,  Dogwood  clan. 

Warrior,  Bear  clan;  paternal  clan,  Badger.     Elder  sister,  Badger  clan. 

Warrior,  Corn  clan;  paternal  clan,  Dogwood.'     Elder  sister,  Dogwood  clan. 

Warrior,  Badger  clan;  paternal  clan,  Sun.     Elder  sister,  Sun  clan. 

The  circle  dance  continues  far  into  the  gloaming,  until  all  the  songs 
given  by  the  Divine  Ones  at  Han"lipinkia,  which  are  among  the  most 
melodious  the  writer  has  heard,  are  sung.  The  step  is  slow,  from  left 
to  right,  in  perfect  unison  with  the  song,  and  the  change  from  the 
hilarious  songs  and  dances  of  the  day  to  this  quiet,  peaceful,  dignified 
ceremony  is  most  impressive.  When  the  dance  ceases  all  disperse  in 
perfect  quiet;  not  a  word  is  spoken. 

<•  See  List  of  Clans. 
!>Seep.  36. 

<-The  present  Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir  is  also  elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  is  present  in  the  latter 
capacity  forming  one  of  the  group  within  the  circle. 


606  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [eth.ann.28 

The  idols  are  carried  to  the  ceremonial  chamber,  where  the  warriors 
spend  the  night  singing,  the  first  body  of  A'shiwanni  being  present. 
The  scalp  is  removed  from  the  pole  for  the  last  time  by  the  pa'mo- 
sona,  and  at  midnight  he  and  his  assistant,  accompanied  by  the  elder 
brother  Bow  priest  and  four  other  warriors,  fully  equipped,  place  the 
scalps  in  the  pottery  vase  in  the  scalp  house.  Cigarettes  colored  red 
and  red  bread  are  also  deposited  at  the  scalp  house  as  offerings  to  the 
deceased  Navahos.  The  bread  is  made  by  the  i'tatononakwe  out  of 
meal  and  water,  and  is  colored  with  a  red  mineral.  The  batter  is  made 
with  the  left  hand  and  put  upon  a  baking  stone  with  the  same  hand. 
To  do  so,  they  say,  is  awkward,  but  the  hand  which  is  used  to  prepare 
their  own  food  must  not  be  used  for  making  this  bread.  The  stone 
upon  which  it  is  baked  is  at  once  destro}'ed.  Partly  smoked  cigarettes 
and  plume  offerings  are  deposited  at  Shop"hlua  yiil'lakwi. 

At  daylight  the  victor  and  his  elder  brother,  each  accompanied  by  a 
warrior  who  assists  in  carrying  the  paraphernalia,  proceed  to  deposit 
the  idols  at  their  respective  shrines.  That  of  U'yuyewi  is  deposited  at 
Te'wan  ko'han  o'nan  pa'nina;  that  of  Ma'sai'lema  at  Shi'akia  yal'lanne. 
"In  the  olden  time,  the  Sun  Father  designated  the  country  north  of 
the  road  of  day  to  U'yu3Tewi  and  that  south  of  it  to  Ma'sai'lema,"  and 
images  of  these  gods  are  accordingly  placed  at  the  shrines  after  the 
scalp  ceremonial.  The  shrines  at  which  the  idols  are  placed  are  as 
follows: 

ROAD   OF   DAY 

North  South 

Te'wan   ko'han     o'nan     pa'nina.       To'wa    yal'lanne. 

Day  white  road        descending.  Corn  mountain. 

'Hlii'  kia'hlona     o'nan     pa'nina.       Shi'akia  yal'lanne. 

Name  of  a  tree  road         descending.        Stone  sharpener  mountain. 

'Hla'wul'hlia    yal'lanne.  O'pompia"  yal'lanne. 

Eagle's  nest  mountain.  Sack  of  meal  hanging       mountain. 

Kwil'li     yal'lanne.  Ke'ya       3'aTlanne. 

Twin  mountain.  Whitewash       mountain. 

No'ponia4    yal'lanne. 

Face  mountain. 

U'hana''    yal'lanne. 

Wool  mountain. 

After  a  scalp  ceremonial,  these  shrines,  beginning  with  Te'wan 
ko'han  o'nan  pii'nina  and  Shi'akia,  are  taken  in  rotation,  the  idol  of 

a  o  from  owe,  flour  (wheat  or  corn) :  pom'pia,  hanging.  "  Two  girls  from  Shun'te'klaya  were  gath- 
ering grasses  to  make  baskets  to  hold  prayer  plumes,  when  they  met  the  older  God  of  War.  He  invited 
them  to  his  house  on  the  mountain  top.  Here  they  saw  a  diminutive  sack  of  flour  hanging  from  a 
tree,  and  great  was  their  surprise  when  they  observed  the  grandmother  of  the  gods  make  bread  from 
the  flour  in  the  saek.  Although  the  woman  took  but  the  smallest  quantity  of  the  flour,  she  made  a 
great  basket  <>1  bread  from  it." 

''So  named  because  "the  face  and  head  of  Ko'loowisi  (Plumed  Serpent)  were  seen  above  the  waters 
at  this  point  by  the  A'shiwi,  who  were  on  To'wa  yal'lanne  to  escape  the  great  flood." 

rheGodsof  War  killed  many  mountain  sheep  on  this  mountain,  and  the  grandmother,  in  sweep- 
ing the  wool  of  the  sheep  from  the  house,  swept  it  down  the  mountain  side  until  it  was  quite  covered 
with  wool. " 


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stkvensun]  a'p['tlashiwanni  607 

the  elder  God  of  War  being  placed  north  of  the  road  of  day,  and  that 
of  the  younger  God  of  War  south  of  it.  The  image  is  set  up  and 
the  prayer  plumes  are  planted  in  a  row  on  each  side  at  right  angles 
with  the  image,  and  the  paraphernalia  are  arranged  much  as  they 
were  in  the  plaza.  Meal  is  sprinkled  from  the  idol  outward  between 
the  lines  of  prayer  plumes.  Both  gods  bear  the  name  of  A'hayuta  at 
the  winter  solstice  and  at  other  times  when  only  rain  and  all  things 
good  are  thought  of  and  hearts  are  peaceful.  Although  the  road  of 
the  sun  divides  the  shrines  of  these  gods,  neither  one  must  be  thought 
of  in  connection  with  the  north  side  at  the  winter  solstice  when  rain 
is  desired,  and  therefore  at  this  season  the  elder  god  is  always 
deposited  on  U'hana  yal'lanne,  and  the  younger  on  To'wa  yal'lanne. 
Should  an  idol  of  U'yuyewi  be  placed  north  of  the  road  of  the  sun 
at  this  time,  "the  rains  and  winds  would  be  very  angry  and  there 
would  be  too  much  cold." 

Plate  cxxxvn  shows  five  images  of  U'yuyewi  and  paraphernalia 
removed  from  the  shrine  on  Kwil'li  yal'lanne  and  placed  by  a  monu- 
ment erected  by  a  topographical  party  of  the  United  States  Geological 
Survey.  Of  the  nine  carvings,  beginning  with  the  one  at  the  left, 
the  first  three  are  idols  of  U'yuyewi;  the  five  lines  on  each  side  of  the 
idols  and  near  the  base  represent  the  hands  of  the  gods;  figure  4,  the 
war  club;  figure  5,  the  earthly  arrow;  figure  6,  a  tablet  surmounted 
with  a  serrated  design  symbolizing  cumulus  clouds.  The  crescent  is 
immediately  below  the  cloud  symbol.  The  full  moon  is  symbolized 
by  the  circular  opening,  and  the  star  by  the  cross.  Figure  7  repre- 
sents the  lightning  arrow;  figures  8  and  9,  idols  of  U'yuyewi.  Three 
of  the  images  still  retain  the  serrated  projections  which  symbolize  the 
umbilicus. 

Plate  cxxxvin  shows  the  shrine  on  Kwil'li  yal'lanne,  with  the  latest 
idols  in  place  and  the  displaced  images  with  their  paraphernalia 
heaped  about. 

Plate  cxxxix  shows  idols  of  the  God  of  War,  removed  from  an 
ancient  cave  shrine  in  the  west  wall  of  To'wa  yal'lanne  and  stood  out- 
side to  be  photographed. 

Although  the  A'pi^lashiwanni  have  many  shrines  dedicated  to  the 
Gods  of  War,  the  most  sacred  spot,  perhaps,  is  the  crater  in  the  vol- 
canic cone  at  the  Zufii  Salt  lake  (see  plate  lxxxix),  which  is  supposed 
to  be  the  present  home  of  these  gods." 

The  philosophy  of  the  Indian,  as  of  man  wherever  found  and  at 
whatever  stage  of  culture  he  may  have  arrived,  is  the  result  of  his 
desire  and  his  efforts  to  understand  the  mysteries  of  nature.  With 
the  exception  of  the  Lightning  fraternity,  which  originated  virtually 

a  All  of  the  shrines  of  the  Gods  of  War  and  a  number  of  other  illustrations  in  this  paper  were-  secured 
by  Mr  Stevenson  in  1881. 


608  THE    ZUNI    INDIANS  [bth.ann.23 

under  her  own  eye,  the  author  has  not  attempted  in  the  foregoing 
pages  to  give  any  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  religious  organiza- 
tions other  than  that  entertained  by  the  Zufii  mind.  These  children 
of  the  human  family  are  highly  imaginative.  The  soul  of  the  Zufii 
expands  with  adoration  toward  the  supreme  mysterious  power  that 
controls  all  things,  without  form  yet  embracing  form,  the  breath  of 
life  — even  life  itself;  and  toward  the  gods,  whose  forms  are  visible  in 
the  heavens  above,  in  the  earth  beneath,  and  in  the  waters  under  the 
earth,  who  are  only  less  mighty  than  the  supreme  power,  and  who 
bless  the  good  and  punish  the  wicked. 

While  it  remains  to  be  learned  definitely  by  what  people  or  peoples 
the  elaborate  rituals  of  the  Zufii  were  instituted  it  is  assumed  that 
they  originated  with  the  Zufii  themselves.  What  part  clanship  played 
in  the  dawn  of  the  ritualistic  life  of  the  Zufii  is  also  yet  to  be  deter- 
mined. It  is  certain  that  for  a  long  time  past  membership  at  large  in 
the  fundamental  religious  bodies  of  the  Zufii  has  not  been  dependent 
on  ties  of  clanship,  though  in  certain  cases  succession  to  office  in 
fraternities  does  depend  on  clanship. 

Before  airy  exposition  of  the  origin  of  the  fundamental  religious 
organizations  and  of  the  rituals  can  be  offered,  a  comparative  study  of 
the  Pueblos  must  be  made.  For  this  work  the  passing  hours  are 
golden,  for  not  only  are  the  villages  losing  their  old-time  landmarks, 
but  the  people  themselves  are  changing,  are  adapting  themselves  to 
suddenly  and  profoundly  altered  environment;  and  the  Zufii  at  least, 
whose  religion  teaches  them  to  speak  with  one  tongue,  to  be  gentle  to 
all,  and  to  subdue  the  passions,  thereby  winning  the  favor  of  their 
gods,  are,  under  the  influences  of  modern  conditions,  losing  the  re- 
straining power  of  this  religion,  and,  as  a  result,  are  changing  for  the 
worse. 


ODEX 


Page 

Acknowledgments 19, 20 

Animal  fetishes,  origin  of.  (See Mythology.) 

Abode,  walls  of,  in  the  Southwest xxix 

Agriculture,  aboriginal XII 

Alaska,  field  work  in ix 

Algonquian,  vocabulary  of xxxvi 

Anthropic  worship  and  ritvai 62-107 

A'shiwi,  history  myth  of  (free  transla- 
tion; text  and  interlinear  transla- 
tion ) 73-89 

characters  and  objects  in 73 

'Kluklo,   quenching  the  thirst  of, 

during 89 

orderof  recitation  ineachki'wi'sine       89. 

purpose  of  recitation  of 89 

Goth,  rabbit  hunt  with 89-94 

'Cha'kwena,  action  of,   with   first 

rabbit  tilled 92 

ceremonies   by,  before   certain 

houses 93, 94 

ceremonies  with 90, 91 

departure  of 94 

deposition  of  food  offerings  after 

the  hunt 92, 93 

lounging    of,    in    He'klapawa 

ki'wi'sine 93 

offerings  of  food  to,  and  disposi- 
tion of  by : 93, 94 

offerings  of  te'likinawe  to,  and 

deposition  of  te'likinawe,  by  .  93,94 
pregnant  women  visited  by  (also 

note) 89, 90 

SaTimobiya     and,     make     an- 
nouncements         90 

'San'iaklakwe  and,  dancing  of.       90 

food  offerings  to  the  gods 91 

gods,  procession    of,  over  western 

road 91 

method  of  killing  the  rabbits 91, 92 

naming  of  male  children  by  'Si'^i- 

kla  and  the  Ko'yemshi 89 

notification  of.  by  warrior  of  Hunt- 
ers fraternity 89 

plan  pursued  by  each  Sa'yalhlia 91 

rabbits,  ceremony  over,  after  hunt.       92 
SaTimobiya,  station  of  the  blue  and 

yellow 91 

Sa'ya'hlia,  notification  of  the  people 

by 91 

time  of  having 89 

23  BTH— 04 39 


Anthropic  worship  anp  ritual— Cont'd. 

Ki'witsiive  and  their  functions 62-72 

A'shiwi  history  myth,  description  of 

beginning  of 66, 67 

in  whose  keeping 66 

time  of  representation  of 66 

certain  gods  assigned  to 62 

children  allied  to 65 

description  of 62 

*Klak]o,  personator  of,  description 

of  costume  of 67 

reception  of,  in  Chu'pawa  ki' wit- 
sine" 72 

selection  of,  to  recite  the  history 

of  the  A'shiwi 66 

Kor'kokshi,  limitation  on  the  danc- 
ing of 63 

place  of  dancing  of 64 

Ko'tikili,  membership  of  womenin.  65 

reason  for  initiation  in 65 

Ko'yemshi,  costume  of,  in  A'shiwi 

drama 67 

dialogue  between,  and  lKIaklo.  72 

song  of 68-72 

verification  of  {note) 72 

mo'sona  (dance  director) ,  duties  of.  63, 64 

name  of  each,  derivation  of 62, 63 

number  of,  and  names 62 

officers  of 62 

relation  of  each  to  the  other 63 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  meaning   of    name 

(note) 62 

Ko'loowisi,  coming  of,  and  involuntary 

initiation  into  Ko'tikili 94-102 

children,  ceremony  over,  after  ini- 
tiation   102 

initiation  of  the 99 

presented  with  water,  seeds,  and 

grass  from  Ko'loowisi 101 

dry  painting,  making  and  decora- 
tion of 96,97 

gods,  assembling  of,  in  Chu'pawa 

and  O'he'waki'wi'siwe 100 

ceremony  with  plume  wands  of.  100 
certain,  administering  of  water 

to,  reason  for 97 

instructed  by  pe'kwln 97 

feast  of,  after   ceremonies    in 

ki'wi'siwe 101 

fifteen,  mounds  made  for  each  of  97 

609 


610 


INDEX 


ANTHROPIC  worship  and  ritual— Cont'd.    Page 
Kb'loowisi,  coming  of,  etc. — Continued, 
gods,  gathering  of  personatorsof,  in 

Hc'klapawa  ki'wi'sinc- 94 

making  of  offerings  by 95 

manner  of  entering  the  ki'wi- 
'sinC- by 100 

placing  of,  in  Si'aa'  te'wita 98 

Ha'shi,  personator  of  i  noU  i 96 

'Klaklo  (Ha'shi),  performances  of, 

with  other  gods 96 

Ko'loowisi,  description  of 94 

gods  who  accompany 95 

performances  of,  in  the  ki'wi'- 

sinS 101 

position  of,  in  ki'wi'sinC- 95 

visit  of,  to  the  ki'wi'sint- 101 

water,   seeds,   and  grass  from, 

distribution  of 101 

la'showawe,  placing  of.  on  heads 

of  Sal'imobiya 98 

Sa'ya'hlia,  striking  of  the  children 

by 99, 100 

tSi"sik?a,  gathering  of  food  by  the 

Ko'yemshi  for 97, 98 

Su'ti'ki     (bird     fetish)     ceremony 

with 100,101 

To'seluna,  young  men  appointed  to 

visit,  for  water 94 

Ko'ttkUi,  voluntary  initiation  into 102-107 

boy,  age  of,  when  initiated 102 

initiation,  assembling  of  people  for 

the 102 

ki'wi'sinC,  change  in  membership 

of,  reason  for 107 

Kor'kokshi,    arrangement    of,    in 

dance 105, 106, 107 

description  of  leader  of 105 

Kor'kokshi  dancers,  description  of 

costume  of 104,105 

Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy  fraternity),  ac- 
tions of  the  Ko'yemshi  and...      106 

buffoonery  by 107 

description  of  costume  of 106 

novices,  masks  presented  to 103. 104 

stri  king  of  Sa'ya'hlia  by 104 

threatened  by  the  Ko'mosona..      104 
Sa'ya'hlia,    dance     of,     in     Si'aa' 

te'wita 106 

general  whipping  by 104 

striking  of  novices  by 103 

Sia  youth,  first  to  be  initiated 10^ 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  ceremonies  in,  where 

witnessed  by  people 106 

A'pi'tlushiwanni    <  Bow   priesthood),    i  Set 

Esoteric  fraternities,  i 
Arctic  Highlanders!."'  also ItaArivaca val- 
ley, ancient  population  of) xn 

Arizona,  field  work  in ix,xvi,xvii 

ruins  of  central  and  northern,  objects 
of  value  obtained  from IS 

A'MIIWANM      KAIN  PRIESTfiOOD) 163-180 

ate,  method  of  promotion 166 

requirements  of  |  note) 166 

duties  of  female 165 

confined  to  families 165,166 


A'shiwanni  (Rain  priesthood)— Cont'd.     Page 
decline  of  eligibles  for  membership  in .  166, 167 

designations  given  to 163 

enumeration  of 167, 168 

ot 'tone,  care  of 164 

description  of 163 

sacredness  of 164 

ct'towe,   taking   of    flashlight    picture 

of 164, 165 

impeachment  of  a  shi'wanni,  power  of 

Priestess  of  fecundity 166 

members  of 163 

ninth  shi'wanni  (note) 167 

order  of  retreat  of,  in  1S91 ISO 

Shi'wanni  of  the  North,  installation  of  an 

associat* 1 168-171 

arrival  of  participants  in 168 

ceremony  on  entering  chamber 168 

close  of  ceremonies  over 171 

corn  pollen,  removal  of  line  of 170 

installation  of  deputy  to  Sun  Father  169 

Kla'kwemosi,  part  played  by.  in...  170 
line  of   corn    pollen  necessary  to 

adornment  of 169 

novice,  ceremony  over 170 

pe'kwln,  celibacy  of  (note) 169 

persons  present 168 

prayers,  burden  of,  in 171 

prayers  of  sun  priest 169 

Shi'wanni  of  the  Nadir,  whiter  retreatqf  173-178 
cloud  symbol,  prayer  over  third  as- 
sociate near 174 

dual  fetish,  placing  of,  near  cloud 

symbol 174 

feast,  enjoyment  of,  after  retreat  ..  178 
fetishes,  use  of,  in  connection  with 

painting 173 

kla'Otchinc,  planting  of,  in  field  of 

Nai'uchi 177 

knives,  arrow  points  and,  placing  of. 

about  painting 173, 174 

meal   line,    embellishment    of,  by 

Nai'uchi  and  associate 174 

meal  painting,  dismantling  of 17S 

mi'wachion  cloud  symbol,  property 

of  whom  (note) 174 

Nai'uchi,  meal  painting  of  173 

preparation  of  water  by 175 

offerings   of    women,    distribution 

of 177, 178 

principal  character 173 

shi'wanni,  retreat  of  each  (note) . . .  173 
songs  of  thanksgiving,  movements 

in 17$ 

sprinkling  of  water  and  meal 175 

suds,  bathing  with 178 

making  of 175 

making  of,  by  Sia  Indians  (note)  175 

thunder  stone,  specimen  of  (note)..  177 
thunder    stones,     rolling    of,    by 

A'shiwanni 177 

u'wannomi,  invocation  to 175-177 

water,  consecrated,  drinking  of —  17S 
Shi'wanni  of  the  West,  filling  of  va- 
cancy (note) 167 

Shi'wanni^  sumnu  r  retreat  of  a 179, 180 


INDEX 


611 


A'shiwanni  (Rain  priesthood)— Cont'd.     Pftge 
Shi'wanni,  summer  ntiuat  of  <i— Cont'd. 

account  of,  by  himself 179 

cloud  symbols,  making  and  decora- 
tion of 179 

fit'tonS,  description  of  house  of 179 

least,  enjoyment  of 179 

prayer  plumes,  planting  of 179 

retreat,  object  of 179 

room  where  made 179 

Tt'tikiii-nn.  preparation   and  planting 

0/ 171-172 

A'shiwanni.  offerings  of 171 

plumes  and  paint   used  by,  in 

making 172 

Bow  priests,  offerings  made  by...  171,172 

meaning  of 172 

method  of  making 172 

used  in  large  numbers 171 

A'shiwanni  train  priests).    (See  Mythology.) 
Ashiwi.     i  See  Mythology.) 

Athapascan  tribes  of  Alaska,  records xvi 

A'wisho.     (See  Mythology.) 
A'wonawil'ona,   description  of.    (See  My- 
thology.) 
Barbarism,    psychological    differentiation 

of XXI,  XXII 

Barnet,  F.  M..  custodian  of  property  in  the 

Bureau xlii 

Beast  Gods,  creatiqn  of.    (See  Mythology.) 

Benton,  G.  J.,  editorial  work  of xxxviii,  xlii 

Birch  bark,  use  of,  in  aboriginal  industries, 

-      XIII,  XXXI 

Bi'^si'si.    (See  Mythology.) 

Boas.  Franz,  Kathlamet  texts  of xxxvi 

researches  by xi,  xrv,  xxxiv,  xxxv 

Tsimshian  texts  of xxxvi.xliii 

Bowditch,  C.  P.,  translation  of  works  on 

Mexican  and  Mayan  records  by xxxviii 

Bow   priesthood,   ceremony   of   initiation 

into.    (See  Esoteric  fraternities.) 
British  Columbia,  field  work  in.  ix,  xviii,  xxxiv 

Brown,  J.  Stanley  (note) 18 

Bureau  of  Ethnology,  expedition  of  July, 

1879.  members  of 15 

Cacti,  food  value  of  fruit  of xui,xxx 

stems  of,  as  material  for  houses xxix 

Cajon,  buildings  of xxx 

Calendar,  description  of.    (See  Ceremonials, 
calendar  and  calendric.) 
Mexican   and    Mayan,  publication  of 

papers  on xxxviii 

California,  field  work  in ix 

linguistic  material  collected  in xxxv 

Canoes,  birch-bark xxxi 

Canyon  de  Chelly.  arm  of 18 

Canyon  del  Muerto.  ruins  of 18 

Casa  Grande,  durable  character  of xxx 

Casas  Grandes,  exploration  of '. .   xvn 

Central  America,  calendar  and  antiquities 

of.  papers  on xxxviii 

linguistic  material  from xxxiv 

Ceremonials,  calendar  and  calendric, 

108-163 

Calendar,  description  of 108 

months,  name  of 108 


Ceremonials,  etc.— Continued.  Page 

Calendar— Continued. 

solstice,  winter  and  summer,  calcu- 
lation of 108 

year,  division  of 108 

Ceremonies,  winter  solstice 108-148 

A'toshle  fangry  gods), actions  of,  to- 
ward the  people 140 

announcement  by 140 

certain  actions  of,  daring  win- 
ter dances  of  Kor'kokshi 14$ 

A'shiwanni,  first  body  of,  making 
of  prayer  plumes  by,  on  eighth 

day 126 

preparation  of  prayer  plumes  by      110' 
Bow  priest,  elder  brother,  prepara- 
tion of  images  of  Gods  of  War 

by 116, 117 

bread,  wheat  and  corn,  preparation 

of 114,115 

calendar,  ceremonial    relating  to, 

description  of 124-126 

ceremonial  chamber,  identification 

of  (note) 109 

'Cha'kwena,  arrival  of,  at  He'iwa 

ki'wi'sine" 140 

departure  of 140' 

personator  of 140 

visited    by  personators  of  her 

people 140: 

cigarettes,  bearer  of,  ceremony  of, 

with  chief  wor'li 146 

smoking  of,  by  shi'wanni  and       m 

associates 125- 

Council  of  the  Godsand  rain-makers, 

deposition  of  prayer  plumes  to  ...      144 
Council  of  the  Gods  and  Sha'Iako, 
consultation    concerning    enter- 
tainment of 129* 

dances,  Kor'kokshi,  entertainment 

for  the  people 148- 

dance  talkers,  collection  of  dancers 

by 144 

duties  of 144 

Deer  and  Corn  clans,  certain  mem- 
bers of,  deposition  of  prayer 

plumes  by 128,129' 

certain  members   of,   bringing 

of  water  by 128,129- 

eagle,  plucking  of,  and  ceremonies 

over 114 

elder  brother  Bow  priest  and  pe'- 
kwln,  formal  words  used  by,  in 

presentation  of  te'likinawe 132: 

fetishes,  handling  of,  by  shi'wanni.      124 
prayer  song  over,  in  Sia  tongue 

(note) 125 

song  over,  led  by  shi'wanni 125 

fire,  sacredness  of,  reasons  for 121^ 

fire-maker,  lighting  of  sacred  fire 

by 115 

fire-tender,  actions  of,  in  ki'wi'sine"      121 

purification  of 132 

flayed  bear,  ceremony  over 126 

fifth  to  eighth  days,  preparation  of 
food  on 121 


612 


INDEX 


Cebemonials,  etc.— Continued.  Page 
*  ■-  n  monies— Continued. 

fraternities, certain,  makingofoffer- 

ingsby 118 

convening  of  certain 112 

invitation  to  visit,  form  of  (also 

lint,  | 112 

preparation  of  prayer  plumes  by  ill 
fraternity,  director  of,   medicine 

water  distributed  by 147 

preparing  for  attendance  of 123 

Godsof  War,  description  of  (note)..  116 
images  of   ceremonies  over,  in 

ki'wi'sine" lit; 

deposited    at    respective 

shrines 117 

of  what  tree  made 113 

order  of  procession  of 115,116 

plaeeof,inHe'i\va  ki'wi'sine'  113 

procession  of 115 

returned  to  their  respective 

homes 116 

offerings  made  to 116 

preparation  of  images  of,  con- 
fined to  whom 112,113 

preparation  of  paraphernalia  for  113 
Great  Fire  fraternity,  certain  mem- 
bers of,  collect  water 128 

certain  members  of,  deposition 

of  prayer  plumes  by 128 

directorof  reception  of  water  by  129 
He'i  wa  ki'wi'sine,  ladderof,descrip- 

tion 134 

household,  members  of,  deposition 

of  prayer  plumes  by 118-120 

houses,  cleansing  of,  during  winter 

solstice  ceremonies 132 

kla'Otchine,  purpose  of  preparation 

of 110 

.ki'wi'sine,  people  of,  kfa'fitchinfi  re- 
ceived by 146 

.aid  each  other  during  cere- 
monies   142, 143 

sleeping  in,  during  ceremonies.  130 

those  privileged  to  enter 130 

variety  of  dances  in 148 

Kok'ko  A'wa  (all  the  gods),  food 

offerings  to,  by  the  Ko'tikili 141 

Kom'hii'likwi,  initiation  of  witches 

by 127,128 

Kom'hii'likwi  and  party,  deposition 

of  prayer  plumes  by 127 

Ko'mosona,  reception  of  water  by..  129 

Ku'pekwln.mealpaintingmadeby.  129 

planting  of  prayer  plumes  by. . .  143 
Knr'kokshi,  ceremonies  of,  on  river 

bank 145 

dancing  of,  in  each  ki'wi'sine..  146 
description  of  first  ceremonies 

by.  in  1891 143-148 

leader   of,   actions    of,  on  roof 

of  each  ki'wi*sinfi 146 

order  of  presentation  of 147 

time  of  wearing  masks  of  i  notes)  145 

winter  dances  of 141 

Ko'yemshi,  users  of  masks  of  (note) .  147 


Ceremonials,  etc.— Continued.  Page 
Ceremonies — Continued. 

Ku'shilowa,  deposition    of   prayer 

plumes  at , 131 

location  of 131 

Kwe'lele,  costume  and  decoration 

of 134 

la'showannO,  making  of,  by   Hopi 

resident 122, 123 

Mexican  words,  superstition  regard- 
ing use  of  {note) ill 

Mu'luktiikla,  announcement  made 

by 143 

deposition  of  prayer  plumes  by.  144 

visitsmadeby,  toeach  ki'wi'sine-  144 
mystery  medicine  orders,  character 

of  prayer  plumes  of Ill 

National  Museum,  complete  set  of 

prayer  plumes  obtained  for  (note) .  120 
Pau'tiwa  ( Koni'hii'likwi),    articles 

carried  by 137 

ceremonies  of,  at    entrance  to 

ki'wi'sine 139 

coming  of 137 

departure  of,  from  the  village..  139 

deposition  of  te'likinawe  by 138 

encircling  of  village  by 138 

personated  by  different  clans  ..  127 

personator  of 130 

reception  of, in  He'iwa  ki'wi'sine  138 

selection  of  personator  of 126 

pe'kwln.meal  painting  made  by...  115 
prayer  plumes,  certain  restrictions 

after  planting 120, 121 

deposition  of,  on  fifth  day 117 

fast  after  deposition  of 120 

making  and  purpose  of 110-112 

making  of,  by  certain  members 

of  Sun  and  Corn  clans 127 

characteristic  group 122 

in      mother's      or      wife's 

house 111,112 

persons  exempt  from  depositing 

on  ninth  day 122 

preparation  of,  for  ninth  day...  122 

on  fourteenth  day 128 

presentation  of,  to  the  persona- 
tors  of  the  gods 133 

to  whom  offered  on  ninth  day. .  122 
proceedings  following  rising  of  the 

Morning  Star 130, 131 

rhombus,  description  of  (note) 115 

sacred  fire,  maker  of  the,  selection  of  114 
Sal'imobiya,  presentation  of  seeds 

by 140,141 

Sa'ya'hlia,  departure  of 141 

masks  of,  worn  by  personators. .  129 

whipping  of  the  people  by 140 

seed-gatherers,  gathering  of  fond  by, 

and  disposition  of " 145 

selection  of  those  to  personate  the 

gods  in  the  Sha'liiko  ceremonies. .  133 
Sha'lako,  chief,  meeting  of  people 

in  house  of 142 

elder  brother,  selection  of  seed- 
bearers  142 


INDKX 


613 


Ceremonials,  etc.— Continued.  Page 

CWenefar— Continued. 

Sha'luko,  entertainer  of,  visited  by 

his  relatives 142 

personator  of,  presentation   of 

kla'etchine  by 147 

worAve    and,   ceremony    with 

meal  and  cigarette 144 

Shits'ukla,  costume  and  decoration 

Of,  during 133, 134 

Shits'ukni  and  Kwe'lele,  dancing  of, 

on  roof  of  He'iwa  ki'wi'sinc . .       134 
throwing  of  corn   to  populace 

by 134,137 

solstice,  winter,  announcement  by 

sun  priestof  thecomingof 109 

close  of  ceremonies  of 141 

enumeration  of  days  of 109, 110 

selection  of  time  for,  pe'kwln 

responsible 108 

Zuni  name  for 10S 

Sun  Father,  reference  to  (note) 108 

sun  priest,  daily  observations  of  sun 

by 109 

deposition  of  prayer  plumes  by.  109 
notifies  the  A'shiwanni,  when. .  109 
observation  of  continence  by  . .      109 

sun  shrine,  description  of 117, 118 

tfeh'kwi,  application  of  word  (note).      115 

water,  administering  of 137 

We'wha,  legend  related  by 135 

wood,  collection  of,  by  fire-maker. .      115 
wor'li,  chief,  house  of,  important 

meeting  in 141 

distribution  of  seeds  by 147 

prayer  over  te'likinane" 141,142 

selection  of  entertainers  of  Sha'- 

lliko  at  bouse  of 141 

-wor'we,     preparation     of     prayer 

plumes  by 145 

yucca,  rope  of,  method  of  prepara- 
tion (note) 113 

Zunis,    effect    of    Mr   George    W. 
Lander's  attempt  at  civilizing  ...      130 

Ceremonies,  summer  solstice 148-162 

solstice,    summer,    ant    fraternity, 

altar  of,  embellishment  of 159 

burning    of     fence,   objections 

raised  to 158 

Great  Fire   fraternity,  altar  of, 

embellishment  of 159 

invocation  of  Beast  Gods  and 

A'ehiyala'topa 152, 153 

Kla'kwemnsi,     ceremonies    of, 

in  Si'aa'  te'wita 161 

Ko'mosona,    administering    of 

water  by,  in  Mu'he'wa  ...       162 
meal  painting  of,    in  Mu'- 
he'wa ki^v^sine 152 

Kor'kokshi.     annointing     and 

painting  of 160 

dance  of.  in  different  plazas.      159 
in    ki'wteing  and   Ko'- 

pekwln's  house 160 

dances  of.after  retreat 161,162 

pilgrims  met  by,  near  Zuni.      158 
repetition  of  the  dances  of  .      162 


Ceremonials,  etc.— Continued,  Page 

( \  r<  mom'ffs— Continued, 

solstice,  summer,  Ko'thluwala'wa, 

ceremonies  at  lake 156,  157 

description  of  visit  to 154,155 

gathering  of  tortoises  near  .      1">7 
journey  of  pilgrims  from...      158 

making  of  sacred  tire  at 157 

song  of  Ko'yemshi  at 156 

Ko'yemshi,  dancing  of,  in  Si'aa' 

te'wita  after  retreat 161 

pe'kwln  announces  coming 

of 118.149 

prayer  plumes  of 149 

making  of  po'newe  during 152 

making  of  pottery  previous  to. .  150 
meal  painting  of  Kia'kwemosi  150, 151 
meeting  of  fraternities  previous 

to 149,150 

point  of  observation  for 148 

pilgrimage  to  Ko'thluwala'wa, 

preparation  for 153 

pilgrims,  breakingupof  party .  159, 160 

division  of  party • 154 

mountains     ascended     by 

(note) 154 

procession  of,  into  village..      159 
pilgrims     to     Ko'thluwala'wa, 

description  of 153 

procession  of 153, 154 

prayer  plumes,    deposition   of, 

at  Ko'thluwala'wa 156 

preparation    of    prayer  plumes 

after 151, 152 

preparation    of    prayer  plumes 

previous  to 149, 150 

retreat  of  A'shiwanni  during  ..  151 
Shu'laawi'si,  use    of   firebrand 

by , 157,158 

tortoises,    treatment   of,    after 

ceremonies  (note) 161 

use  of,  during  dances 160,161 

Zuni  name  for  (note) 148 

Ceremonies,  summer  solstice.     (See  Cere- 
monies, calendar  and  calendric.) 
'Cha'kwena.    (See  Mythology.) 

Cheyenne,  heraldry  of xvn 

Chihuahua,  collections  from xli 

field  work  in ix,  xvn 

"Chi'klalikw  e     ( Rattlesnake     fraternity  ^ . 
(See  Esoteric  fraternities.) 

Chinook,  dictionary  and  grammar  of xxxv 

Cibola,  architecture  of xlv 

Clans,  list  of.    (See  Customs,  history,  arts, 
and.) 
origin  of.     (See  Mythology.) 
Classification  of  the  higher  powers.     (See 
Mythology.) 

Cliff  dwellers,  home  of 13, 14 

Collections,  ethnologic,  added  to  United 

States  National  Museum xli 

Colorado,  field  work  in ix,xvi,xvii 

Corn  Father.    (See  Mythology.) 
Corn  Maidens,  discovery  of.     (See  Mythology.) 
giving  of  seeds  to,  by  witches.     (See 

Mythology.) 
rediscovery  of,  and  re-creation  of  corn. 
(See  Mythology. ) 


614 


INDEX 


Page 
Corn  Mother.     (See  Mythology.) 
Crops,    thanksgiving    for   (o'winahai'- 

Y  E) 205-217 

Ant  Fraternity,  dancing  of  a  man  of 208 

A'pr'liishiwniini,  dancing  of  the 208 

A'shiwanni,  meeting  of 205 

preparation  of  cigarettes  by 205 

Bow  priesthood,  description  of  warrior 

wand  of 206 

Bow  priests,  elder  and  younger  brother, 

song  and  dance  of 200, 207 

Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sino\  mating  of  young 

men  and  girls  in 210,211 

girls,  adornment  of  two  in  ceremony...      207 

grotesque  character,  dancing  of 210 

dialogue  between  Hopi  Indian  and.      209 
ki'wi'siwe,'  Chu'pawa  and    Mu'he'wa, 

dancing  in 205 

Navahos,   party    personating,  dancing 

of 208, 209 

participants  in  ceremony, selection  of..      205 

Second  day,  ceremonies  of 211-214 

A'pi'diishiwanni,   song  of   the,  in 

large  plaza 212 

buffalo  man,  dancing  of,  in  large 

plaza 214 

reason  for  introduction  of  (note).      214 
Bow  priesthood,  certain  members 

of,  ceremonies  of 213 

costumes  worn  by 212 

Chu'pawa  and  Up'*sannawa  ki'wi'- 
siwe, costuming  of  maidens  in...      213 
large  plaza,  arrangement  of  cere- 
monial objects  in 212 

assembling  in .. 211, 212 

maidens  and  young  men,  dancing 

of,  in  large  plaza 214 

Shi'wano"kla,  house  of,  prayer  of 

Kla'kwemosi  in 211 

praying  over  visitors  in 211 

Second  night,  ceremoniesof 214-217 

Ant  fraternity,  dancing  in  chamber 

of 215 

picture  presented    in  chamber 

of 215 

Chu'pawa    ki'wi*sine\     A'pi'llashi- 

wanni  in 2i6 

ceremony  in  front  of 217 

Navaho  dancers  in 215,216 

personators  of  Navahos  on  roof 

of 215 

youths  personating  old    Zunis 

in 215,216 

large  plaza,  closing  scenes  in 216,217 

throwing  of  gifts  to  people  in.  216,217 
Mu'he'wa  ki'wi'sinG,  ceremonicsin.      216 

places  of  occurrence  of 214 

warrior,  washing  of  the  head  of  a 

[note) 217 

te'wita'hlan'na,  general  dance  in 207,208 

time  of  holding 205 

Culin,  Stewart,  monograph  of,  on  Indian 

games xxv 

Culture,  psychic  stages  of xxn 

Cashing,  P.  H.,  investigations  of,  in  Zufii..    xlv 

published  writings  of,  on  Zufii xlv 

study  of  Indian  games  by xxv 


Page 

Customs;  history,  arts  and 283-383 

Clans,  list  of 291-292 

lists  of  existing  and  extinct 292 

relations  of  family  to 291 

Games 317-349 

A'weflaknawe,    game    of,    imple- 
ments used  in 348, 349 

checkerboard,    Zufii    form     of 

(note) 349 

children,  enjoyment  of,  by 317 

enumeration  of 318 

Ha'poanne    pihl'kwanawe,     game 

of 343-344 

method  of  playing 343, 344 

Ho'klamonnO,  game  of 311-342 

implements  of 341 

method  of  playing 341,342 

object  of  playing  the 342 

I'yankolo'we,  game  of 333-341 

announcement    made    of    the 

playing  of 333 

arrow  in,  use  of 337 

ceremony  preliminary  to 333 

closing  actions  in 340, 341 

first  watcher  in,  visit  to  shrine 

of  elder  God  of  War  by 334,335 

implements  used  in 333 

leader  in,  prayer  and  ceremony 

by 334, 335 

participants  in.  feast  of 337,338 

plants  in,  arrangement  of 337 

players  in,  preparation  of  corn 

husks  by 334 

visit  to  churchyard  by 336 

visit   made    to    rain    priest 

by 335,336,337 

playing  of 338-340 

plaza,  position  of  players  and 

game  in 338 

rat  man  in,  actions  of 337 

selection  of  players  in 334 

time  of  playing 333 

watchers  in,  visits  made  by 335 

^Klash'tuwiwi,  game  of 347-348 

method  of  playing 347 

Ko'yemshi  and  Galaxy  frater- 
nity players  in 347, 348 

song  stories  in 347 

La'pochiwe,  game  of 342-343 

implements  of 342 

method  of  playing 342 

origin  of "318 

Po'kliiinnawe,  game  of 345 

implements  used  in 345 

method  of  playing 345 

Po'pone,  game  of,  method  of  playing      346 

Po'poneklap'nanO,  game  of 346 

purpose  of '. 317 

Sa'yat'laknawe,  game  of 344 

method  of  playing 344 

Sho'liwe,  game  of 328-333 

antiquity  of 328 

as  played  by  professional  gam- 
blers   332, 333 

ceremonial  reeds  in  (note) 330 

description  of  reeds  used  in..  330,331 


INDEX 


615 


Customs,  etc.— Continued.  Page 

Games— Con  tin  tied . 

Sho'Uwe,  difference  in  explanation 

of  (note) 332 

fraternity  organized  for  playing'     328 

gambling  den  of  players  of 332 

implements  used  in 328 

met  hud  of  playing 331 

reeds  used  in 329 

Sho'wekwe,  alternating  of,   in 

personating  Ko'yemsln 328 

degeneration  of 328, 329 

story  of  celebrated  player  of.  329,330 

time  for  playing  {note) .330 

when  played  by  rain  priests  for 

rain 332 

Sho'wiyaltowe,  game  of 344-345 

method  of  playing 344, 34S 

"Si'kon-yamnno  ti'kwanO,gameof  345-346 

implements  used  in 345 

method  of  playing 346 

source  of  knowledge  of,  by  au- 
thor        318 

Tan'kalawe,  game  of,    method  of 

playing - 348 

Ta'sholiwe,  game  of 348 

derivation  of  the  word  {note)  . .      348 

implements  nsed  in 34S 

method  of  playing 348 

Ti'kwanO,  announcement  made  by 

director  of  eacb  ki'wi'sine" 319 

betting  race,  offerings  to  de- 
ceasedmembersof  Bowpriest- 

hood 325 

offerings  to  Gods  of  War. .  324, 325 

preparations  for 324 

Bow  priesthood,  gaming  sticks 

of 320 

boys,    imitation    of    elders   in 

wagering  by 328 

clans,  elder  brother  Bow  priest 

announces  race  of 321 

gaming  sticks,  opinion  of  cer- 
tain authors  (note) 320 

informal    race   of,    description 

of 327,328 

kla'Stchiwe,  depositing  of 319 

la'showannC,  placing  of 319 

medicine,  use  of,  by  runners...      326 

Xavahos,  races  with 328 

other  descriptions  of  {note) 318 

Pi'chikwe,  translation  of  {note).      322 

place  of  clan  racing 321 

preparation  and  depositing  of 
prayer  plumes  by  Bow  priest- 
hood   318,319 

race,  betting  on 325 

ceremony  concluding  the  ..      327 

course  of  the 323, 324 

eligibility  of   those  taking 

partin 327 

end  of 321, 327 

exercising  for 325 

interest  of  spectators  in 327 

starting  of  the 322 

race  course,  monuments  that 
mark  the  (note) 327 


Customs,  etc.— Continued.  Page 

Games— Continued. 

Ti'kwanC,  racers,  start  of 321 

betting  on 322 

race  of  ki'wilsiwe,  game  of. . .  318-321 
rain  and  Bow  priests,  return  of, 

to  village 321 

religious  character  of  games  of.      318 
runner,  action  with  stone  by...      323 

ceremony  over  a 322, 323 

instruction  of  a 323 

runners,    ceremony    to    insure 

swiftness 326 

dress  of 322 

reaching  of  priests  by 321 

sho'klapiso,  feathers  of,  in  (also 

note) 319 

stick ,  use  of,  in  race 326 

warriors,  preparation  of 320 

Ya'chunisa'wanni, game  of, method 

of  playing 347 

Governme7it 289-290 

first  body  of  A'shiwanni,  what  con- 
stitutes (note) 289 

form  of,  description  of 289 

illustration  of  the  exercise  of 290 

Historical  events,  summary  of 283-286 

Industries,  arts  and 349-383 

agriculture  and  horticulture 350-354 

assistance  in  farming,  how  ob- 
tained       350 

corn  and    beans,  development 

of 350,351 

cornfields,  products  of 351 

field  guardian,  necessity  for. .  351, 352 

grain,  supply  of 353 

spring,  description  of  To'seluna.      351 
vegetable  products,  preparation 

of . . . : 353-354 

water,  method  of  distribution 

of 351 

ZufJis,  corn  husking  among 352 

raising  of  peaches  by 354 

treatmentof  wheat  by 352 

vegetable  gardensof 353 

arts  and  industries,  recent  changes 

in 379-383 

English    language,    spread    of 

the 382,383 

horses,  decline  in  raising 381 

household  articles,  modern,  in- 
troduction of 380 

houses,  improvement  in  build- 
ing    379,380 

laundering,  extensive  use  of  ...      380 
Nina,  effect  of  Christianity  on..      382 

soap,  an  experiment  with 380 

Stevenson,  Mr,  changes  inaugu- 
rated by 379 

village,  recent  changes  in 382 

Zufiis,  fraudulent  articles  now 

made  by 381,382 

improvement  in  living  con- 
ditions of 381 

moral  changes  in  the 382 

auctioneering 378-379 

auction,  description  of  an 379 

reasons  for 378 

basektry,  different  kinds  of 373 


616 


INDEX 


I  i  -i  '■;-.  etc. — Continued.  Page 

Industrie  .-■.  arts  and—i  Continued. 

bead  making 378 

beads,  materia]  of  which  made.      378 

process  of  making 378 

dress  and  adornment 369-372 

c.othing,  washing  of 371 

hair,  bangs  worn  by  women 372 

dressing  of  the 371.372 

men,  all  sewing  usually  done  by      371 

every-day  dress  of 369,370 

ornaments  worn  by 370 

pi'toni,  articles  of  dress  for  fe- 
males       370 

women,  dress  of  the 370,371 

ornaments  worn  by 371 

food  and  drink 361-369 

animals,  flesh  of,  use  and  prepa- 
ration of 368, 369 

beverages  common  to  Zunis 369 

bread,  making  of 361-366 

chu'lsikwanawe  (hominy), 

preparation  of 367 

chu'lsikwanawe       he'pachiwe, 

method  of  making 364 

games,  preparation  of 368 

he'pa'ehiwe  (tortillas),  method 

of  making 363, 364 

slab  for  baking 363 

he'palokla,  another  process  of 

making 366 

corn,  method  of  making  ...      366 
method  of  making  and  bak- 
ing    365, 366 

modern  way  of  baking 366 

pats,  baking  of 366 

scraps  of,  treatment  of 366 

he'we,  baking  of 361-363 

coloring  of 362,363 

corn  used  for,  preparation  of      362 
slabs  used  in  baking,  prepa- 
ration of 361,362 

variety  of,  how  made 363 

he'yahoniwe,  method   of  mak- 
ing       363 

horses,  use  of 369 

mi'lo'we,  preparation  of 367 

mu'klaliwe,  method  of  making      363 
mu^kiapawe,  method  of  mak- 
ing        363 

mu'loowe.  baking  of 365 

method  of  making 364 

oven  for  baking 365 

mu^sikowe  (doughnuts),  mak- 

ingoi" 367 

native  fruits,  use  of 368 

squash,  preparation  of 368 

ta'kunawe  (popped  corn),  prep- 
aration of 367 

Thunder  mountain,  erroneous 

translation  of  (note) 361 

Zunis,  daily  meals  of 369 

house  <•< tnsl ruction 349-350 

houses,  entrances  to 349,350 

method  of  building 349,  350 

plastering  of,  method  of 350 

privilege  of  women...  349,350 


Customs,  etc. — Continued.  Page 

Industries,  arts  and — Continued. 

house   construction,  houses,  stone 

doorways  of  (note) 350 

pueblo,  Zufi  i,  form  of 349 

pottery 373-377 

baking  of 375, 376-377 

potters,  clays  used  by,  where  ob- 
tained       374 

forming  of  vessels  by 375 

instruments  used  by 374 

mixing  of  clay  by 374,375 

poor  understanding  of  sym- 
bols used  by 373 

women  usually  the 373 

preparation  and  decorating  of . .      375 
We'wha,  gathering  of  clay  by..      374 

salt  gathering 354-361 

guide,  actions  of ,  toward  Mrand 

Mrs  Stevenson 355-356 

important  ruin  visited  during. .      356 

Ko'hakwa,  mask  of 361 

Ma'lokat'si,  mask  of 360,361 

Ma 'lokat'si,  Ko'hakwa,  and  Sun, 

visit  of 361 

plume  offerings  to  Ma'lokat'si..      355 
ruin,  trepidation  of  guide  dur- 
ing visit  to 356 

salt,  ceremony  over,  in  house  of 

elder  brother  Bow  priest 360 

salt-gatherers,  departure  of 355 

return  of 359 

salt  lake,  announcement  of  trip 

to-. 354 

approach  to 357 

articles  of  value  deposited 

on  shores  of 358 

Father   and    Mother   corn, 

preparation  of 359 

first  view  of 357 

gathering  of  salt  from 359 

neutral  ground  of 357 

path  to.  required  to  be  taken      358 

prayers  of  guide  at 358 

right  to  take  salt  from 357 

shrine  dedicated  to 358 

those  entitled  to  enter 358 

visit  of  Bow  priests  to  home 

of  Gods  of  War 359 

waters  of  (nott ) 357 

signal  fires  approach  of   salt- 
gatherers  warned  by 359 

Sun,  mask  of 301 

Zuni   salt   lake,  description  of 

( note) 354 

silversmithing 377 

wagon  making 378 

weaving 372, 373 

blankets,  making  of.  by  Zunis..      372 
Navaho  weaving  superior..      372 

colors  used  in 373 

priest,  blanket  woven  by  a 373 

spindle,  handling  of  i  note) 372 

Zuni  boy,  blanket  woven  by..  372,373 

Property 290,291 

distribution  after  death 291 

land, method  of  acquirement  of..  290.291 
personal,  division  of 291 


INDEX 


617 


Customs,  etc.— Continued.  Page 

Revolt  O/16S0,  nativ*  accounts  of 286-2S9 

shi'wauni's     (rain      priest's)     ac- 
count    286,  2^7 

Tn'ninkn,  account  given  by 287-289 

Social  customs 292-317 

household,  the '  292-294 

boys    and     girls,    amusements 

Of 2i>3,294 

child,  obedience  of  Zuni 293 

houses,  description  of 292 

fireplaces  in 293 

Zuni,  love-making:  in 294 

Zunis,  domestic  life  of 293 

marriage  customs 304-305 

ceremony,  marriage,  method  of 

performing 304 

Zunis,  monogamy  practiced  by.      305 

mortuary  customs 305-317 

Ant  fraternity,  death  of  a  mem- 
ber of 308 

burial,  physical  purification  af- 
ter        307 

churchyard,  burial  of  dead  in..      306 
dead,  actions  of  mourners  be- 
fore burial  of  the 306 

burial    of    certain    articles 

with 306 

method  of  burial  of  the 306 

spirit  of,  laying  of  the 307 

death,  announcement  of 305, 306 

preparation  of  body  after  . .      305 
deceased,  disposition  of  person- 
al property  after  death 307 

grief,  exhibition  of,  over  loved 

ones 308 

husband  or  wife,  custom  of  the 

surviving. 306, 307 

infants,  piercing  of  ears  of 305 

Nai'uehi,  burial  of 316 

burial  of  belongings  of . . .  316, 317 

cause  of  death  of 314 

death  of 313-317 

In'noeita,  fearof  witch  by. .      317 
mourning    of   family   over 

body  of 316 

preparation  of  body  of,  for 

burial 315, 316 

rain    priests,   ceremony  of, 

over  body  of 315 

treatment  of.  by  native  doc- 
tors   314,315 

poor  woman,  body  of  a,  prepara- 
tion for  burial 308-310 

spirit,  course  of,  after  death 308 

We'wha.  burial  of 313 

death  of 310-313 

description  of 310,311 

immediate  cause  of   death 

of 311 

possessions   of,    destruction 

of 313 

preparation  of  body  of,  for 

burial 312 

natal  customs 294-303 

aceouchment.  practices  after. . .      297 
breast,  operation  on,  by  Nai'- 
uehi        297 


Customs,  etc.— Continued.  Page 

Social  customs— Continued. 

natal  customs,  gestation,  length  of 

time  re<|uired  for 296 

labor  case,  typical,  description 

of 297-303 

Motherrock,  visit  to, by  husband 

ami  wile,  reason  for 294 

perineum,  laceration  of 297 

premature  birth,  production  of.      296 
women,  customs  of,  during  preg- 
nancy        296 

pregnant,  bewitched 295 

declaration  of  Nai'uchi 

about  a,  effect  of  . . .  295, 296 
resorts  visited  by  .  _ . .  294, 295 
suffering  of.duringpreg- 

nancy 296 

uterine  troubles  by 297 

puberty  customs 303-305 

menstruation,  actions  of  women 

during. 303 

puberty,  duties  performed  just 

previous  to 303 

Divination,  cultural  stage  of xxi,  xxn 

Divine  Ones.    (See  Mythology.) 

Dixon,  R.  B.,  researches  of xv,  xxv,  xxxiv 

Dorsey,  G.  A.,  somatologic  observations  of.    xix 

Dreams,  heraldic  devices  revealed  in xxm 

Elder  brother  Bow  priest,  installation  of. 

(See Esoteric  fraternities.) 
Eskimo,  Ita.     (See  Ita . ) 

Esoteric  fraternities 407-607 

A'pi'Uashiwamii  (Bow priesthood) 576-607 

Bow  priesthood,  ceremony  of  initi- 
ation into 578-607 

arrow    and     scalp,    ceremony 

with 586 

A'shiwanni,  first  body  of,  cere- 
mony with  idols  by 604 

preparation       of       prayer 

plumes  by 596-597 

ceremonial     chamber,    assem- 
bling of  A'shiwanni  in 598 

bringing  of  idols  of  Gods  of 

War  to 597 

removal  of  fetishes  in 600 

chaparral-cock   feathers,   pray- 
ing with 589-590 

cigarettes,  making  and  smoking 

of 583 

circular  group,  dance  of 605 

songs  sung  by 605 

corn     and     wheat,     gifts-     to 

A'pi'tlashiwanni  of.. 592 

dancing  girls,  adornment  by  vic- 
tor and  elder  brother  of 590-591 

excavation,  position  of  partici- 
pants around 584 

food,  disposition  of,  inpJaza..  603-604 
dress  of  bearers  of  ceremo- 
nial       603 

gifts,  throwing  of,  to  people..  602-603 
girl     dancers,     costume    worn 

by 588-589 

girl   dancers    and    choir,  song 
and  dance  by  the 589 


(>1<S 


INDEX 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

A'pV  tlashiwanni — Continued, 

Bow  priesthood,  Gods  of  War,  de- 

p«  (Siting  of  idols  of 606, 607 

Gods  of  War,  idols  of.  wood  out 

of  which  made  ( note) 597 

makers  of  wood  idols  of 597 

order  of  depositing  idols  in 

shrines  of 607 

placing  in  chamber  of,  idols 

of 597 

sticks  of   images   of,  color 

of 597-598 

Gods  of  War  and  ants,  symbolic 

homes  of 581-582 

gourds,  decoration  of,  by  Kia'- 

kwemosi 597 

grinders,  gifts  to 592 

ha'shiya,   dancing  in  chamber 

and  plaza  by 591-592 

dancing  of 600, 601, 604 

hatchet-bearers,  costumes  worn 

by  dancers  in  dance  of  .  593-594 

dance  of  the 594 

formation  for  dance  of  . . .  592-593 
He'patina,  certain  participants 

visit 604 

hooped  drum,  ceremony  over. .      593 

'kla'punakwe,  dress  of 598 

large  plaza,  placing  of  fetishes 

around  meal  painting  in  600-601 
procession    of    A'shiwanni, 

etc.,  to 600 

meal  line,  procession  over 585 

meal  painting,  position  of  par- 
ticipants around 601 

meal  painting  and  cloud  sym- 
bol, decorations  around 598 

meander  dance,  route  of 592 

mounds,  large  gathering  about.  583 
O'pompia,  legend  about  (note) .  606 
o'tulasho'nakwe,  dancing  of . . .  595 
pa'mosona,  preparation  of  camp 

fire  by 581 

persons      composing      circular 

group,  list  of 605 

plates  cxxxvn.  cxxxvm,  and 

cxxxix.  explanation  of. 607 

plaza,  bringing  of  food  to 603 

closing  ceremonies  in 606 

erection  of  scalp  pole  in —      586 

formation  of  dancers  in 601 

forming  of  circular  group  in.      604 

meal  painting  in 598 

po'nepoyanne,    description    of 

(note) 598 

prayer  plumes,  planting  on  ant- 
hills of 585 

pu'moklaklanawe,  dancing  of.     595- 
596,601,602 
pu'panakwe,  choirs  formed  of. .      588 
qualifications  for    membership 

in 578 

red  he'we,  method  of  making..  606 
scalp,  attaching  on  pole  pieces 

..!' 582 

attaching  to  twigs  pieces  of.      583 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

.1  'p  i  '  t  lush  i  >va  nn  i— Con  ti  n  ued . 

Bow    priesthood,     scalp,    divided, 
placing  of  in  new  position  in 

plaza 598 

scalp  ceremonial,  fast  of  partici- 
pants in 5S7 

time  of  holding 578 

scalp  custodian,  female  aid  to, 

clan  of  ( note) 584-585 

speech  to  warriors  by 580 

scalp  dance,  repetition  during 

twelve  nights  of 586-587 

scalp-holder,  clan  of  the 604-605 

scalp-kickers,  costume  worn  by.      584 

kicking  of  scalp  by 585 

scalp    pole,    dance    of    people 

about 594, 595, 596 

scalp-washers, costumeworn  by.      590 

receiving  of  scalp  by 590 

reception     by     A'pi'^iishi- 

wanni  of 590 

■  scalp-washers,  etc.,  dancing  in 

plaza  by 591 

procession  to  large  plaza  by.      591 
scalp-washers  and  scalp-kickers, 

selection  of 579 

Sha'liiko,  dance  of  personators 

of 601 

shrines,  list  of,  of  Gods  of  War. .      606 
tsu^hlan'na,      importance      of 

(note) 598 

two  festivals  of 678 

U'hana  yal'lanne,  legend  about 

{note) 606 

victor,  bathing  by  scalp-kicker 

and  aid  of 588 

confinement  toscalppoleof.      587 
meaning  of  decorations  on 

head  of 600 

painting  and  decoration  of 

face  of 599, 600 

selection  of  elder  brother  to.      579 
victor  and  elder  brother,   cos- 
tume of 598-599 

discovery  of  enemy  by 581 

distribution  of  meal  by 599 

performance  with  red  he'we 

by 602 

shooting  of  scalp  by 581 

village,  encircling  of,  by  scalp- 
kickers  586 

war  pouch,  making  of 587-588 

warrior,  prayer  whispered  by.  579-580 

throwing  of  arrows  by 602 

warriors,  decoration  of 599 ' 

first  step  inaugurated  by..  579-580 
selection  of  personators  of . .      579 

war  whoop/giving  of 581 

Bow  priesthood  and  Ant  fraternity, 

song  sung  by 583 

elder  brother  Bow  priest,  installa- 
tion of 577-578 

ceremonial,  praying  after 578 

elder  brother  Bow  priest,  cere- 
mony over  fellow  of 678 

Kla'kwemosi,     instruction     of 
novice  by 577-578 


INDEX 


619 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

A'pVtl&shiwanni— Continued. 

elderbrotuer  Bow  priest,  meal  paint- 
ing, making  of,  by  pe'kwln  ..  577 
novice,  instruction  of,  bypriest- 

hood 578 

Kla'kweniosi,  prerogative  of 577 

organizers  of 576 

peculiar  feature  of 577 

t  Clii'ktalikwt  ( Rattlesnake  fraternity) ....  528 

manner  of  formation  of 528 

Fraternities,  origin  and  functions  of...  407-428 

A'pi''l:ishi\vnnni,  creation  of  the. . .  413 

A'shiwi.  certain,  join  the  Mu"kwe.  412 

coming  of 408 

A'shiwi  fraternities,  secrets  of  mys- 
tery medicine  given  to 409 

author,  sacred  objects  presented  to.  418 

bath,  process  of  the  women's 425 

Beast  Gods,  names  given  to 409 

creation  of 409 

Bi"tsitsi,  creation  of 408 

ceremonial  chamber,  closing  cere- 
monies in 427 

etiquette  in 425, 426 

Chi'pia,    settlement    of    party    of 

gods  at 407 

corn,  preparation  of  a  perfect  ear  of.  418 
Divine   Ones,   third   fraternity  or- 
ganized by 409 

dry  painting,  form  of 415 

et'tone*  and  mi'li,  importance  of,  in 

the  fraternities 416,417 

Fire  and  Sword  orders,  method  of 

joining 416 

fraternities,  ceremonial  bathing  of.  425 

certain  other 413 

drums  of 425 

eligibility  to  membership  in  . . .  413 

garments  worn  by  members  of.  425 

language  of  songs  of 424, 425 

length  of  meetings  of  certain  ..  421 
method  of  notification  of  meet- 
ings of 422 

places  of  meetings  of 423 

rooms  of  the *  423 

semimonthly  meetings  of 422 

tablet  altars  of 425 

time  of  meeting  of 421,422 

fraternity,    deceased    member    of, 

ceremony  with  mi'li 418 

Xe'wekwe,  the   second  organ- 
ized   408,409 

organization  of  first 408 

organization  of   the   Shu'maa- 

kwe 4J1 

Struck-by-lightning,  origin  of.  413-414 

L'huhukwe,  formation  of 410 

Great  Fire  fraternity,  organization 

of ". 409 

Hii  'lo'kwe,  organization  of  the 410 

lHle'wekwe,  peculiarity  of  the 417 

return  of,  to  their  people 410 

sword  swallowing  taught  the  . .  410 
Hopis,  Little  Fire  fraternity  original 

with  (note) 411 

It'sepcho,  joining  the  order  of 416 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 
Fratem  it  ies — C<  rati  nued . 

It'sopcho,  order  of,  dance  in  Shun'- 

telklaya  by '.  412 

Kc'pachu,  home  of  {note) 424 

Knife  order,  cause  of  organization 

of 410 

'Kn'shi'kwe  and  A'pi'<l:ishiwanm, 

requirements  to  membership  in . .  421 

Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  group  known  as. .  407 

initiation  of   certain  members 

of  Great  Fire  fraternity  by  . . .  Ill 

Le'lentu,  finding  of,  by  Mu"kwe  ..  413 

medicineman,  power  of  (note) 414 

mi'li,  separation  and  reconstruction 

of 418-420 

mystery  medicine  order,  joining  a.  415 
mythologic  philosophy,  basis  of  the 

Zuiii 414,  115 

novice,  course  of  initiation  of  a . .  426, 427 

plume  worn  by 426 

Pa'yatamu,  distinction  in  name  of 

(note) 409 

po'nepoyannS,  description  of  (note)  417 
Po'shaiyiinki  and  associates,  com- 
ing of  407 

prayer  plumes,  making  and  deposit- 
ing of,  time  of 423 

sand  painting,  antiquity  of  (note) ..  416 
'San'iakiakwe  (Hunters fraternity), 

peculiarity  of 417 

sculpture,    aboriginal,    near    Shi'- 

papolima 407 

Shi'papolima,  location  of 407 

significance  of  name  (note) 407 

those  who  traveled  to 407 

Shi'wannakwe,  definition  of  (note) .  408 

mi'li  of 418 

Sho'wekwe,  fraternity  of 413 

Shu'maakwe,  mi'li  of  the 417 

Sia  cosmogony,  bit  of  (note) 408 

sucking,  process  of  (note) 415 

theurgism.  development  of 414,415 

theurgists,  methods  adopted  by,  in 

curing  disease 415 

woman,     selection     of     fraternity 

father  for  a 422, 423 

Zufiis,  introduction  of  Little  Fire 

fraternity  among 411, 412 

secrets  of  It'sepcho  given  to  cer- 
tain    411 

Ha'lo'kwe  (Ant fraternity) 528-530 

A'chiya,  prayer  plumes  of  order  of.  530 

ant  gods,  Hii'lo'kwe  agents  of 529 

ant-hill,  praying  of  novice  over 530 

fraternity     father,    depositing     of 

prayer  plumes  by 529 

orders,  names  of 528 

patient,  method  of  treatment  of 529 

treatment    of,    in    ceremonial 

chamber 529 

tffle'wekwe  (  Wood  fraternity),  or  Sword 

swalloivers 444-485 

A'shiwi,  reception  of  'Hle'wekwe  by  447 

ceremonial  chamber,  decorations  in  453 

preparation  of 451-452 

rehearsal  of  songs  in 450 


.wo 


INDEX 


ic  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

tub  'wektve— Continued. 

ceremonial  chamber,  sleeping  in, 

purpose  of 453 

ceremony,  gathering  of  wood  for  the     451 
continence  and  fast,  observance  of, 

during  ceremony 453 

corn  and  wheat,  grinding  of,  in 
houses  of  novices  and  fraternity 

fathers 456 

elder  and  younger  brother  Bi  w 
priests,  prayer  plumes  deposited  by      456 

St'towe,  bringing  <  if  snow  by 444 

creation    of     additional,      for 

snow 446—447 

fraternity,    bathing     of    members 

after  daneing  {note) 452 

praying  in  groups  of  members  of      452 
fraternity    father,   ceremony    with 

meal  and  feather 457 

ceremony  with  members  of  ..  449,450 
plume  offering  presented  by  ...      452 
fraternity  father,  ceremonial  of  nov- 
ice and 449 

'hle'ct'tone.  decoration  of  (note)  ...      454 
procession     of     lHlCm'mo^ona 

with 454 

tHle'wekwe.  applying  medicines  of.      448 

elans  of  officers  of 449 

ceremonies,  difference  between 

January  and  February 4S2-ls3 

dry  paintings  and  fetishes  of...      454 
education  of,  by  A'chiyala'topa.      445 

February  ceremonial  of 482-483 

initiation  of  youth  and  maiden 

into 451-158 

January,    ls97.   ceremonies   ob- 
served in 483 

la'showawe  made  by  members 

of 450,451 

making  of  prayer  plumes  and 

ba'kwani 453-154 

meeting  of  the  A'shiwi  by 445,446 

method  of  applying  for  medi- 
cines of 447,448 

method  of  applying  for  mem- 
bership in 44S.449 

order  of  the 44" 

original  swords  of  |  noil  | 445 

return  journey  of  the 445 

route  of.  dispute  in  regard  to.  444—445 
separation  of,  from  their  people.       444 

special  use  of  medicines  of 447 

\  illage  built  at  Nutria  by 445 

white-blossomed    medii-ine    of 

■  nott  I 448 

'Hle'wekwe  and  Sword  order  of 
i  treat  Fire  fraternity,  combina- 
tion dances  of 454 

Kla'kwemosi,  creation  of  Mu'chai- 

liha'nona  ami  Blu'waiye 447 

Klalii'silo,  order  of  (spruce  tree  i ..   183-485 

■  i  n  mi 1. 1 iy,  occurrence  of 4S3 

novices,  selection  of  fraternity 

fathers  for 484 

selection  of  members  of 483-484 

sword    swallowing,    ending    of 
ceremony  of 485 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

t  Ilk' in.  kwe—  Continued. 

Klala'silo,  swords,  preparation  of, 

for  ceremony 484— 1S5 

swallowing  of 485 

trees,  collection  of 4s4 

making  of  swords  from  butt 

of 484 

la'showawe,  distribution  of 451 

medicine,  preparation   and    drink- 
ing of 452 

securing  of,  for  ceremony 451 

Mu'waiye.  the 458-482 

A'chiyala'topa,  erasing  of  figure 

of 467 

wonders  performed  by  fig- 
ure Of 462-463 

a'mosi,  costume  worn  by 469 

distribution  of  la'showawe 

by 462 

a'mosono''kIa,  costume  worn  by  469 
Bear  clan,  certain  members  of, 

costume  worn  by 473 

certain    members    of,    and 

group,  performance  of 473 

Bow    priesthood,    dancing    of,  . 

with  tehl'nawe 468-469 

boxes,  ceremony  over 464 

ceremonial     chamber,     assem- 
bling of  dancers  in 4-38,459 

dancingof'Hle'wekwein.  460-461 
decoration  of  A'chiyala'to- 

pa's  picture  in 462 

preparation     of     openings 

into 476 

returnof  tehl'nawe  to  roof  of  472 
ceremonies,  view  of,  from  win- 
dows    477 

chamber,    ceremony    with    fe- 
tishes in 403 

position  of  novices  in 476 

Chu'pawa,  choir  of,  singing  in 

plaza  by 475 

concluding  ceremonies  of  fra- 
ternity father  and  novice  ..  4S1— 182 

costume  worn  by 474-475 

crosses    of    meal,    member    of 

tHle'wekwe  forms  two 472 

dance  of 459 

dancing  of,  in  plaza 475 

deti  nition  of  word  ( note ) 458 

Ot'tone,  offering  of  plumes  to...  464 

et'lowe. failure  to  sprinkle  |  note)  475 
position  of  persons  in  charge 

of 47S.479 

fit'towe  and  lhla'we  bearers,  exit 

of,  from  plaza 475 

return  of, to  house  of  Badger 

clan 475 

et'towe  and  'hla'we  bearers  and 

leader,  entrance  of 473 

fraternity  chamber,  position  of 

members  in  477 

fraternity  fathers,  clans  of 471 

feast,  enjoyment  of,  after  cere- 
mony    472 

fetishes,  etc.,  storing  away  of. . .  480 


INDEX 


621 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

tBkfxoekwe— Continued, 

Mu'waiye,  girls,  circle  dance  by  .  461-462 
Gods  of  War,  tehl'nawe  depos- 
ited at  shrines  of 481 

Great  Fire  fraternity,  entrance 

and  performance  of 461 

sword  swallowing  by 471 

Oale'et'tono.  maiden  who  carries 

the 464 

procession  with  the 464 

tHlem'mosona,  costume  of 460 

line  of  meal  made  by 463 

tHle'wekwe,  address  of  We'wha 

in  chnmber  of 480 

administering  medicine  wa- 
ter in  chamber  of 479 

ceremony  with  et'towe    in 

chamber  of 479 

chamber  of,  ceremonies  in  477-47S 
costumes  worn  by  per- 
formers in 477 

conduct  of  guests  in  cham- 
ber of 478 

costume  of  members  of 460 

costume  worn  by,  in  plaza . .  466 

dancing  in  chamber  of 478 

enjoyment  of  feast  in  cham- 
ber of 480 

entering  of,  into  chamber. .  460 

male  ro  embers  of,  singing  of.  473 
preparation  for  arrival  of.  459,460 
removal    of    paraphernalia 

from  chamber  of -..  479 

sword  swallowing  by 461 

sword  swallowing  in  cham- 
ber of 478 

swords  used  by 460 

dilu^sipone,  form  of  {note) 475 

notched  sticks,  method  of  per- 
forming with 465 

meal,  basket  of,  depositing  of 

{note) 470 

Mu'chailihii'nona,  costume  of.  473-474 
Mu'chailiha'nona  and  maidens, 

procession  of 474 

musician,  grave  offense    com- 
mitted by 461 

ceremony  of,  over  boxes  . . .  465 

retirement  of,  from  plaza. . .  470 

novices,  appearance  of.in  plaza.  470 
ceremony  with  gifts  for..  471-472 

ceremony  with  mi'li  over  . .  472 

ceremony  with  swords  over.  472 

whipping  of 471 

O'he'wa  ki'witsine,  playing  of 

choir  from 461 

painting,    depositing    of    sand 

from 467 

sacredness  of  (note) 467 

photographs,  difficulty  in    ob- 
taining ( note  > 463 

plaza,  arrangement  of  C-t'towe 

bearers  in 464 

boxes  in.  changing  of 473 

brilliant  scene  in 470 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

t£tfe''wekwe — Continued. 

Mu'waiye,  plaza,  sword  swallowing 

of  "Hlem'inosnnu  in -170 

prayer  plumes,  planting  of,  after 

ceremonies 481 

procession  of,  in  plaza 475-470 

to  house  of  the  et'towe 176 

rehearsal  of  the  dance  of 458 

removal  of  ornaments  from 476 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  dance  or  *Hle'- 

wekwein -166 

tHlem'mosona  again  swal- 
lows sword  in 467-468 

prayer     of     'Hlem'mosona 

over  boxes  in 469 

sword  swallowing  in  .  466-467,469 

sprinkling  of  St'towe  by 476 

Sword  order  of  Great  Fire  fra- 
ternity,   entrance  into  plaza 

by 469-470 

tehl'nawe,  placing  of 463 

women  and  girls,  costume  of...      460 

novice,  washing  head  of 458 

novices,  administering  of  medicine 

water  to 457 

prayer  plumes,  making  and  deposit- 
ing of,  in  spring 454,455 

rock  markings,  description  of  cer- 
tain   444,445 

spring,  claim  of  tHle'wekwe  in  re- 
gard to  [note) 456 

member  of  party  visiting,  cos- 
tumes of 455 

Su'ni-a'shiwanni, creation  of . ..      445 

sword,  swallowing  of,  by  fraternity 

father  and  novice 457 

sword  blades,  keeper  of  (note) 451 

sword  swallowing,  ceremony  pre- 
ceding       457 

tehl'nang,  description  of  (note)...  450-4,51 
tehl'nawe,     presentation     of,     to 

'Hlem'mosona 456 

Zuni  place  of  nativity  (note)., 444 

Zuflis,  snow  legend  of -146 

tKo'shl'kwe  ( Cactus  fraternity )  ... 569-576 

application  for  membership  in,  form 

of 570 

cactus,  collection  of 571 

effect  of  breaking  {note) 575 

fighting  in  plaza  with 575 

cactus  and  willows,  dancing  with. .      573 

placing  of,  around  altar 572 

cactus  bearers,  meeting  the 571 

procession  of,  to  village 572 

cactus  dance,  preparation  for 573-574 

cactus  dancers,   dancing  in  plaza 

by 574, 575 

procession  to  plaza  by 574 ,  575 

cactus  plant  the  symbol  of 570 

ceremony,  bathing  of  participants 

in 573 

depositing      of      cactus      and 

switches  after 576 

cougar  medicine  of 576 

dry  painting,  character  of  [note)...      bib 


,;o.j 


INDEX 


i  son  bic  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

'  h'o'sh  i-kin  — t  'out  iuued. 

medicine  water. consecration  of,  by 

pe'kwlu 572 

members,    costume    worn     by,     in 

plaza 574 

novice,    ceremony    over    painting 

with 575 

ceremony  over,  with  cactus..  571-572 
ceremony  with  cactus  and  wil- 
lows over 573 

instructions  given  to  .  576 

prayer    plumes,   depositing  of,  by 

deputy 570,  571 

preparation  of,  by  members  of..      570 
qualifications  for  membership  in.  569-570 

shrine  sacred  to 570 

willows,  collection  and  ceremony 

over 571 

women,     separation     of    members 

from,  during  ceremonies 571 

yucca  glauca,  division  of 571 

Ma'fh   <Jlhtn'n<il:irc  [Great  Fire  /rater- 

n  it ij  | 485-521 

Fire     order — division     of      Sword 

order 504-511 

bud  medicine,  desire  of  women 

for 506 

ceremonial  chamber,  placing  of 

trees  upon 507 

dry  painting,  making  of 507 

female  members,  dress  of 509 

fifth  day,  ceremonies  of 508-511 

first  night,  ceremonies  of 504-506 

Great  Fire  fraternity,  close  of 

dance  of 510-511 

dance  of 510 

tHlem'mosona,  address  to  peo- 
ple by 505 

depositing  of  prayer  plumes 

by 508 

distribution  of  medici  ne  by .      505 
juniper     splinters,     ceremony 

with 504 

male  members,  decoration  of  ..      509 
meal  and  corn  grains,  eagerness 

for 508 

meal,  husk  of,  ceremony  "with 

novice's 504 

mi'li,    ceremony    over    novice 

with 505 

novice,  ceremony  over 508 

conducting    of,   to  ceremo- 
nial chamber 504 

^wallowing  of  sword  by 505 

painting,  effect  of  blemish  on..      507 
plaza,    procession    of   members 

to 509-510 

spot  in,  saerednessof 508 

•■word  swallowing  in 510 

second  day.  ceremonies  of 506-508 

splinters,  ceremony  with 506 

sword,    ceremony    over   novice 

with 505 

failure  of  novices  to  swallow 

i  nott  I 505 

sword  blades,  dancing  with 504 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

Ma'tke  tHlan'nakwe— Continued. 

Fire  order,  sword  blades,  distribu- 
tion of 504 

size  of  (note) 504 

Sword    order,    ceremony    with 
trees  by 'Hlem'mosona  and.  507-508 

sword  swallowing  (note) 505 

trees,  ceremony  over 506 

collection  of 506  - 

placing    of,   in    ceremonial 

chamber 506 

sprinkling  of  meal  upon 507 

Ke'pachu.derivationof  word  (note).      486 

Kok'ko  'hlan'na,  order  of 487-490 

anthropicgods  associated  with.      487 
preparation  of  patient  to  re- 
ceive the 487 

mark  of  {note) 48 

method  of  joining 487 

patient,   ceremony    over   body 

of 488,489 

chamber  of,  arrival  of  gods  at     488 
departure     of    gods     from 

chamber  of 490 

eating  of  bread  by 490 

gifts  presented  to 490 

intermission    in    ceremony 

over 489 

performance  of  fire-makers 

over 4S9 

performance    of     Kwe'lele 

over 489-490 

washing  of  head  of 490 

sore  throat,  ceremony  for  the 

cure  of 487-490 

story    of   meeting    of    Kok'ko 
"hlan'na  and  Shumai'koli  .*. . .      487 

language  of  songs  of  (note) 486 

Ma''ke  'Hlan'na  (Great  Fire),  divi- 
sions of  order  of 485 

O'naya'nakla.  initiation  into  order 

of 490-504 

a'kwamosi,  consecration  of  wa- 
ter by 492 

forming  of  cross  of  meal  by.      492 

ashes,  sprinkling  of 492. 494 

Beast  Gods,  food  deposited  for. .      492 
ceremonial      chamber,     adorn- 
ment of  members  in 491 

assembling  in 491 

guest  in,  privileges  of 498 

seating  of  members  in 491,492 

ceremony,  excitement  of   par- 
ticipants in 495-496 

choir,  two  men  of,  performances 

by 499 

two  men  of,  sprinkling  of 

ashes  by 499 

closing  ceremonies 502 

director,  dancing  of 500 

Fire    fraternity,    playing    with 

fire  by 495 

Fireorder.membershipin  i  noU  )      490 

first  night,  ceremonies  of 491-495 

fourth     night,     decorations    in 

chamber  on 498 


INDEX 


623 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

Ma'ikt  ' Ifhui'mikirc — Continued. 

O'naya'nakla,  fourth   night,  open- 
ing ceremony  on 498-499 

personal  adornment  on 498 

guest,  playing  with  fire  by  a 495 

Little  Fire  fraternity,  thenrgist 

of,  performances  by 500-501 

material,  extracted,  actions  of 

theurgists  with 501 

meal,  distribution  of    to  each 

*  person 492 

members,  manipulation  of  live 

coals  by 508 

novices,  ceremony  with 501 

dancing  of 493, 500 

decorations  of 499-500 

performance   of    fraternity 

fathers  with 493 

performance  of  warrior  over 

the 493 

patients,  articles  extracted  from 

bodies  of 501 

practicing  upon 493 

prayer,  offering  of 493 

preparations  for,  on  first  day.  490-191 

sand  painting,  making  of 491 

second  night,  ceremonies  of..  495-496 

close  of  ceremonies  of 496 

dress  of  members  on 495 

Sia  guest,  performances  by 497 

Sia  Indian .  danci ng  of 497 

sucking,  practicing  of,  by  nov- 
ices       502 

Sword  order,  performances  by 
man  of 503 

•  theurgist,  actions  of  a 502-503 

theurgists,  gesticulations  of 495 

method    of    action   by,    in 

healing 493 

practicing  of 496, 497, 500 

third  night,  close  of  ceremonies 

of 497-19S 

making  of  pictures  duriug. .      496 

variations  noted  in  1884 502-503 

warrior,  dancing  of 495 

healing  of  sick  by 496 

sucking  at  heart  by 493 

woman  theurgists,  dancing  of..      497 

writer,  practicing  on  the 500 

officersof 485-486 

orders,  number  of.  in 485 

origin  of 486 

Po'<sikishi  (spruce  tree),  order  of.  515-521 
a'kwamosi,  consecration  of  med- 
icine water  by 519 

making  of  medicine  water 

by 517 

altar,  sprinkling  meal  on 517 

Beast  Gods,  singing  of  songs  to.      515 

chamber,  head  washing  in...  519-520 

position  of  participants  in..      519 

close  of  night  ceremonies 518 

food,  offerings  of 517 

vHlgm'mosona,     administering 

of  medicine  water  by 520 

Xa'ke'e,     making    of     prayer 
plumes  to 515 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

Ma' the  tllhtii 'naktcc— Continued. 

Po'tsikishi,  order  of.  Na'keV,  song  to      515 
novice,  attempt  by,  to  swallow 

tree  sword 518 

meal,  sprinkling  of  trees  with .  520, 521 
medicine  water,  spraying  throat 

with 520 

outdoor  festival  of 520 

plaza,  dance  with  trees  in 520 

procession  to 520 

rhombus  and  flute,  use  of  ( note) .      516 
songs,  singing  of,  in  chamber  ..      519 

swords,  preparation  of 517 

putting  aAvayof 521 

time  of  holding  ceremonial 515 

trees,  ceremony  of  'HlCm'nio- 

sona,  etc.,  with 517-518 

ceremony  over 516 

collection  of,  by 516 

depositing  of 521 

plucking  of  buds  from 521 

tree  swords,  danger  in  swallow- 
ing (note) 520 

Sho'tiklanna  (Arrow  order),  origin 

of 511-515 

arrow  swallowing  by  members 

of 513 

arrows,  description  of  (note),..      513 

closing  ceremony  of 515 

decoration  of  members  of 512 

tHlem'mosona,  distribution   of 

arrows  by 512-513 

prayer  of,  with  swords *   514 

indoor  dance  of 512 

men,  washing  of  heads  of 512 

novice,  arrow  ceremony  over  . .      513 
O'pompia  mountain,  attaching 

reed  to  tree  on 512 

origin  of 511 

reed,  prayers  over 511-512 

Si'aa'te'wita,  procession  to 513 

sword  swallowing  in 513, 514 

song   and   dance  by  members 

of 514-515 

table  showing  order  of  sword 

swallowing 514 

time  of  holding  ceremonial 511 

warrior,  preparation  of  a  reed 

by 511 

songs  from  the  Ke'pachu,  stanzas  of.      486 
Ma'tke    tSan'nakwe  {Little    Fire  frater- 
nity)    549-569 

division  of,  reason  for  the 549-550 

fire  display  of 549 

four  orders  of 549 

Little  Fire  fraternity,  order  of  Pa'- 

yatiimu  of 568-569 

origin  of,  legend  of 568-569 

te'na'sali,  use  of  (note) 569 

Nai'uchi,  warrior  of  the 549 

new  body,  naming  of 550 

O'naya'nakla,  ceremony  of  initia- 
tion into 550-564 

altar,  description  of 551 

sprinkling  of  Little  Fire  fra- 
ternity    559-560 


624 


INDEX 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

Mn'ib  tSan'nakwe — Continued. 

O'naya'mikla.  a'kwamosi,  prepara- 
tion oi  medicine  water  by —      561 
a'kwamosi,  sprinkling  of  altar 

by 553 

Beast    Gods,   fraternity  fathers 

representing  spirits  of 562 

visit  to  chamber  of  CJ'huhu- 
kwe  (Eagle  down  frater- 
nity) by 563 

bowl,   emptying    into   excava- 
tion of  contents  of 563 

chamber,  marks  in 55S 

placing  of  novices  in 552 

scene  in 560 

singing  in 559 

sleeping  in  ceremonial 553 

war  tales  recited  in  the 551 

ceremonies,  closing    of   fourth 

day 564 

preparation  of  chamber  for.      550 
chaparral-cock,   movements  of 

characters  representing 562 

children,  dancing  of  trio  of 563 

dance,  close  of , on  second  day..      555 

opening  of 554 

decorations,  designs  used  in  . . .      561 
dry  painting,  preparation  of  ...      560 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  cere- 
mony with  fire  by 556-557 

distribution  of  medicine  by.      560 

graceful  dancing  of 563 

elder   brother  Bow  priest  and 

Bear,  peculiar  dance  of 563-564 

first  day,  ceremonies  of 550 

fourth  day,  ceremonies  on 560-564 

fraternity,    greeting     to     each 

member  of 550-551 

invocation  to  the 552 

fraternity     fathers,     ceremony 

with  novices  by 562 

grinders,  dancing  of 556, 558 

dress  of 554 

removing  of  ornaments  of..      556 

Ko'tikili,  costume  worn  by 559 

dancing  of,  in  house  of  Little 

Fire  fraternity 559 

gathering     of     certain,    in 

chamber 558 

Little  Fire  fraternity,  story  tell- 
ing in  house  of 559 

Little    Fire    fraternity    house, 

smoking  of  cigarettes  in 559 

medicine,  grinding  of 553-554 

making  of 555-556 

method  of  using  (note) 560 

utensils  used  in 554 

medicine  grinders,  baptizing  of.      558 
medicines  of  Beast  Gods,  collec- 
tion of 552-553 

medicine     water,    preparation 

of 552-553 

mystery  medicine  order,  prac- 
ticing of  healing  by  members 

of 563 

night,  ceremony  of  first 550-553 

novices,  decoration  of 561 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

Ma'ikr  tSan'nakwe— Continued. 

O'naya'nakla,     plant      medicines, 

other  (note) 554 

rod,  striking  body  with 557 

second  day,  ceremonies  on...  553-555 
sunflower  powder,  purposes  of.  560-561 

third  day,  ceremonies  on 555-558 

closing  ceremonies  of 558 

third  night,  exercises  of 558-560 

yucca  baccata,  striking  with  ...      557 
Pe'shii'silo'kwe  (Cimex  fraternity), 

sun  dance  of 564-568 

ceremony  of  March,  1904 564-568 

ceremony,  tameness  of 566 

coals,  preparation  of  j  uniper 565 

dancers,  costume  worn  by  leader 

of 565 

Hopi  jugglers,  greatness  of 56S 

Hopi  order,  limited  membership 

in 568 

method  of  employment  of 

shaman  of 568 

Hopi  order  of  Mystery  medicine, 

mode  of  practicing 567-568 

Hopis,  rumor  of  reestablishment 

of  order  among 568 

jugglery,  remarkable  acts  of..  566-567 

juniper,  gathering  of 565 

male  dancers,  dress  of 565-566 

medicine,  bathing   of   dancers 

with 566 

plaza,   ceremony  of  sprinkling 

coals  in 566 

sprinkler,  dress  of 565 

sun  dance,  ceremony  of,   con- 
vening of  fraternity  for 564 

women  dancers,  costume  of 566 

Zufii,  introduction  of  a  Mystery 

medicine  order  into 567 

Zunis,  superstition  of,  about 564 

plate  cxxvi,  explanation  of 550 

standing  of,  in  Zuni '. : 549 

Ne'wckwe  (Galaxy  fraternity) 429-138 

novice,  initiation  of,  in  Fire  order. .      428 
novices,  administering  of  medicine 

to 434-135 

orders  embraced  in 429 

painting  of  the 433, 434 

plume  offerings,  jokes  introduced 

during  blessing  of 434 

plume  offerings  of 433 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  dress  of  Ne'wekwe 

in 436,437 

stone,  animal  fetish  of 432 

tablet  altar  of 432 

bar  above 432 

writer's  first  meeting  with 431,432 

tSan'iaklakier  (Hunters fraternity).^..  438- 144 

animal  dance  of  the 440 

Beast  Gods,  offering  of  game  to 440 

ceremonial  chamber  of  the 438 

ceremonial  over  deer  killed  in  a 

hunt 140, 411 

deer,  prayer  on  trapping  a 440 

fetishes  of,  use  of  the 438 

game,  process  of  securing 439,440 

ground  painting  of  order  of 438 


INDEX 


6  '2  5 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued.  Page 

tSan'iakXakwe— Continued, 

hunt,  success  in,  arrows  used  for...      439 
prayer  plumes,  limitations  on  offer- 
ing of -HO 

rabbit  hunt 441-443 

ceremonyover  rabbits  taken  in.      44a 

description  of 442-443 

place  of  occurrence 442 

purpose  of 442 

subordinate  orders  of  the 438 

s>>  i'wannakwe 428^129 

administering  of  theorgistsof 430 

Bi'^si'si,  place  of  disappearance  of.      430 

blessing-  of  plume  offerings  by 434 

certain  terms  used  during  a  song  of.      434 

disgusting  practices  of  the 437 

dry  painting  of 428 

fast  from  animal  food  by 428 

gods  associated  with 429,430 

image,  guardian  of 429 

possessed  by 429 

Kok'ko  «hlan'na,  dress  of,  in  Si'aa' 

te'wita 435,436 

Ko'yemshi  appear  in  plaza  with...      430 
meal  and  prayer  plumes,  deposit- 
ing of 428 

medicine,  method  of  administering.      437 

mimicry  of  members  of 437, 438 

sacred  deerskin  of 429 

Shu'maakice 530-549 

acquisition  of  Shumai'koli  masks 

by 531 

a'kwamosi,  actions  of,  during  grind- 
ing        545 

ceremony  over  grinders  by 544 

consecration  of  water  by 538 

altar,  sprinkling  of  meal  on . .". 534 

ceremonial  chamber,  condition  of, 

before  grinding  medicine  . .  543-544 

placing  of  fetishes  in 533 

chamber,    seating   of    participants 

in 534-535 

singing  in 538 

songs  and  dancing  in 535-536 

ceremonial  house,  approach  of  Shu- 
mai'koli, etc.,  to 537 

ceremonies,    similar   among    Hopi 

Indians 547 

charm,  effect  on  Shumai'koli  of 540 

Chi'pia.  arrival  of  a  Shumai'koli 

from 536 

return  of  Shumai'koli  and  the 

Sai'apa  to 547 

clouds,   preparation    of   by    cloud- 
maker  539 

corn,  ear  of,  ceremony  over  novices 

with 540 

dance  directors,  costume  worn  by. .      542 

dancers,  procuring  of 542 

sprinkling  of,  with  ashes 546 

dances,  invitation  of  women  to  par- 
ticipate in 532 

first  day,  ceremonies  of 532-534 

preparing  for  ceremonies  of 532 

fourth  day,  ceremonies  on 536-537 

23  eth— 04 -40 


Esoteric  fraternities— Continued,  Page 

Shu'maafcive — Continued. 

fourth  night,  ceremonies  of 537-543 

fraternity,  decoration  of  bodies  of 

members  of 537-538 

indecency  of  {note) 541 

woman  of,  ceremonies  by 535 

gods,  making  offerings  to 534 

grinders,  costume  of 544 

grinders  and  dancers,  placing  of. . .      5 14 
grinding  ceremonies,  continuation 

of 546-547 

grinding  of  medicine,  dance  dur- 
ing   545-546 

initiation  into,  ceremony  of 532-549 

lighted  corn    husks,   pelting   each 

other  with 541-542 

meaning  of  word 530 

medicine,  grinding  of 544-545 

preparation  of 543-546 

members,  seating  of,  in  ceremonial 

chamber 533 

mole,  charred,  use  of  (note) 532 

morning  star,  first  appearance  of. . .      541 

nose,  piercing  of  septum  of 532 

novices,  ceremony  with 533 

ceremony      with      eagle-wing 

plumes  over 541 

ceremony  with  mi'li  over 540 

dance  of 539-540 

officers,  clans  of 532 

seating  of,  in  ceremonial  cham- 
ber        533 

origin  of,  explanation 530-531 

other  remedies  of 532 

patient,  treatment  of,  by 530 

patron  gods  of 530 

plants,  medicinal,  collection  of 543 

preparation  of,  for  grinding 544 

plaza,  performances  by  Sai'apa  and 

Shumai'koli  in 542 

rattle  and  pottery  drum,  song  with.      534 

Sai'apa,  dance  of 540 

dress  of 537 

masks  of 537 

Sai'apa  god,  personator  of,  perform- 
ance by 534 

second  day,  paraphernalia  added  to 

altar  on 534 

second  night,  ceremonies  on  the.  534-536 
Shumai'koli,  costume  worn  by  . . .  536-537 

dance  of 539 

five  remaining,  dance  of 541 

mask  of 536 

of  the  North,  dance  of 540 

wearing  of  masks  of 531 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  dancing  around  tree 

in 542 

songs,  grinding,  language  of  (note).      545 
third  day,   preparing  parapherna- 
lia on  536 

visit  of  director  of,  to  Laguna,  ob- 
ject of 547-548 

ceremonies,  occasion  of   548 

preparations  for 548 

variations  in 548-549 


626 


INDEX 


Page 
Esoteric  fraternities— Continued. 
•  m'maaku — Continued. 

visit  of  gods,awaiting  the  approach 

of,  by  novices 548 

dance  on  roof  of  chamber 

by 549 

dancing  in  chamber  by  —  549 
entering      of      ceremonial 

chamber  by  the 548-549 

procession   into  village    by 

the 548 

water,    ceremony    with    cigarette 

over  consecrated 539 

women,  dress  of 538 

U'huhuhwe  [Eagli  doum fraternity) ...  521-528 

O'naya'nakla,  initiation  into 522-E27 

a'kwamosi,      consecration      of 

medicine  water  by 523 

sprinkling  of  altar  by 524 

anthropic  gods,  appearance  of 

certain 526 

ashes,  ceremony  with 525 

chamber,  positions  of    certain 

members  in 523 

Chaparral-cock,  men  represent- 
ing, sprinkling  of  ashes  by .  - .  525 
choir,  member  of,  curious  an- 
tics of  525 

cigarettes,      ceremony       with 

smoke  of 523 

closing  ceremonies  of 525-526 

eagle  plumes,  sprinkling  with  .  524 
February  ceremonial,  features 

of 52f>-527 

fetishes,  ceremony  with 523 

fourth  night,  ceremonies  of 522 

He'hea  gods,  decorations  of 526 

pelting  of,  with  fire 526 

juggler,  performance  by 525 

members,  decoration  of  bodies 

of 522 

novices,  assembling  of 522 

decoration  of 522 

patients,  assembling  of 524 

prayer       plumes,       ceremony 

with 523-524 

prayer  plumes  and  tablet  altar, 

preparation  of 522 

tricks,  performance  of  two...  526-527 
two    men,    thousand-yard    run 

by 526 

U'huhukwe,     animal     fetishes 

of 522 

woman,  tardy,  action  with 527 

orders  of 521 

sick  man,  ceremonial  over 527-528 

Kla'kwemosi,  actions  over  pa- 
tient by 527-528 

Beast  Gods  appealed  to  by. .  528 

officiating  capacity  of 52S 

smallpox,  case  of 527 

Esthetics  in  Indian  symbolism xxv 

Esthetology,  work  in xxii 

Ethnology,  descriptive,  work  in xi. 

physical x 

practical  scope  of ix 

Et'towe.    (So  Mythology.') 

explanation  of,     (SSe  A'shiwanni.  Rain 
priesthood.) 


Page 
Everett,    W.    E.,    records   of   Athapascan 

tribes  sent  by xvi 

Expedition  of  1S79,  assistance  by  Army  to.  10, 17 

collection  of  relics  by 16-18 

objection  to 17 

threatened  outbreak  of  the  Indians 17 

Fewkes,  J.  W.,  areheologic  collection  made 

by,  in  Porto  Rico xli 

areheologic    explorations    of,    in    the 

Southwest x vi-xvit 

areheologic  survey  of  Porto  Rico  by  ..  xxvn 

collection  made  by,  inChihuahua xli 

collection  of  specimens  from  New  Mex- 
ico made  by x  Li 

investigation  of  Porto  Riean  zerniism 

by XL 

■  memoir  of,  on  Hopi  katcinas xxvi.xliii 

memoir  on  Pueblo  ruins  by xliii 

memoir  of,  on  pottery  of  Arizona  and 

New  Mexico xxvi.xliii 

study  of  Porto  Rican  economy  by xiv 

Field  researches  and  explorations xiv.xviii 

Financial  statement  of  Bureau,  1901-2 xliv" 

First  world  (La'tow  te'hula,  Wing  world). 

(See  Mythology.) 
Fletcher,  Alice  C,  monograph  on  Pawnee 

ritual  by xxxvm,  xliii 

study  of  Pawnee  ritual  by xvi 

Foods,  native,  worthy  of  adoption xxvm 

Fowke,  Gerard,  archeologieal  exploration 

by XV 

Foxes,  study  of  dialect  of xiv,  xxxv 

texts  of xxxv 

Fort  Wingate  road,  old,  evidences  of  an- 
cient settlement  along 16 

Fraternities,  origin  and  functions  of.     (See 

Esoteric  fraternities.) 
Games.    (See  Customs;  history,  arts,  and.) 

Games,  aboriginal xxiv 

Harrison,  G.  P.,  annotation  of  Morfi's history 

of  Texas  by xli 

Gatschet,  A.  S..  Algonquian  linguistic  re- 
searches of xxxvi 

linguistic  investigation  of xvm 

Peoria  grammar  and  vocabulary  of ..  xxxvi 

Gila  valley,  areheologic  exploration  of xvm 

Gill,  De  L.,  photographs  taken  by xliii 

somatological     illustrations     prepared 

by xvm 

work  of,  in  Indian  Ter,  itory XV 

on  illustrations xliii 

Gods,  ancestral,  origin  of.    (Set  Mythology.) 
rabbit  hunt  with  the.    (See  Anthropic 
worship  and  ritual. ) 
Gods  of  War.    ( Si  e  Mythology.) 

origin  of  the  diminutive.     (See  Mythol- 
ogy.) 

Greenland,  field  work  in ix 

Haida,  researches  among xviu 

study  of  social  organization  of xxxiv 

Hako,   Pawnee  ceremony  of,   monograph 

on x vi,  xx x viii,  xliii 

Ha'lo'kwe  i  Ant  fraternity i.     is,.   Esoteric 

fraternities.  | 
Han"liplnkla.    (See  Mythology,  i 
Be'alonsSt'to.    (See  Mythology.) 
Heraldic  devices,  aboriginal xxm 


INDEX 


627 


rage 

Heraldry,  aboriginal,  monograph  on xvn 

Hewitt.  ,1.  N.  l!..  aboriginal  conceptions  of 

the  supernatural  studied  by —  xxxix-xi. 
Iroquoian  linguistic  material  arranged 

by xxxvi 

monograph   of,   on   Iroquois   creation 

myths XX XVI, XLIII 

Historical  events,  summary  of.    (See  Cus- 
toms; history,  arts,  and.) 
'Hle'wekwe   (Wood  fraternity)   or   Sword 
swallowers.     (See   Esoteric   fraterni- 
ties.) 
February  ceremonial  of.    (See  Esoteric 
fraternities. 
Holmes,  \V.  H.,  archeological  exploration 

by xv 

investigation    of   northeastern  Algon- 

quians  by XIV 

monograph  on  aboriginal  pottery  by...   xxv 
Hopi.    panthenon    of,   illustrated  memoir 

on xxvt ,  xliii 

Household,    the.    (See   Customs;    history, 

arts,  and.) 
Hopis,    Pimas,    and  Navahos,   coming  of. 
Sa  Mythology.) 

Hrdlicka,  Ales,  somatological  work  of XIX 

Imitation,  cultural  stage  of xxi.xxii 

Indian  Territory,  field  work  in ix, 

XIV,  XVII,  XVIII 

Industries,   arts    and.     (See   Customs;  his- 
tory, arts  and.) 

Introduction 1-2D 

Invention,    stage   of,    in   cultural    evolu- 
tion     XXI,  XXII 

Iowa,  field  work  in ix.xiv.xvn 

Iroquois,  creation   myths  of,   monograph 

on xxxvi ,  xl 

i  irenda  of xxxix 

Irrigation,  aboriginal —  xii,  xiii 

Ita.  archaic  language  of xv 

ethnologic  study  of xv 

Jenks,  A.  E..  application  of  the  methods  of 

tlie  Bureau  by.  in  the  Philippines...  xxxil 

editorial  work  of xlii 

investigation    of    birch-bark    industry 

by xni,  xxxi 

memoir  on  wild  rice  by xiii,  xxxi 

Ji'mi'kianapklatea.     (See  Mythology.) 
Jones.  William,  collaboration  of,  in  synop- 
sis of  Indian  languages xxxiv 

linguistic  researches  of xiv 

Katciuas,  Hopi.  illustrated  report  on.  xxvi,  xliii 

Kathlemet.  published  texts  of xxxvi 

Klalii'silo.  order  of.     (See  Esoteric  fraterni- 
ties.) 
Kla'nakwe,  adoption  of  the  surviving,  by 
the  A'shiwe.     '  See  Mythology. ) 

KIA'NAKWE.  QUADRENNIAL  DANC.E  OF 217-226 

A'shiwanni,  first  body  of,  contributions 

to 223,224 

removal  of  gifts  by 225 

Corn  clan,  women  of,  head  of  priest 

washed  by 222 

presentation  of  corn  to 223 

dancers,  throwing  of  gifts  by,  to  the 
people 226 


Page 
KIa'nakwe,  etc.— Continued, 

food,  blessing  and  deposition  of 221 

It'sepiisha,  costume  worn  by,  in 219 

Kla'kweinosi,  buck  given  to,  carving 

of 225, 226 

KIa'nakwe,  closing  scenes  of  dances  of.      226 
co.-iume  worn  by  personators  of..  218,219 

dancing  of,  in  Si'aa'  te'wita 224 

feast  of  personators  and  others. . .  222, 223 

masks  of  personators  of 218 

package  of  food  made  by  each 223 

praying  of,  during  presentation  of 

basket  trays 225 

presentation    of    basket    trays    to 

A'shiwanni  by 224, 225 

priest  of,  dancing  before  dwelling 

of 222 

procession  of  personators  of 218, 220 

rehearsing  of  a  dance  by 221, 222 

return  of,  with  gifts  for  A'shiwanni .      224 
singing  of,  in  Chu'pawa  ki'wi'sine.      220 

songs  of  the,  language  of 218 

warriors  of,  masks  of 219, 220 

Kok'ko  ko'han  (white  gods),  why  so 

called 217 

Ko'thlama,  costume  worn  by,  in 219 

Ko'yemshi,  amusement  of  audience  by.      224 

burlesquing  of  dancers  by 226 

presentation  of  gifts  to  child  by 226 

moccasins,  painting  of 221 

paint,  grinding  of. 221 

reason  of  Zunis  for  giving 218 

ritual  of,  in  Si'aa'  te'wita 218 

Sa'ya'hlia,  costume  worn  by,  in 219 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  formation  of  A'shiwanni 

in  224 

Kiowa,  heraldry  of xvn,  xxni 

Kiowa  Apache,  heraldic  system  of ■. XVII 

Ki'wi'sine,  building  of,  by  the  A'shiwi. 

(See  Mythology.) 
Kok'ko  thlan'na,  order  of.    (See  Esoteric 

fraternities.) 

Ko'loowisi  (Plumed  Serpent),  coming  of, 

and  involuntary  initiation  into  the  Ko'- 

tikili.  (See Anthropic  worshipand ritual.) 

Kor'kokshi.     (See  Anthropic  worship  and 

ritual. ) 
Ko'tikili,  voluntary   initiation  into.    (See 

Anthropic  worship  and  ritual.) 
Kroeber,  A.  L.,  collaboration  of,  in  compar- 
ative philology xxxiv 

linguistic  researches  of,  in  California,  xxxv 
Ku'pishtaya  (lightning-makers).    (SeeMy- 

thology.  Lightning-makers.) 
Ku'yapali'sa  (the  'Cha'kwena).     (See  My- 
thology. ) 

Land  tenure,  Indian  system  of xxxii-xxxin 

Languages,  Indian,  comparative  synopsis 

of XXXIV 

Leary,  Ella,  in  charge  of  distribution  of  doc- 
uments      XLII 

Little  Fire  fraternity,  order  of  Pa'yatiimu 

of.     (See  Esoteric  fraternities.) 
Lund,  J.  J.,  custodian  of  Bureau  property. .    xlii 
McGee,  W  J,  papers  on  primitive  psychol- 
ogy by xxii 

psychologic  studies xx 


628 


INDEX 


Page 
MeGee,  W J,  reconnaissance  of,  in  Colorado    xvi 

sociologic  studies  of xxxn 

McGuire,  J.  I»..  early  records  of  aboriginal 

technology  collated  by xxxn 

technological  researches  of xxxn 

Mn in u,  grammar  and  vocabulary  of xxxv 

Mai'yu.    [See  Mythology.) 
Ma'tketHlan'nakwe(  Great  Fire  fraternity). 
{See  Esoteric  fraternities.) 

Maine,  field  work  in ix.xiv 

Manual  training,  educational  value  of,  for 

savages xxn 

Ma'tke  'San'nakwe  'Little  Fire  fraternity). 

[See  Esoteric  fraternities.) 
Ma'sai'leina.     [See  Mythology.! 
Maya,  calendar  systems  of,  memoir  on.  xxxvn, 

xliii 
codices  and  antiquities  of,  papers  on  ..  xvni 

vocabulary  of ,  preparation  of xxxvi 

Medical  practice 384-392 

a'neglakya,  administering  of,  by  Nai'- 

uchi 386 

administering    of,     for    recovering 

stolen  goods 386,  3S7 

collection  of,  reserved    to   certain 

persons 386 

ceremonial  use  of,  by  the  Zunis 386 

legend  associated  with 386 

Beast  Gods,  use  of ,  in T. 384,385 

cholera  infantum,   massage  treatment 

for 389-390 

curvature    of   spine,    treatment    in    a 

case  of 390-391 

hysteria,  treatment  in  a  case  of 388-389 

massage,  use  of,  in  rheumatism 390 

narcotics,  use  of,   among  certain    In- 
dians        385 

Ne'wekwe  fraternity,  rattlesnake  bite 

cured  by 392 

Palen,  Miss,  commendation  of  {note)  ..      391 
pneumonia,  treatment  in  a  case  of...  3S7-388 

primitive  surgery,  cases  of 391-392 

thuergists,  confidence  in  the  (note) 390 

Zuni  doctor,  charges  of 387 

Zunis,  administering  of  medicine  by...  384 
doctresses,  success  of,  among  the  ..  385 
microbes  and  X  ray,  idea  of,  among 

the 385 

use  of  antiseptics  among 385 

Me'she,  younger  brother  Bow  priest 20 

Mexicans,  Zuni  explanation  of  presence  of. 

(See  Mythology. ) 
Mexico,  ancient  writings  of,  papers  on.,  xxxvin 

classification  of  languages  of xxxiv 

Middle  Place,  finding  of.     i  See  Mythology.) 

Mi'li.    i  See  Mythology.) 

MindelelT,    Victor,    sketches   and    models 

made  by 18 

study  of.  on  Pueblo  architecture xlv 

Missouri,  field  work  in ix,xv 

Molina,  A.ndomaro,  acquaintance  of,  with 

Maya  traditions  and  language xxxvn 

Maya  vocabulary  prepared  by xxxvi 

Moouey,   James,    collection    of    heraldic 

shields  made  by xli 

investigation  of  heraldic  systems  by...  xvn, 

XXII-XXIV,  XL 


Page 
Moon  Mother.     (.See  Mythology.) 
Mooney,  James,  work  of,  on  cyclopedia  of 

na  t  ive  tribes XL 

Morti,  P.,  history  of  Texas  by xu 

Mortuary  customs.     (.See  Customs;  history, 
arts,  and.) 

Mud.  walls  of,  in  the  Southwest xxix 

Mu"kwe.    (.See  Mythology.) 

Mu'la.    [See  Mythology.) 

Mu'waiye,  the.     (.See  Esoteric  fraternities.) 

Mythology 20-61 

ancestral  gods,  arrow  points  of  place  of 

ma  king  [note] 33 

creation  of  the  Council  of  the  Gods.  33, 34 
Divine  Ones,  visit  of,  to  Ko'thluwa- 

la'wa 34 

location  and  description  of  Ko'thlu- 

wala'wa 32 

location  of 33 

masks,  creation  of,  by  Great  Father 

Ko'yemshi  34 

mountains  created  by 32 

origin  of 32-34 

creation  of  the  Zuni  and  Little 
Colorado  rivers  and  Listening 

spring 32, 33 

Si'wulu<si'waandSi'wulu'si'lsa, 

journey  of,  and  its  results 32 

table  of  Council  of  the  Gods  and 

corresponding  Zuni  priests 33 

animal  fetishes,  formation  of 58 

Gods  of  War,   conspire  to  destroy 

I'tiwanna 58 

destruction  of  I'tiwanna 58 

mischievous  actions  of 57 

throwing  of  the  rabbit  stick  by.  57, 5S 
whipped  by  their  grandmother.       58 

Animal  fetishes,  origin  of 57,  58 

A'slriwi,  creation  of,  etc 24-26 

attacks  upon ,  by  Navahos 61 

descent  into  the  valley  by 61 

flight  and  return  of 61 

Kla'kwemosi,  sacrifice  to  the  flood 

by 61 

To'wa  yal'lanne"  (Corn  mountain), 

place  of  refuge 61 

A' shiwi,  journeying  continued  by 31 

parents  of 24 

quest  for  the  Middle  place 31 

Zuni  explanation  of  many  ruins 31 

A'siiiu-i,  journeying  resumed  by 43 

'Kiap'kwena    (Ojo    Caliente),    de- 
scription of  {note) 43 

Ne'wekwe,    disappearance    of    di- 
rector of 43 

Beaut  Gods,  creation  of 49 

one  selected  for  each  region 49 

Bow  /in't  atkood,  origin  of 49-51 

Gods  of  War,  celebration  over  scalp.        51 
denounced  by  the  Cougar,  Bear, 
and  Badger  and  welcomed  by 

the  Ants 50 

first  directors  of 51 

fixing  time  of  continence  and 

fast 50 

murder  of  a  Navaho  woman  by.  49, 50 
Kow'wituma  and  Wats'usi,  disap- 
pearance of 51 


1NDKX 


629 


Mythology— Con  tinned.  Page 

(Hans,  origin  of 40—13 

choosing  of  elan  names -10 

Divine  Ones,  names  of  clans  organ- 
ized by ■ 40 

HanWipinkiii,  description  of  a  visit 

to 41-13 

Pi'chikwe,  definition  of  [note) 40 

division  of 40,41 

first  to  make  prayer  plumes 40 

clouds,  signification  of 21 

Corn  Maidens,  assembling  of,  in  Si'aa' 

te'wita 56 

assignment  of,  to  the  rain  priest  of 

each  region 54 

Bi^'si'si,   return    of,    to    Lu'klana 

•kiaia' 54 

bringing    of,    by    pe'kwln    to    I'ti- 

ivanna 48 

ceremony  over,  forcorn 55 

on  roof  of  ki'wi'sinO 53 

dance  again  at  I'tiwanna 56, 57 

dance   in    O'he'wa  ki'wi'sinC  and 

Si'aa'  te'wita 48 

dancing  of.- 32 

destruction  of  corn  by  witches 51 

discovery  of 48, 49 

escape  of 49 

fast  of  the  A'sbiwanni  over  loss  of. .        52 

rinding  of,  by  Bi''tsilsi 51,52 

by  Divine  Ones 48 

giving  of  seeds  to,  by  witches 31,32 

gods,  assumed  forms  of  {note) 53 

'Hla'hewe  drama  (note) 57 

Ke'yatiwa,  meaning  of  (note) 49 

meal,  offering  of,  to  the  Council  of 

theGods 54 

mi'li,  composition  of  (note) 52 

naming  of 31 

Pau'tiwa,  return  of,  to  Ko'thluwa- 

la'wa 53 

Pa'yatiimn,   aid    of,     solicited    by 

Gods  of  War 56 

Pa'yatamu  enamored  of 48 

procession  of,  from  Ku'shilowa 53 

protection  of,  by  the  gods 49 

in  Si'aa'  te'wita 56 

rediscovery  of,  and  re-creation  of 

corn 51-57 

return  of,  with  Bi'^si'si 52 

sprinkling  of,  by  pe'kwln 55 

te'likinawe,  one  for  each  maiden..       52 

planting  of.  by  Bi'^si'si 53 

Yellow    and    Blue,    visit    certain 

springs 55 

younger  sister,  visits  He'patina 55 

Divine  Ones,  assistance  rendered  the 
A'shiwiby.  id  coming  to  the  outer 

world 23, 26 

creation  of 24 

opening  ot  the  earth  by ; 25 

Earth  Mother,  symbolism  of 20 

ttt'tawe,  songs oj  Diri/ir-  Onesover 26,27 

arrangement  of  A'shiwanni  about  .        26 

implied  meaning  of  {note) 26 

General  amceptiom  of  the  universe 20-22 


Mythology— Continued.  Page 

Cods    of   War,    A'shiwi,    discovery    of 

strange  people  by 31,35 

A'shiwi,  release  of  all  game  by 38 

discovery  of,  by  KYiw'witumu  and 

Wo  ts'usi 85 

right  for  the  A'shiwi 35 

U';;i'lliplnkia,  naming  of  (note)  and 

ceremonies  at 39 

Kla'nakwe,  capture  of  certain  gods 

by 37 

dance  of 87 

definition    and    description    of 

{note) 39 

ko'thlama,  description  of 37, 38 

Ku'ynpuli'SR.  death  of 38 

origin  of  the  diminutive 34,35 

Great  Star  (morning  star)  first  appear- 
ance to  the  A'shiwi 27 

Higher  powers,  classification  of  the 22-23 

celestial,  anthropic,  description  of.  22,23 

classification  of 22, 23 

enumeration  of 22, 28 

number  of  heads 22 

subterranean,  anthropic,  names  and 

description  of 23 

terrestrial 23 

terrestrial  and  subterranean,  quali- 
ties of 23 

Hopis,  Pimas,  and  Xavahos,  coming  of..  28,29 
Ji'mi'ktanapklatea,  place  of  com- 
ing through  of 29 

description  of 26 

Kla'kwemosi,  planting  of  prayer  plume 

to  Sun  Father  by 27 

Kla'nakwe,  adoption  of  the  surviving,  by 

A'shiwi 43, 44 

description  of  {note) 44 

discovery  of 40, 41 

welcomed  by  the  Kla'kwemosi 44 

Kla'nakwe,  destruction  of,  and  songs  of 

thanksgiving 36-40 

A'shiwi,  ceremonies  of,  before  fight- 
ing    36, 37 

Ko'tikili,  origin  of 46, 47 

appointment  of  officers  of..." 47 

gods,  division  of,    among  the   ki'- 

wi'siwe 47 

'Kliiklo,  introduction  of  the  A'shiwi 

to  the  gods  by 46 

ki'wi'siwe,  building  of 46 

Ko'mosona,  definition  of  {note) 47 

masks  of  the  gods,  inspection  of,  by 

the  A'shiwi 47 

membership  in  (note) 47 

Ku'plshtaya  (lightning-makers) 21,22 

Mexicans,  Zand  explanation,  of  presence  of       29- 

Middle  place,  He'patina  symbolizes 46 

Middle  place,  finding  of 44, 46 

Black    Corn     people,     et'tone     of 

shi'wanniof 45 

St'tone"  of  Black  Corn  people,  his- 
tory of  (note) 45 

He'shota'-yulla.inigrationof  A'shiwi 
to,  and  finding  and  adoption  of 
Black  Corn  people 44,45 


630 


INDEX 


47i 
10,21 


27,  28 
28 


Pago 

Mythology— c.ii  tinned. 

MiddU  place,  finding  of— Continued. 
Kla'kwemosi,  resting  place  of  of- 

tone  of 40 

'Kian'astepi.-declaration  by 46 

retreatof  Kla'kwemosi  andshi'wan- 

ni  of  Black  Corn  people 

rain-makers,  by  whom  directed 

description    of,    and    method     < 

working 

invoking  of 

method  of  producing  thunder 

sei  K  symbolism  of 

sun,  symbolism  of 

Sun  Fatht  p,  appointnu  nt  of  deputy  to... 

A'shiwi,  description  of 

selection    of     fit'towe    by     KOw'- 

wituma 27, 28 

YJi'nowwuluha.  placing  of,  in  cere- 
mony overevtowe 28 

undermost  world,  description  of 25 

I'liir,    .  ngsof 23,24 

A'wonawil'ona,  description  of 23, 24 

things  created  by 23,24 

A'shiwi,  use  of  cloud  symbols  by. 

reason  for 

beings  in  existence  at 

creation  of  Earth  Mot  her 

creation  of  stars  and  constellations 

mi'li,  meaning  of 

Witches,  coming  of,  and  introduction  of 

com 29-31 

A'wisho,  life  of  A'shiwi  at 29 

corn,  effect  of  the  raven,  owl,  and 

coyote  upon 30, 31 

planting  of  the  corn  and  the  re- 
sults thereof 30, 31 

time  periods,  meaning  of  (note  i 30 

witches  demand  the  lives  of  two 

children 30 

reception  of,  by  A'shiwi 30 

Yatokla,    Sun   Father,    description    of 

[nott  I 24 

Zuni 20-61 

Zun\  Salt  lake,  origin  of 58-60 

home  of  'Hli'akwa  {note) 60 

'Kla'nanaknana,  care  of,   by  Frog 

elan 59 

departure  of  Ma'we  and  'Hli'- 

nkwa.  with  others  from 58,60 

description   of   ceremony  over 

cleaning  of 59. 60 

home  of  Ma'we  si'ta 5S 

story  told  by  'Hli'akwa  at 58,59 

Santo  Domingo,  turquoise  mines  at 

(note) 

settling  of  Ma'weand  the  Gods  of 

War  at 

Zunis,  first  place  of  residence  of  de- 
ceased   

water  supplied  to  earth  by  deceased. 

Nai'uchi,  elder  brother  Bow  priest 

Natal  customs.  (Set  Customs;  history,  arts, 
and.) 

Katick  dictionary xxxvn 

Ne'wekwe  (Galaxy  fraternity  .  (See  An- 
thropic  worship  and  ritual;  Esoteric  fra- 
ternities. I 


rage 
New   Mexico,   collection  of  primitive  art 

objects  from xli 

field  work  in ix,  xvi,  xvn 

New  York,  field  work  in •    ix 

<  Oklahoma,  field  work  in ix,  xvn 

O'naya'nakla,  initiation  into,    i  See  Esoteric 
fraternities.  I 
initiation  into  order  of.     (See   Esoteric 
fraternities.) 
O'no'hlikla.    (See  Mythology.) 

Oregon,  field  work  in ix, xiv 

Outer  world   (Te'kohaiakwi,    Light-of-day 
place).    (See  Mythology,  i 

Paiute,  vocabulary  of,  obtained xiv 

Palle,  Jose" 20 

Pawnee,  dramatic  ritual  of xxxrx 

Hako ceremony  of,  monograph  on.,  xxxvm 
Hako  ritual  of,    phonographic  record 

of xvi 

mythology  of xxxvin-xxxix 

Pa'yatamu.     (See  Mythology.) 

Pecos,  ruin  of  pueblo,  situation  of 15 

work  of  expedition  of  1879  at 15,16 

Pemmican,  an  Indian  food '. xn 

Peoria,  grammar  and  vocabulary  of xvni, 

xxxvi 
Pe'shii'silo'kwe     (Cimex    fraternity),    sun 

dance  of.     (See  Esoteric  fraternities. ) 
Philips,  O.  P.,  moving  pictures  of  Pueblo 

life,  taken  by xvi 

Philology,    comparative,    of    Indian    lan- 
guages   xxxiv-xxxv 

work  in xxxiv-xxxvm 

Photographs,  anthropometric  measurement 

from xix 

Physical  characters 383-384 

Zufiis,  albinos  among 383 

forms  of  the 383 

measurements    made    by     I>r    A. 

Hrdlicka  of 383,  384 

Pi'chikwe  i  Dogwood    people).      [See   My- 
thology.) 

Pictographs. heraldic xxiv 

Pima,  calendric  records  of xli 

study  of  industries  of xin 

technologic  specimens  collected  from.,     xli 

Pinole,  an  Indian  food .* xn 

Pise*,  houses  of,  in  the  South  west xxix 

Plumed  Serpent.     (See  Mythology.) 

Porto  Rico,  aboriginal  objects  collected  in.     xli 

arcbeologic  survey  of xxvni 

artifacts  and  customs  of xiv 

field  work  in ix.  xvn,  xxvn-xxviii 

zemis  of,  investigation  of XL 

Po'shaiyanki.     (See  Mythology.  | 
Po''sikishi  (spruce tree),  orderof.    (See Esot- 
eric fraternities.) 
Pottery.  Indian,  developmental  stage  of. .  xxvir 

monograph  on xxvi 

Pueblo,  memoir  on xxvi 

technologic  importance  of xx  vi-xx  vn 

Prayer  plumes    ite'likinawei.      (See  Cere 

monies,  calendar  and  calendric.) 
Property  in  land,  communal  Indian  system 

of X  X  X 1 1 1 

Property  of  the  Bureau XLI-XLII 


INDEX 


631 


Page 

Psychology,  application  of xx 

methods  of xx 

work  in xx-xxn 

Publications  of  the  Bureau xui-xuu 

Pueblos,  earlier  investigations  of xi.iv 

former  populousness  of xn 

house  architecture  of xxix 

relies  collected  from xvn.xi.i 

Rain  and  growth  of  corn,  'Hla'hewe 

ceremony  for 180-204 

L890,  reason  for  special  play  of ISO 

1891, special  reason  for  ceremony  in..  180,181 

A'shiwanni.  offerings  made  by 187, 1S8 

A'shuwahanona,  costume  and  dancing 

of 199,200 

A'wan  a'mosi,  hiim'pone   constructed 

by 184 

A'wan  a'mosono"kla,  handling  of  corn 

by 1S4 

Badger  clan,  man  of,  ceremony  by 202 

Bow  priests,  whirling  of  rhombi  by 201 

choirs,  assembling  and  practicing  of. . .      183 
cloud  symbol,  falling  of  mi'wachi  and 

prayer  plumes  near 203 

corn,  grains  of,  distribution  of 194,195 

preparation  of 186, 187 

corn  and  roots,  reception  of,  by  pe'kwln, 

and  ceremonies  over 189 

drama,  closing  ceremonies  of 203,204 

how  divided 181 

participants  in,  analysis  of  table  of.      182 

feast  of 197 

selection  of 181 

reasons  for ISO 

table  of  participants  in 181, 182 

drought.  Pueblos'  fear  of  (note) 181 

eagle  plumes,  attaching  of,  to  the  trees.      200 
elder  brother  Bow  priest,  bringing  of 

certain  characters  by 182 

flutes,  description  of 190, 191, 192 

flutists,  praying  of 203 

Frog  clan,  action  in  plaza  by  man  of, 

'sonote) 200 

he'kupowanhak'tona,     costume     and 

dressing  of . . . : 197, 19S 

hekupowanue,    praying    of    pe'kwln 

over 198, 199 

preparation  of  a 198 

He'patina,  ceremony  at 202 

meaning  of  word  (note) 201 

shrine, description  of 201,202 

lHla'he  and  Sho'ko  o'tiikwe,  dance  of  .      184 

'hla'we,  preparation  of 187 

'hlelh'pone,  description  of  (note) 194 

'hle'we,  preparation  of 187 

Kia'kwemosi,  consecration  of  water  by.      186 

-kla'potiikwe,  dance  of 183 

dancing  of 194, 200, 201 

dress  of 193,194 

'kia'punakwe,  appearance  in  O'he'wa 

ki'wi'sine 18.8 

certain  articles  given  to.  by  pe'kwln      188 

clans  of  ( note) 188 

description  of  costume  of 189 

sprinkling  of  corn  by 201 

sprinkling  of  water  by 189 

visiting  of  certain  springs  by 188,189 


Tage 
Rain  and  growth,  etc.— Continued. 

kilt,  design  on,  description  of 189 

la'showawe,  preparation  of,  by  A'shi- 
wanni 1S*J 

medicine  water,  administering  of,   to 

participants 203 

mi'laiiliipo'na,  clans  of 193 

dancing  of 188 

mi'wachi-bearers,  action  with  mi'li  by.  201 
Mu'luktakla,  ceremony  with  trees  by. .  195 
O'he'wa  ki'wi'sinC,  position  of  parties 

in  186 

preparations  and  ceremony  in  . . .  1S5, 186 
o'tiikwe,  'Hla'he  and  Sho'ko,  general 

dancing  of 195-197 

participants,  assembling  of  certain,  in 

O'he'wa  ki'witsine 184,185 

costumes  and  ornaments  worn  by.  192,193 

position  of,  in  Si'aa'  te'wita 190, 191 

Pa'yatilmu,   shrine    of,   description   of 

visit  to 204 

pe'kwln,  additional  la'showawe  given 

by 183 

each     party     presented     with     a 

la'showanntf  by 183 

meal  painting  made  by,  in  O'he'wa 

ki'wi'sinO 185 

Pi"tliishiwanni,  duty  of,  during  cere- 
mony ( note) 200 

prayer  plumes,  deposition  of 195 

procession,    formation     of,    to     Si'aa.' 

te'wita 189,190 

Shi'wano"kia,  dances  in  house  of 183,184 

handling  of  corn  by 183, 184 

position  of  certain  persons  in  house 

of 183 

sho'lipsimonthle'ona,      costume      and 

dressing  of 1 97, 198 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  basket  dance  of,  partici- 
pants in 203 

dancing  of  he'kupowanhak'tona  in.      198 

dancing  of  Mu'luktakla  in 194 

entrance  of  female  dancers  into 195 

fire  in,  purpose  of 200 

ushiin'ashute,  dressing  and  ceremony  of      199 

Ya'pota,  costume  of 195, 196 

Revolt  of  1680,  native  accounts  of.     (See 
Customs;  history,  arts,  and.) 

Rice,  wild,  food  value  of xxxr 

memoir  on _ xni 

Rio  Grande  pueblos,  valuable  objects  ob- 
tained from 18 

Rubble,  walls  of,  in  the  Southwest xxix 

Russell,  Frank,  archeologic  researches  of.,   xvn 

Piman  researches  of xvn,xxix 

Piman  objects  collected  by xli 

somatological  data  obtained  by xix 

technological  studies  of,  in  the  South- 
west    x  x  i  x  -  x  x  x  r 

St.  Clair,  H.  H.,  Chinook  dictionary  by XXXV 

collaboration  of,  in  comparative  synop- 
sis of  languages xxxi  v 

linguistic  researches  of,  in  Wyoming 

and  Oregon 

Shoshoni    linguistic    material    studied 

by xxxv 

Salt  hike,  Zuni,  origin  of.    (Sec  Mythology.) 
Salt  Mother.     (See  Mythology.) 


632 


INDEX 


Page 
'San'iaklakwe   <  Hunters  Fraternity). 
Esoteric  fraternities. 

Sunk,  study  of  dialects  of xxxv 

Savagery,  psychic  index  of xxi 

Second    world    (P&'nanula    te'hula,    Mud 

world).    [Set  Mythology.) 
Severalty,  change  from  communal  property 

to  titles  in,  slow  process  of xxxm 

SHA'LAKO,  ANNUAL  FESTIVAL  "[-' 227,283 

ceremonial  chamber,  repair  of 227 

Council  ofthi  Gods,  night  cen  monies  of,  in 

1879 241-249 

ceremonial  chamber,  altar  in,  enu- 
meration of  objects  on 245,246 

Council   of   the  Gods,  costume  and 
ornaments  worn  by  certain    per- 

sonators  of 243, 244 

gods,  certain,  ceremony  about  exca- 
vations by 214 

He'hea,  masks  of 242 

He'patina,    meeting  of  Council  of 

the  Gods  and  others  at 242 

'Hle'lashoktipona  (Wood  ears),  cos- 
tume of 244 

Kla'kwemosi,   house  of,  ceremony 

of  gods  in 246-249 

house  of,  ceremony  with  baskets 

in 24S 

conclusion  of  all-night  cer- 
emonial in 249 

diagram  showing  A'shiwan- 

ni  and  gods 247 

feast  in 248, 2 19 

greetingof  the  gods  at 245 

laudation  of  (note) 245 

masks,  certain,  difficulty  in  procur- 
ing ( note) 243 

red  shell  (Spondyhis  princeps)  de- 
scription of  (note) 243 

SaTiniobiya,  two,  costume  of 244 

Snu'laawi'si,  ceremonial  father  of, 

costume  of 241 

costume  of 241 

depositing  of  food  and  plumes 

in  excavation  by  Hu'tutuand.      249 
depositing  of  prayer  plumesby.      211 
sprinkling  of  meal  and  deposit- 
ing of  prayer  plumes  in  exca- 
vations by 242 

white  visitors,  Kla'kwemosi  aids,  to 

enter  chamber 245 

Yii'muhakto,  two,  costume  of 243 

gods,   costume    of,  during    house    re- 
pairing        228 

guests,  entertuinment  of 231 

house    building,    actions   of    A'toshle 

and  Ko'yemshi  during 229,230 

experience  of  an  entertainer  of  a 

S  baluko 230 

time  Of  pleasure  and  enjoyment..  228,229 
Kla'kwemosi,  ceremonial  house  of,  per- 
sonators    of    gods  at   reconstruc- 
tion of 228 

repair  of  ceremonial  house  of 227,228 

Ko'tjt  mslti,  tiif/ht  ri  n  muni' s  of,  hi  JS9f>.  254-256 
a  st  ume  <.f.  during  festival 254 


Tage 
Sha'lako,  annual  festival  of— Cont'd. 
Ko'yi  tnshl — Continued. 

dancing  of,  in  Sha'lako  houses...  255,256 

fire  sticks,  use  of.     255 

Great  Father,  recitation  Of  litanyby      255 
seating  of,  in   master's  house,  dia- 
gram of 255 

Ko'yemshi,  retirenu  nt  of,  and  accompany- 
ing V  re  mo,!  ies 273-283 

Bi"<si  'si,  announcement  of  coming  of 

mo'lawc  by '. 277 

costume  worn  by 

depositingof  prayer  plumes  by. 

leaving  of  ki'wi''sine,  by 

reception  of,  in  ki'wi'sinO 

whistle  used  by  {note) 

ki'wi'sine.     administering      of 
holy  water  by  Ko'mosona 


277 


80 


in. 


2SJ 
281 


ceremony  over  offerings  in. 
ceremony  over  Pau'tiwaiu.      279 
ceremony  with  mo'lawe  on 

roof  of 280 

greeting  by  Bi"lsi'si  in 281 

praying  of  Pau'tiwa  at  en- 
trance to 279 

silence  in,  during  ceremony      281 
Ko'mosona,  order  of  giving  holy 

water  by 282 

Ko'yemshi,  removal  of  offerings 

made  to 282 

Ku'shilowa,  planting  of  prayer 

plumes  at,  by  Ko'tikili 278 

mo'lawe,  costume  of 279 

distribution  of  giftsmade  by 

the 2S2 

offerings  to,  by  chosen  wo- 
men         27S 

personators  of  the  (note) 277 

Nadir,  Shi'wanni  of  the,  cere- 
mony at  shrine  by 280 

Pau'tiwa  and  mo'lawe,  entrance 

of,  into  plaza 279 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  dancers  in,  depar- 
ture of,  for  Chi'pia 278 

Bi"lsi'si    and    mo'lawe   (fruit    and 

seed  bearers) 277-283 

Ko'yemshi,  offerings  made  in  bas- 
kets to 273 

prayer  plumes,  making  of,  by  first 

body  of  A'shiwanni,  etc 273 

Si'aa' te'wita,    assembling    of  Ko'- 
yemshi in 274 

ceremony   over  Ko'yemshi    by 

Kla'kwemosi  in 274 

corn  collected  in 270 

He'mishiikwe  dancers  in 

Mu'luktiikla  dancers  in 

offerings  made  to  Ko'yemshi  in.      274 
performances    of    certain  men 

and  boys  in 276 

scene  in,  during  dances 275,27s 

Wa'te'm'la  dancers  in 275 

wool  bag  game  played  in 277 

u'wannami,  bear's  claws  on  masks 

Of 275 


INDEX 


G33 


Sha'lako,  annual  festival  op— Cont'd.      Page 

Minor  ceremonies 2S1-241 

A/kohanna  ti'nakwi.  procession  to 

and  ceremonies  at 288 

cord,    knotted,   making  of,  before 

Eestival 234 

corn,  ceremony  during  grinding  of,      289 
ceremony    of    grinding,    feast 

given  to  participants  in 240 

Council  of  the  Gods,  personators  of , 

gathering  of  wood  by 238 

Council  of  the  Gods  and  Sha'lako, 

preparation  of  ma  ks  for 240, 241 

rehearsing  of  songs  and  prayers 

by 240 

dead,  offering  of  food  to 23S 

festival,  assembling  of  people  for...      240 

day  of.  excavations  made  on 240 

general    preparations    for,   de- 
scription of 238-240 

timeof  holding,  discussion  asto.      234 
gods,  former  appearance  of,  distress 

caused  by 236 

meeting  of,  to  rehearse 231 

he'sho   (pifion),   depositing  of,  by 

chosen  father  of  Shu'laawi'si 237 

Ko'niosona and  Ko'pekwln,  making 

of  sand  mounds  by 237 

Ko'yemshi,    announcements  made 

by,  in  village 235,236 

choosing  of 235 

eight  days'  retreat  of 237 

gathering  of  wood  by 236, 237 

list  of  clans  from  which  chosen.      235 
Pi'klaia'klana  ( Water  cress  spring), 

visit  to,  description  of 232,233 

prayer   plumes,  depositing   of,    by 

personators  of  gods 232 

preparation  of,   by  personators 

of  gods 232 

Sa'yatusha,  ceremony  in  house  of.  231, 232 

gathering  of  cottonwood  by 231 

Sha'liiko,  house  of,  meeting  of  per- 
sonators of  gods  at 237 

shrines,  visits  paid  to  various,  be- 
fore festival 234, 235 

Shu'laawi'si, accusation  against 234 

springs,  various,  visited 233 

wor'we,  making  and  depositing  of 

prayer  plumes  by 237 

Zufiis,  grinding  songs  of  {note) 239 

procrastination  of 238 

prayerplumes,  collection  of,  by  Ko'yem- 
shi        227 

large,  praying  with 227 

Sha'liiko,  entertainers  of,  chief  worli 
selects  men  to  work  in  fields  of 230 

SHA'LAKO    FESTIVAL    OF    1891,    CEREMONIES 

FOLLOWING 261-273 

Ant  fraternity,  costume  of 267 

dance  director,  ceremony  with  disk 

by 268,269 

dancing  of  members  of 267 

Cha'kwena,  greenroom  of,  scene  in 263 

instruction  in  songs  of 262 

'Cha'kwena  gods,  costume  of 265, 266 

dance.  Hopi,  introduction  of 266 


Sha'lako  festival  of  1891— Cont'd.  Page 

dancers,  man  and  boy,  costume  of 266 

dances,  religious,  description  of  partici- 
pants in  263,264 

Galaxy  fraternity, juggling  with  feather 

by  director  of 269,270 

gods,  elaborate  display  by  order  of 263 

Ile'mishiikwe,  costume  of 264 

dance  of 2D  1 ,  265 

entrance  of 263 

Ko'yemshi,  ceremonies  in  house  dedi- 
cated by,  in  1S96 270 

Little  Fire  fraternity,  appearance  of,  in 

plaza 272 

performance  of  wheat  trick  by 272 

trick  performed  by 270-272 

Luna,  Roman,  house  of,  costume  worn 

by  Ko'yemshi  in 267 

scene  in 262 

Mu'luktakla  (tall,  thin  gods),  costume 

of  boy  accompanying 265 

rain  priest,  reason  given  by,  for  unfa- 
vorable weather 273 

Si'aa'  te'wita,  dance  of  personators  of 

gods  in 272, 273 

Wa'te'm'la  (many  herds)  dancers,  de- 
scription of 266 

Sha'lako  gods,  night  ceremonies  of,  in 

1891 250-254 

ceremonial    ground,    performance    of 

Sha'lako  at 250, 251 

effigy  worn  by  Sha'liiko,  description  of.      250 

feast  at  midnight,  indulging  in 254 

Hunters  fraternity,  cloud  design  before 

altar  of 250 

ki'wi'siwe,  dancers  furnished  by 252 

participants,    medicine  water   admin- 
istered to 254 

Sha'lako,  ceremony  in  house  by 251,252 

dancing  in  effigy  by 252 

indoor   ceremonies  of,   description 

of 249-256 

personator  and  fellow,  costume  of.      250 

prayer  in  house  by 252 

Sha'lako   houses,  attendance  at  cere- 
monies in 252 

Zufii,  attendance  of  the  exclusive  set 

of 252,253 

Zuiiis,     effect     of     whisky     drinking 

among 253, 254 

Sha'lako,     morning    ceremonies    of,   in 

1891 256-261 

ceremonial  ground,  excavations  on 258 

position  of  Sha'lako  and  participants 

on -257, 258 

debauchery,  scene  of   256 

excavations,     depositing     of      prayer 

plumes  and  meal  in 258-260 

Ko'yemshi,  appearance  of 261 

Navahos,  brilliant  picture  made  by 261 

purpose  of  ceremonial 260, 261 

Sha'lako,  first,  procession  of,  and  party  256, 257 

running  of  the 260 

visitors,  assembling  of  the 2.56 

winter  solstice,  selection  of  personators 

of  gods  during 227 

workers  in  the  fields,  entertainment  of  230, 231 


634 


INDEX 


Puge 

Shamanism,  philosophy  of xxxix 

....  heraldic,  collection  of xi.i 

martial  devices  on,  sacredness  of xxm 

of  the  Kiowa xxiu 

Shi'wannakwe.    (Sec  Esoteric  fraternities.) 
shi'wanni    installation    of.       (See    A'shi- 

wanni.  i 
shi'wanni  and    Shi'wano"kIa.     (.See  My- 
thology.) 
Shi'wanni  of  Nadir,  winter  retreat  of  the. 
See  A/shiwanni. » 

Shoshoni,  dialect  of,  recorded XIV 

study  of  language  of xxx  v 

Sho'tiklanna  (Arrow  order),  origin  of.    (See 
Esoteric  fraternities,  i 

Shrine,  discovery  of  an  ancient XV 

Shu'maakwe.    (Se<  Esoteric  fraternities.) 
Sick  man,  ceremonial  over.     (Sec  Esoteric 
fraternities. ) 

Sioux,  record  of  physical  types  of xi,  xvm 

wakan  of xxxix 

Skidi,  Pawnee  band xxxvm 

Social  customs.    (.See Customs;  history,  arts, 
and.) 

Sociology,  work  in xxxn-xxxiv 

Somatic    material,   transfer   of,   to  United 

States  National  Museum xix 

Somatology,  work  in xviii-xix 

Sophiology,  work  in xxxviii-xl 

Stein,  Robert,  study  of  Ita  Eskimo  by XV 

Stevenson,  James,  collections  made  by,  in 

Zufii xlv 

work  of,  among  the  Zufiis,  etc 17, 18, 19 

Stevenson.  Matilda  C,  previous  writings  of, 

on  Zuiii xlvi 

study  of  Zufii  my  thsand  ceremonial  by.      XL 

work  of 18, 19 

Stone  implements,  important  find  of xv 

sun  Father.    (See  Mythology.) 
Swan  ton,  J.  R.,  collaboration  of,  in  compara- 
tive Indian  linguistics xxxv 

ethnologic  researches  of xvm 

Haida  texts. studies  of xxxv 

linguistic  researches  of xxxm 

Tamalc,  an  Indian  food XII 

Technology,  collation  of  early  reeordsof..  xxxn 

work  in xxvi-xxxii 

Te'likinawe  (prayer  plumes)  preparation 

and  planting  of.    (See  A'shiwanni.) 
Tenure,  land,  aboriginal  idea  of. . .  xxxn-xxxiii 

Texas, field  workiu ix.xvii 

Third  world   lA'wisho  tehula,  Water-moss 

world  |.     {See  Mythology.) 
Thomas,  Cyrus,  material  for  cyclopedia  of 

Indians  collected  by XL 

memoir   on    Mayan    calendar  systems 
by xxxvn,  xi.ni 


Page 
Thomas,    Cyrus,    study    of    Mexican    and 

Mayan  codices  by xxxvn 

work  of,  in  linguistic  classification xxxiv 

Thomas,  Jessie  E.,  dictionary  of  Motul  tran- 
scribed hy '. xxxvi 

librarian  of  the  Bureau xi.n 

Thompson,  E.  II.,  on  Andomaro  Molina..  XXXVII 

Tipis,  hereditary  heraldic  devices  of xxm 

Totemism,  study  of  philosophy  of xxxix 

Trumbull,  J. H.,Natick  dictionary  of xxxvn 

Tsimshian,  published  texts  of XXXVI,  xliii 

Turquoise  Man.     (See  Mythology.) 

Tusayan,  architecture  of,  memoir  on XLV 

U'huhukwe  (Eagle  down  fraternity).    (See 

Esoteric  fraternities.) 
Universe,    general    conceptions    of.      (.See 

Mythology,  i 
U'wannami.       (See      Mythology;       Rain- 
makers.) 
U'yuyewi.     t  See  Mythology. ) 

Wasco,  vocabulary  of.  obtained xiv 

Wats'usi.     (.See  Mythology.) 

Wattling, use  of  in  southwestern  houses...  xxix 

We'wba 20 

Witchcraft 392-106 

Badger  clan,  witch  stories  told  by  mem- 
ber of 394, 395 

description  of  a  trial  for 398-406 

effect  of,  on  the  Zufiis 392,393 

effect  of  the  charge  of,  on  a  sun  priest..      393 
Indian  thought  and  customs,  necessary 

knowledge  of 406, 407 

mother  and  son,  charge  of  witchcraft 

against 395, 396 

Nai'uchi,  faith  of,  in  existence  of 406 

persons  usually  accused  of 394 

suspicious  case  of 395 

theurgist,   objects  extracted  from  pa- 
tients by  396 

witch,  condemnation  of  a  supposed..  396, 397 
procedure  in  the  accusation  of  a  . . .  393 
saving  of  a  supposed,  from  death.  397,398 

witches,  how  punished  (note) 394 

young  mother,  witch  story  told  by 395 

Witches,  coming  of,  and  corn,  introduc- 
tion of.    (Sec  Mythology.) 

Wood,  H.  S.,  editorial  work  of xi.n 

Wyoming, field  work  in ix,  xiv 

Ya'nowwuluha,  appointment  of,  as  deputy 

to  the  Sun  Father 27 

Zufiis,  myths    and   ceremonies  of.   mono- 
graphs on XL 

effect  of  Roman  Catholic  faith  upon  ...        15 

first  place  of  residence  of  deceased 20 

home  of 13.11 

philosophy  of,  environment 14, 15 

water  supplied  to  earth  by  deceased 
(see  also  M  ythology ) 20 


o 


